USA > Colorado > History of the State of Colorado, Vol. I > Part 28
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Col. Chivington was justified in his attack upon these savages at Sand Creek.
Various other attacks were made along the principal thoroughfares during 1863, in which large numbers of horses and mules, with guns and other property, passed from their rightful owners into the hands of the red men. They were fulfilling rapidly the conditions of their league.
In January, 1864, the troubles increasing, the militia was ordered to be in readiness for effective service. The fact could be no longer concealed or evaded that a formidable uprising was at hand. The con- tinuance of Indian forays signified but too clearly that the stronger and more warlike tribes were being put in battle order for more desperate undertakings than had yet been projected. At one time a tremendous panic occurred in Denver, created by sensational reports from points east and north that a large force of Indians was advancing upon the town to capture and burn it. Frightened men and shrieking women left their homes and congregated at the mint and other brick buildings in the central portion of the city, while the streets and outskirts were patroled by pickets during the night. Governor Evans issued an exec- utive order closing all places of business at 6:30 P. M. each day, and requiring all able bodied citizens to meet on E street (now Fourteenth) for enrollment and drill.
On the 17th of June Henry M. Teller, who had been appointed Major General of the militia, was directed to take command of the same, perfect its organization, and as speedily as possible put the companies in condition for any service required. On the 30th of August the danger increasing, Capt. Sam E. Browne, who had organized a full company, was ordered to Fort Lupton for the defense of that point against a con- templated attack. The Governor, to encourage the formation of com- panies and to stimulate the general movement, published a proclamation urging the citizens to organize and repel the savage marauders, and, as a special inducement, announced that they would be entitled to all the property belonging to hostile Indians they might capture, and expressing the conviction that Congress would pay them for their serv-
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ices since the territory was manifestly unable to do so. Said he, "Any man who kills a hostile Indian is a patriot, but there are Indians who are friendly, and to kill one of these will involve us in greater diffi- culties. It is important, therefore, to fight only the hostile, and no one has been or will be restrained from this." There were some responses to this appeal.
On the 11th of August another public announcement was made that he had sent messengers to the Indians of the plains directing the friendly to rendezvous at Forts Lyon, Larned, Laramie and Camp Collins for safety and protection, warning them that all hostiles would be pursued and destroyed. The messengers had all returned, bringing conclusive evidence that most of the tribes were at war, and there were no signs of their having accepted the olive branch held out to them. Then the dogs of war were unleashed on our side, and by proclamation " All citizens of Colorado, whether organized or individually, are empowered to go in pursuit of the hostiles,"-scrupulously avoiding those which had responded to the call, if any, to rendezvous at the points named therein-"and kill and destroy them wherever found, and to capture and hold to their own private use and benefit all the property they could take."
Now who were these Indians? It is known that the Arapahoes and Cheyennes, brooding over their imaginary wrongs, and constantly urged by the Minnesota Sioux, with perhaps a few Kiowas, were the leaders in this plot. When they had stolen stock enough for present purposes, and become thoroughly armed by the same process, or by pur- chase through white renegades and treacherous Mexicans, they struck out boldly, making no concealment of their designs, enlarging the scope of operations by wholesale killing and robbery. Horses belonging to transportation trains, stage lines and military posts were taken, and the men in charge killed. Stage stations were attacked and, whenever possible, burned ; women and children were carried into a captivity that was a thousand times worse than death. In some cases where a des- perate contingency demanded it, they combined and attacked in force.
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The spoils of these forays were rich and abundant. They had more horses, goods, merchandise, scalps and prisoners than they knew what to do with. From a lot of lousy, poverty-stricken vagabonds they had been lifted up, as it were, to the level of aboriginal millionaires. Un- interrupted successes increased their zeal in the cause. The old bucks who were unable to stand the fatigue of a campaign, and perhaps too conservative in their views for the younger Hotspurs, were retired to private life with the women and children, while their offspring sought every opportunity to distinguish themselves. His Excellency's procla- mations, messages and entreaties received under this state of feeling were of no more effect than so many paper wads. When the savage blood is up and he is bound to fight, nothing but a vigorous thrashing will cool his ardor. Then he immediately sues for peace, and is ready to sign any kind of a pledge that may be presented to him, with the mental reservation to break it at the very first opportunity.
