USA > Connecticut > Biographical encyclopaedia of Connecticut and Rhode Island of the nineteenth century > Part 32
USA > Rhode Island > Biographical encyclopaedia of Connecticut and Rhode Island of the nineteenth century > Part 32
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Honest unswerving sense of right was his grand characteristic. It led him into courses of action opposed to popular convictions, and provoked warm indignation in his constituents at times. But indignation gave place to admiration when they saw that he wanted and intended to be and to do right under all circumstances. Considerations of personal friendship had no weight with him when opposed to ascertained duty. There was no member of the. National Senate for whom he had more profound regard than for Charles Sumner. But he did not hesitate to oppose that great and cherished friend when personal conviction of right and duty impelled him so to do. On the 27th of January, 1874, he spoke in fearless and uncom- promising language in opposition to the Civil Rights Bill, and drew from Mr. Sumner the pathetic and deploring remark :- " Mr. Ferry, your speech is far the most damaging blow my measure has yet received." Genuine moral courage was required to strike that blow, and that moral courage was one of the crowning excellences of his character.
His last speech in the United State Senate was his uncommonly eloquent and brilliant address in memory of his old colleague-William A. Buckingham. His own end was drawing near. Leaving Washington, shortly before the close of the Forty-third Congress, he reached Norwalk in a state of extreme exhaustion. A new method of medical treatment in Brooklyn, N. Y., was tried, but failed to give needed relief. His disease was softening or decay of the spinal marrow. Pain was excruciating, agony uncontrollable. Even then a few of Christ's tender words from the Gospel of St. John would quiet him. On the 20th of November, 1875, his friends and physicians bore him tenderly back to Connecticut that he might die in his own home. The following day was one of November gloom that passed away as the evening drew nigh, and the day closed in all the glory of a gorgeous sun- set. That unearthly glory was symbolic of the splendors that enwrapt the soul of Orris S. Ferry, in his departure to the Paradise of God. He died on the Lord's Day, November 21, 1875, at 2.15 P.M., aged 52 years, 3 months, and 17 days. " In his death the country . . . lost one of its purest and ablest statesmen ; the Commonwealth of Connecticut, which proudly reckons many distinguished sons among her jewels, the peer of the most gifted of them; the legal profession, one of its soundest counsellors and most cloquent advocates; the community in which he lived, an accomplished Christian gentlemen ; and his family such a husband and father as only such a husband could be to a loved and loving wife, and such a father to an affectionate and devoted daughter."
Senator Ferry was married on the 17th of May, 1847, to Charlotte C., daughter of Governor Clark Bissell. One daughter was the fruit of their happy and auspi- cious union.
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ELLES, GIDEON, was born in Glastonbury, July Ist, 1802, of the prim- itive Puritan stock. Thomas Welles, the original settler, was in Hartford as early as 1636, was the first Treasurer of the colony, and subsequently its Governor. The estate in Glastonbury, upon which Mr. Welles was born was purchased of the Indians by Governor Welles in 1640, and has never passed from the hands of his descendants.
Mr. Welles was several years at the Episcopal Academy in Cheshire, and subse- quently was with Captain Partridge at the Norwich University, and at a later period read law in the offices of the late Chief-Justice Williams, and the Hon. William W. Ellsworth, but he did not enter upon general practice, circumstances inclining him rather to political life.
In January 1826, he became editor and one of the proprietors of the Hartford Times, and upon the disorganization of the old Republican and Federal partics he was active in organizing the Democratic party in this State, his position and ability making him one of its recognized leaders, and one whose influence was always paramount in the councils of the party. The Times, under the auspices of Mr. Welles, was the first paper in New England to sustain Gencral Jackson for the Presidency, and after his election, as Connecticut was represented in Congress by his opponents, Mr. Welles more than any man in the State was President Jackson's confidential friend and adviser in the local affairs of the State. Ilc continued to edit the Times until the close of Jackson's administration, and was a large con- tributor to its editorial columns until the repeal of the Missouri Compromise.
In 1827 Mr. Welles was elected to the Legislature from Glastonbury, and was the youngest member of that body. Hc was repeatedly re-elected until 1835, when hc was appointed by the Legislature Comptroller of Public Accounts. In the politics, legislative action, and important measures of the State, for more than forty ycars Mr. Welles borc a distinguished part, and the different measures and policy advocated by him ultimately became successful. As a counsellor and adviser his party friends gave him their cntirc confidence, and the results of his suggestions justificd their selection.
Among the measures originating with him, and which are incorporated into the policy of the State, two or three may be mentioned. In the summer of 1828, the Supreme Court, sitting at Litchfield, decided that a witness who did not believe in a future state of rewards and punishments was disqualified and could not testify in a court of justice. This decision was promptly met and discussed by Mr. Welles in the Times, and lcd to an animated and somewhat cmbittered controversy. Being a member of the Legislature, he introduced an act for religious freedom, which after a severe struggle cventuated in a compromisc by which no persons who believed
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in a God should be excluded from testifying in a court of justice. Mr. Welles denied the inquisitorial power of the courts, or the right of excluding witnesses on account of their religious opinions.