By the first of August the outbreak extended from British Co- lumbia to New Mexico and Texas, and from the Missouri river to the Rocky mountains. Every traveled thoroughfare was assailed; no white man who ventured beyond protection was safe. No government troops were available, and so Kansas and Colorado were compelled to rely upon such forces as they could muster from their own citizens. General Curtis wrote in answer to repeated calls for government troops, "We have none to spare, you must protect yourselves."
To make the record complete, it is essential to revert back to the beginning, and take a look at the archives of the Governor's office. These show that on the 10th of April, 1863, Governor Evans apprised the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in Washington of hostilities threat- ened by the Arapahoes and Cheyennes, as communicated to him by Agent Loree, agent for the Indians of the Upper Platte river, caused by neglect and their misunderstanding of the treaty executed at Bent's Fort in 1861. After stating all the facts thus elicited, he warns the commissioner that unless promptly attended to, serious consequences were inevitable.
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November 7th, 1863, he wrote Major S. G. Colley, agent for the Indians on the Arkansas river, that information had been received that a league had been entered into between the Arapahoes, Cheyennes, Sioux and Kiowas, for the prosecution of hostilities against the settlers, and directing him not to issue arms and ammunition to them. It may be observed en passant, that in many instances the agents proved to be the worst enemies the settlers had to contend with in this trying period, for the reason that they were realizing large profits from their traffic with the red men. Supplied with annuity goods for distribution among the tribes, they sold and traded away the greater part of each consignment, and by this means collected large sums from both whites and Mexicans, besides rich accumulations of furs and peltries from the Indians who gathered about the trading posts at the close of each hunting season. And it may be asserted as one of the truths of history, that the most of our Indian wars have been traceable to the rascality of the appointees of the Indian Bureau in Washington. The records are burdened with examples, and the reader has only to consult them to find the proof.
On the 9th of November, 1863, the Governor wrote the Commis- sioner of Indian Affairs inclosing copies of letters he had received from trustworthy sources respecting the depredations of the Indians, and confirmatory of the league; also that he had met and talked with Roman Nose and two or three of his minor chiefs, all of whom pro- fessed friendship for themselves, but said the Cheyennes, Sioux and Kiowas were pretty bad Indians, and were disposed to make all the trouble they could. Now this Arapahoe chief Roman Nose was the man who led the party which murdered the Hungate family on Run- ning Creek in June, 1864, and really opened active hostilities. At the time of his interview with the Governor he was to all appearances an angel of peace, for the simple reason that he had come here to trade off furs and skins in exchange for supplies, including all the powder, lead and percussion caps the merchants would sell him. "He prom- ised," writes the Governor, "to remain friendly, but declined to enter
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into the treaty we had designed for them under instructions from the department, until he could get his whole band together. It is the opinion of John Smith who interpreted for me, and of Major Colley who was present, that he (Roman Nose) is in league with the parties who are preparing for war." Events proved the correctness of this opinion.
Again, November 10th, he wrote the commissioner inclosing copies of statements made to him by responsible parties, that the Coman- ches, Apaches, Kiowas and northern bands of Arapahoes and all of the Cheyennes and Sioux had pledged one another to make war upon the settlers as soon as they could procure ammunition in the spring. One of these informers said, "I heard them discuss the matter often, and the few who opposed it were forced to be quiet, and were really in danger of the loss of their lives. I saw the principal chiefs pledge to each other that they would shake hands with, and be friendly to the whites until they procured ammunition and guns so as to be ready when they strike. Plundering to get means has already commenced, and the plan is to commence the war at several points in the sparse settlements early in the spring. They wanted me to join them in the war, saying they would take a great many white women and children, and get a heap of property, blankets, etc." It was stated also, that a number of Mexicans were engaged in stirring up the feeling for a general outbreak.