Mr. Welles took ground against the whole system of special legislation as radi- cally wrong, and claimed that there should be gencral laws under which individuals might associate for business purposes. The views and policy thus advocated were amply discussed, become matters of party contest, and in 1835, entering into the election revolutionized the State; a majority of the members of the Legislature favor- ing the policy of general laws and opposing special legislation. Being a member of the House of Representatives, Mr. Welles was made Chairman of the Committee on Corporations, and introduced a general law, preceded by a report commended as of marked ability by the reformers of that day. The law passed the popular branch but was defeated in the Senate. The following year its passage was secured, making a great revolution in the local legislation of the State, and in fact of many others, as the principle has since been largely recognized and adapted.
The subject of imprisonment for debt was agitated for many years, Mr. Welles taking a prominent part in advocating its abolition.
He was also one of the advocates of low and uniform rates of postage, and many other reforms now universally conceded, wise. The position occupied by Mr. Welles as a prominent newspaper writer for more than thirty years, naturally called upon him to advocate or condemn many other of the proposed changes in State as well as national policy. His discussion of these matters was clear and thorough, and aided largely in their adjustment. As an editor he was a strenuous advocate of State rights, and of strict construction of the Federal Constitution-principles by which to the last he tested public measures.
Upon the election of Judge Niles (then Postmaster of Hartford) to the Scnate, in 1836, Mr. Welles was appointed to succced him, the Hartford post-office being then onc of the largest and most important distributing offices in the country- making the distribution of mails for all New England. Hc remaincd in this posi- tion until the accession of President Harrison, in 1841, when he was removed. In 1842 he was elected Comptroller by the people, the Constitution having been changed, making the office clective, and in 1843 he was re-elected.
In 1846 Mr. Polk, unsolicited and very unexpectedly, appointed Mr. Welles chicf of the bureau of provisions and clothing of the Navy department-a position which he retained until the summer of 1849.
On the adjustment of the financial question during the administration of Mr. Polk, Mr. Welles considered the mission of the old parties at an end, nothing but their organizations and the prejudices and antagonisms engendered by them
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remaining. In the meantime new questions relating to the territorial policy of the government as connected therewith arising, Mr. Welles, adhering to his original principles, maintained the Jeffersonian doctrine that slavery was the creation of local law, and should not be extended into the Territories through the agency of federal authority.
The Missouri Compromise, followed by the Kansas aggressions, led to new party organizations; the Republican party came into existence, and Mr. Welles was early active and prominent in organizing it. In this State the Hartford Evening Press was started to advocate its views, and Mr. Welles became one of its principal contributors. In the spring of 1856 he was the candidate of the party for the office of governor.
The Republican convention in Philadelphia in the same year 'appointed him a member of the National Committee, and for eight years he was one of its execu- tive members. He was also Chairman of the Connecticut delegation to the Con- vention at Chicago which nominated Mr. Lincoln for the Presidency.
When Mr. Lincoln took the presidential chair in 1861, Mr. Welles was in- vited to a seat in the Cabinet as Secretary of the Navy. The breaking out of the rebellion soon made it evident that the post was one of the greatest responsi- bility. The closing of the insurgent ports along a coast line of nearly three thousand miles, under the exacting regulations of an international blockade, the organization of combined naval and military expeditions to operate against various points of the Southern coast and on the Mississippi River and its tributaries, and the pursuit of piratical cruisers, constituted a triple task, more difficult and arduous in some respects than had previously been demanded of the maritime power of any government. Mr. Wclles took the ground in the outset that the government ought not to declare a blockade, but by proclamation close our ports to foreign commerce. If a blockade was declared, we proclaimed to the world that we were dealing with an independant power, and must of necessity be governed by the rules and practice of international law. If the ports were closed, we admitted only an insurrection on the part of the Southern States, a domestic affair which brought violators under our municipal laws, to be treated according to the decision of our own courts. The matter was warmly discussed in the Cabinet, and Mr. Welles, at the request of the President, presented his views in writing. His paper was one of very marked ability, discussed the matter from every point of view, and showed a thorough knowledge of international law bearing on the point at issue. The Cabinet was divided, and Mr. Lincoln finally yielded to the position taken by Mr. Seward, and a blockadc was declared. By this act the South was acknowledged as belligerents, and the English were not slow to take advantage of it. Blockade-
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running flourished, privateers and vessels with the commission of the Confederacy on the high seas had the same rights in neutral ports as our own men-of-war, and we were estopped from complaint because we had ourselves recognized the South as belligerents. Had the views advanced by Mr. Welles prevailed, the reverse would have been the case, and we should have been in a large measure spared the cost of maintaining the fleet necessary to patrol our coast in accordance with the provisions of international law. Mr. Lincoln, as the war progressed, saw the mistake, and regretted that the counsels of Mr. Welles had not prevailed.
It is not our purpose to detail or to follow to any extent the successive steps which led to the creation of a naval force, whose operations during the war shed a new lustre upon the naval history of the country; but to be able to estimate properly the great executive ability and remarkable foresight of the secretary, some points should be touched upon.
When Mr. Welles assumed charge of the Navy department in 1861, the total force of the navy in commission, including tenders and store-ships, was 42 vessels, carrying 555 guns and having a complement of 7600 men. A number of vessels, mostly of an old class, and by no means well adapted to the service required, were at the several navy yards and needing extensive repairs.
The Home Squadron consisted of but 12 vessels, carrying 187 guns, the remain- der of the available force being upon foreign stations. The emergency demanded a large increase of naval strength with as little delay as possible, and accordingly the vessels upon foreign stations were ordered home, those at the navy-yards were repaired, a new and powerful class of gun-boats were ordered to be built, vessels in the merchant service were carefully examined, and those suitable for naval purposes were purchased ; and in short the public navy-yards and private ship-yards and machine shops of the country, and the best public and private talent were brought into requisition, so that at the commencement of the session of Con- gress, December 2d, 1861, Mr. Welles was able to report that when the vessels repairing, building, and purchased were ready for use, there would be in the service 264 vessels, carrying 2557 guns, and that over two hundred of these vessels were then in commission, the number of seamen being not less than 22,000. One year later, December, 1862, and there were 427 vessels, carrying 3268 guns and 28,000 seamen : December, 1863, 588 vessels, carrying 4443 guns and 34,000 seamen ; De- cember, 1864, 671 vessels, carrying 4610 guns and 45,000 seamen. Many of these vessels, built expressly for the service, were of the most modern construction and of a powerful and effective character.
No such record has ever been shown by any other maritime power. It not only attests the energy of the directing authority but in large measure the resources of the country.
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Not less creditable were the measures adopted by Mr. Welles for the prompt creation of a large force of iron-clad vessels. For two or three years France and England had made the subject of armored ships a special object in connection with naval improvements, but their experiments had not generally been regarded as suc- cessful. The ingenuity and inventive faculties of our own countrymen having been stimulated by the war towards the construction of this class of vessels, Mr. Welles brought the matter to the notice of Congress at the extra session in July, 1861, and $1,500,000 was appropriated for the building of one or more armored ships. Three were contracted for, and one of them, the "Monitor," designed by Captain Ericsson, was the victor in the first naval engagement in the world in which this class of vessels were engaged. In the three months succeeding the adjournment of the cxtra session of Congress and prior to its assembling in December, the subject of iron-plated vessels was necessarily much considered, and so well satisfied was Mr. Welles that they were destined to become an important and controlling element in naval warfare, that at the opening of the December session he recom- mended an appropriation of $12,000,000 for the construction of twenty vessels. As no trial of this class had been made, the proposition, though evincing a thorough comprehension of the wants of the naval service, was doubtless considercd by many to be bold and adventurous. The House of Representatives soon re- sponded by making the necessary appropriation, but in the Senate the bill did not come up for action. Impatient at the delay, in view of the condition of the country and what an iron-clad force might accomplish, on the. 3d of February, 1862, Mr. Welles addressed a letter to the Naval Committee of the Senate urging immediate action upon the House bill. The Senate was stimulated to action by this, and a bill authorizing the construction of twenty iron-clad vessels was approved on the 13th of February.
The memorable engagement between the Monitor and the Merrimac took place on the 7th of March following, and immediately the public pulse in all sections of the country beat high for armored ships. But the foresight of Mr. Welles had anticipated the call of the people; Congress had made the necessary appropriations, and the work of constructing an iron-clad navy had already been commenced-a navy which did honor to the inventive genius of the country, and reflected the highest credit upon the Secretary under whose guidance and fostering carc this great initiation in a new naval policy was so successfully carried out. The steps taken by Mr. Welles in the introduction of turretted iron-clad vessels and heavy ordnance-both of which are the outcome of our recent war-it is no exaggeration to say have revo- lutionized the preparations for naval warfarc throughout the world.