Copies of this correspondence were directed to Col. J. M. Chiv- ington, commanding this military district, with orders to be prepared for the emergency thus foreshadowed. About the middle of Decem- ber, like statements were forwarded to Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War, indicating beyond peradventure the existence of the confeder- ation for the purpose named, and requesting that authority be conveyed to the commander of the district to call out the militia in the event of a formidable uprising; also that troops be stationed at intervals along the two great routes of travel on the plains, the Platte and Arkansas, and suggesting feasible points for military stations.
Such was the correspondence, filled with timely warnings of the
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coming storm, based upon reliable information from the agents and in- terpreters, who knew exactly what the savages were doing. The only answer he received was, in effect, "Fight it out among yourselves; we are too busy with more weighty affairs to give you any attention or assistance."
March 15th, 1864, the Governor addressed a letter to Major Colley at his agency on the Arkansas, saying, "I hope you will use all dili- gence at any moderate expense to ascertain the true character of the threatened Indian hostilities. It is of the utmost importance to the preservation of proper relations with the Indians themselves, as well as the preservation of our citizens from outbreaks and butchery, and all the horrors of Indian war, that the utmost vigilance be observed. If possible, get spies who can get into their confidence and report promptly all you can learn."
The Governor also sent copies of his evidence to General S. R. Curtis, commanding the department, showing the league that had been formed, and informing him that a general rendezvous had been made on the Smoky Hill fork of the Republican, whence parties were being sent out to capture stock. Chivington was doing all he could with the small force at his command, but unless reinforced he could not protect the outlying settlements. He wrote again in May to the same officer, say- ing the Secretary of War had at last sent carbines for the First reg- iment, and that the depredations had begun precisely as predicted in his communications to the war department the previous year. The troops had had several skirmishes with the Indians, and at Cedar Cañon Major Jacob Downing, with a company of the First Colorado cavalry, had given them severe chastisement.
Having failed in every other direction, the Governor, as a last re- sort, turned to the commanding officer in New Mexico with an appeal for such troops as could be spared, but without effect. At length, pushed to desperation, he entreated the Secretary of War for authority to raise a regiment of one hundred days volunteers, which, after a long delay, was granted.
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About the 18th of June the startling intelligence was received that a family named Hungate, residing on Running Creek, some twenty- five miles east of Denver, had been murdered, scalped and otherwise mutilated, their houses burned and all their movable property appro- priated by a band of Indians, afterward discovered to be Arapahoes under the chief Roman Nose, the same who had professed undying friendship to Governor Evans a few months before. The mangled bodies of the victims were brought to Denver, and the horrors of savage cruelty submitted to public view. Then the populace knew for a certainty that the war had begun, but where it would end was an im- penetrable mystery. As already related, it had been apparent to the authorities for more than a year that this was to be the result of the league, and we have seen how earnestly and frequently they implored, supplicated and stormed in turn for protection. This frightful evidence of savage ferocity brought the crisis home to every living soul. The Executive at once put the city under martial law, and enforced rapid organization for defense. In the course of their fiendish operations many women were taken by the savages to the most horrible fates. Several men were burned at the stake, others suffered all the tortures of hell at the hands of these inhuman monsters. Our annals are crimsoned with the blood of these terrible sacrifices. Every coach that came through from the river or departed from this point had to run the gauntlet. Some were riddled with bullets, some were captured and the inmates killed. Instances were known where the victims were roasted alive, shot full of arrows, and subjected to every species of cruelty the red devils could devise. Our hand shrinks from picturing the frightful details of those awful barbarities. To exaggerate them would be im- possible. Nowhere in all the long record of conflicts between the civilized and uncivilized races on this continent do we find more terrible examples of immeasurable fiendishness. Yet, incredible as it may seem, there were white men and white soldiers who upheld and de- fended the perpetrators, as we shall see.
On the 4th of September (1864) three Cheyenne Indians were
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brought to Fort Lyon, then commanded by Major E. W. Wynkoop, who had in their possession a letter written by George Bent, a half breed son of Colonel Bent, at the request of Black Kettle, head chief of the Cheyennes, which read as follows:
CHEYENNE VILLAGE, August 29th, 1864. 5
MAJOR COLLEY:
We received a letter from Bent, wishing us to make peace. We held a council in regard to it. All came to the conclusion to make peace with you, providing you make peace with the Kiowas, Comanches, Arapahoes, Apaches and Sioux. We are going to send a messenger to the Kiowas and to the other nations about our going to make peace with you. We heard that you have some [prisoners] in Denver. We have several prisoners of yours which we are willing to give up providing you give up yours. There are three [of our] war parties out yet, and two of Arapahoes. They have been out some time, and [are] expected in soon. When we held this council there were few Arapahoes and Sioux present. [The main bodies being on the warpath.]. We want true news from you in return. That is a letter.
[Signed ]
BLACK KETTLE AND OTHER CHIEFS.
Could evidence be more conclusive of the predatory acts and inten- tions of Black Kettle and his followers, or of the existence of the con- federation and its purposes, as forecast by the Governor and so forci- bly presented to the military authorities nearly a year in advance of the outbreak ? Here we have over their own signatures, subsequently ac- knowledged to have been written at their dictation, indisputable testi- mony, not only that they themselves had been engaged in all manner of depredations, including numerous murders, for one was but an inci- dent of the other, of which the captives in their hands were among the melancholy witnesses, but that the Arapahoes, Sioux, Comanches, Kiowas and Apaches, had taken part with them. Indeed, it is shown that all but this one band were still out on the same horrible business. Black Kettle was the commander-in-chief of the Cheyennes, and pre- sumably, though it is not in evidence, by reason of his great influence, chief director of the league. He offers to make peace, not to surrender, upon certain conditions, one of which was that we should deliver up our prisoners,-a mere pretext as we had none-in exchange for the women and children taken by him; and the other that the terms should cover
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the entire confederation, not otherwise. His successes had made him bold and insolent. The league considered itself master of the situation, and with good reason, but winter was approaching when the savage never makes war if he can avoid it. Their tepees were filled with plunder, their lodge poles fringed with scalps, and they wanted to go off to their winter rendezvous and enjoy the fruits of their prowess with- out danger of interruption from the military, of whose gathering they had been apprised. Hence the peaceful overtures.
At that very moment no less than five large war parties, indicated in the letter, were out on the plains pillaging and killing, but they would be in to attest their friendliness and accept the customary pres- ents incident to all treaties with the government, as soon as their bloody work could be finished.
Major Wynkoop, after conferring with the officers of the post, decided to visit Black Kettle's camp and rescue, or more correctly speaking, receive such prisoners as the Indians might be disposed to surrender. Taking all the available force, amounting to one hundred and twenty-seven men, and two pieces of artillery, he marched to the village and was instantly confronted, and subsequently surrounded by six to eight hundred Indians, who were prepared for peace or war, as events should determine. It was said that the women hovered about his guns and took early occasion to spike them with beans. Had Wynkoop shown any disposition to force matters, he and his command would undoubtedly have been annihilated.
The negotiations proceeded peacefully on the basis of Black Kettle's letter to Colley, but Wynkoop and all his men found them- selves in an extremely perilous situation. Instead of abject submission, the Indians, realizing their advantage, had things pretty much their own way. They had no fear of his troops, for they were hemmed in, and could be destroyed at pleasure should there be any signs of a war- like movement on their part.
The preliminaries having been arranged with Black Kettle, Wynkoop, nervous and uneasy, deemed it prudent to extricate himself
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as speedily as possible from a situation which" might at any moment become dangerously warm for him, and exercising some rather shrewd diplomacy, withdrew to a good defensive position some twelve miles distant and there awaited further developments, taking precautions against a surprise. The next day the chiefs came as agreed upon, a council was held and four white prisoners, women and children, were turned over to him. One other, a Mrs. Snyder, finding the life of a captive intolerable, had committed suicide rather than endure further atrocious cruelties. Three others were with another band, but at so great a distance they could not be restored at that time, but would be as soon as the captors could be communicated with. While Wynkoop assured them that he had no authority to make peace, he invited the chiefs to accompany him to Denver for a conference with the Governor, pledging them protection and safe return. Thus assured, Black Kettle, his brother White Antelope, and Bull Bear of the Cheyennes, with Neva and other chiefs representing Left Hand's tribe of Arapahoes, came to Denver, where a council was held at Camp Weld on the 28th of September.
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CHAPTER XXII.
1864 CONTINUED-AWFUL CRUELTIES PRACTICED BY INDIANS UPON THEIR CAPTIVES- HORRIBLE TREATMENT OF WHITE WOMEN -- STAKED OUT AND RAVISHED-MEN TORTURED AND BURNED-COUNCIL WITH BLACK KETTLE AND OTHER CHIEFS AT CAMP WELD-GOVERNOR EVANS TURNS THEM OVER TO THE MILITARY-COLONEL CHIVINGTON'S ULTIMATUM-THEIR RETURN TO THE ARKANSAS RIVER-PRO- CEEDINGS AT FORT LYON-WYNKOOP SUPERSEDED BY SCOTT J. ANTHONY- FURTHER CONFERENCES WITH THE INDIANS-SOME HISTORICAL ERRORS COR- RECTED-THIRD REGIMENT OF COLORADO CAVALRY-ITS MARCH TO FORT LYON -THE BATTLE OF SAND CREEK-CRITICISM OF CHIVINGTON'S ORDERS.
To afford the thousands who have settled in Colorado since 1870, some conception of the revolting cruelties visited upon the women and children who were carried into captivity by these bloodthirsty and always lecherous monsters, the following account of the methods employed is taken from a work prepared by J. P. Dunn, published in 1886, and entitled "Massacres of the Mountains," and illustrates as forcibly as words may, the deeper horrors of an Indian war: "The treatment of women, by any Indians, is usually bad, but by the plains Indians especially so. When a woman is captured by a war party she is the common property of all of them each night till they reach their village, when she becomes the especial property of her individual captor, who may sell or gamble her away when he likes. If she resists she is ' staked out,' that is to say, four pegs are driven into the ground and a hand or foot tied to each to prevent struggling. She is also beaten, mutilated, or even killed for resistance. If a woman gives out under this treatment, she is either tied so as to prevent escape, or maimed so as to insure death in case of rescue, and left to die slowly." Instances
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are known to have occurred in the wars under consideration, where women after ravishment by perhaps a dozen or more, were lassoed by their merciless captors and compelled to follow on foot-they being mounted-and when from sheer inability to keep up, the hapless victims fell behind, to make their sufferings more acute and therefore more enjoyable to the red devils, their horses were urged to great speed, the women thrown to the ground, and dragged to death. In other cases the brutes after having satiated their appetites, hacked them literally to pieces.
On one occasion a merchandise train was attacked on the Cache la Poudre emigrant road near the Colorado line, the men attending it killed, and the train destroyed. One of the attaches was captured alive, and after being cruelly tortured, was bound with chains to a wagon wheel, his arms and legs stretched out, large quantities of bacon piled up around him and fired. As the flames executed their hellish purpose, they danced and howled about him in savage glee, until he was burned to a cinder.
We find in the records of the investigation which took place after the battle of Sand Creek, the following testimony by one of the pris- oners taken by Black Kettle's Cheyennes. Mrs. Ewbanks stated that on the 8th of August, 1864-a little more than three months prior to the battle-her home on the Little Blue river in Kansas, was attacked, robbed, burned, and herself and two children, with her nephew and Miss Roper, were captured by Cheyenne Indians. Her eldest child at the time was three years old, her youngest one, and her nephew six years of age. They were taken south across the Republican river, and west to a creek, the name of which she did not remember, where they encamped for a time, but they were traveling all winter. When first captured she was taken to the lodge of an old chief, who forced her by the most terrible threats to yield her person to him. After a time he traded her to Two Face, a Sioux, who compelled her to perform all the menial labor of the squaws and frequently beat her dreadfully. Two Face traded her to Black Foot, another Sioux, who treated her as his wife, but
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