An important feature of domestic policy, so far as fugitive slaves werc con-
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cerned, was early decided by Mr. Welles for his department. The army returned escaped slaves or "Contrabands" to their masters, but the Secretary of the Navy took a different course-he decided that if a loyal man, white or black, camc on board our ships from a rebel State, he was entitled to protection. As carly as the middle of July, 1861, a commander of one of the vessels in the Rappahannock informed the department that he had taken on board and rationcd a number of negroes, and that large numbers were descrting, hoping to be picked up by some passing vesscl, and inquired as to the disposition to be made of them. Mr. Welles, undcr date of July 22d, replied :
"It is not the policy of the government to invite or encourage this class of desertions ; and yet, under the circumstances, no other course than that pursued by Commander Glesson could be adopted without violating every principle of humanity. To return them would be impolitic as well as cruel; and as you remark they may be made serviceable on board our store-ships, you will do well to employ them." The number of "contrabands" increasing largely, Mr. Welles determined to enlist them for such service as they were able to perform, paying them as others were paid. On the 25th of September, 1861, he issucd to commandants of navy yards, com- manders of squadrons, and others the following order :
" The department finds it necessary to adopt a regulation with respect to the large and increasing number of persons of color, commonly known as contrabands, now subsisted at navy-yards and on board ships-of-war. These can neither be expelled from the service to which they have resortcd, nor can they be maintained unemploycd, and it is not proper that they should be compelled to render necessary and regular services without a stated compensation. You are therefore authorized, when their services can be made useful, to cniist them for the naval service, under the same forms and regulations as apply to other enlistments. They will be allowed, however, no higher rating than boys, at a compensation of ten dollars per month and one ration per day."
This was the first step in a direction which subsequently became the policy of the government. It was inaugurated by Mr. Welles as Secretary of the Navy. To return fugitive slaves to their masters "would violate cvcry principle of humanity"- " would be impolitic as well as cruel," and he therefore enlisted them for service, giving them reasonable compensation.
Leaving out of view the successful achievements of the navy, there are many other points which might be enumerated, indicating unmistakably Mr. Welles' fore- sight and successful administrative ability. He was a good judge of character, and called to his aid and placed in important positions the best naval talent for the work in hand, and if an officer failed in his duty his previous reputation and official
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position was no bar to his removal. Mr. Welles was persistent and resolute under all discouragements, infusing a patriotic and union sentiment into the service, and animating it with a spirit which made itself felt in the successful conflicts which, under his administration, added largely to our naval renown.
Mr. Welles held the office of Secretary of the Navy during the entire period of President Lincoln's Administration and that of his successor, President Johnson-two full terms, and longer than any of his predecessors. When differences arose relative to the reconstruction measures, Mr. Welles resisted the idea that the States lately in rebellion should be considered out of the Union, or deprived of their constitutional rights, and claimed that many of the measures adopted by Congress with reference to them were quite as repugnant and destructive to our republican system as the attempt of a State to withdraw or secede. He adhered to his life-long principles, and much distress would have been avoided had his views prevailed.
Mr. Welles was always reported a warm partisan because he was strong in his beliefs and earnest in their maintenance, but the history of his life shows that he fol- lowed his ideas of right, whether along or across party lines. In the performance of official duty, however arduous and important, Mr. Welles always avoided and disliked all obtrusiveness and ostentation. He never sought to create a sensation ; clearness and sobriety of judgment, enlarged and accurate appreciation of the wants of that arm of the public defence he was called to strengthen and to wield, indefatigable industry and perseverance in labor, and an unshaken firmness of purpose, resulting from patient reflec- tion upon which his conclusions had been formed; these are some of the qualities which characterized him as an administrative officer. In his relations to the general politics of the country and the policy of the Administration of which he was a mem- ber, he left upon the minds of all who knew him, and indecd upon the whole country, a deep impression of the wise and just moderation of his views as a statesman, of his conscientious devotion to fixed political principles, of unflinching courage in the main- tenance of his convictions, and above all, of an absolute honesty of purpose which defied all temptation and which no enemy ventured to impeach.
Soon after retiring from the Navy department, Mr. Welles purchased a residence in Charter Oak place, in Hartford, where he continued to reside. His leisure hours were to some extent employed in essays and compiling accounts of important events connected with the rebellion, and the Administration of which he was a member, most of which were published in the Galaxy or the Atlantic Monthly. Mr. Welles, during his Washington residence, kept a diary of important and inside occurrences, notably of discussions at Cabinet meetings, and the opinions of distin- guished men upon public events as gathered in personal interviews. This record enabled him authoritatively to correct many statements put forth as history, placing impor-
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tant events in their true light, and giving to individuals their propcr positions. He was an ardent, enthusiastic admirer of Mr. Lincoln-who relied much upon the practical good sense and judgment of Mr. Welles, and he has many times prevented others from seizing laurels which belonged to the martyred President. A notable instance was an attempt to make it appear that Mr. Seward was virtually President, Mr. Lincoln occupying a secondary position. Mr, Welles exposed the falsity of this claim so thoroughly that no attempt was made to refute his positions-fact was piled upon fact so abundantly that no room was left for controversy. These papers, originally published in the Galaxy, were subsequently gathered, somewhat extended, and republished in a volume. Some of his other important papers were upon the capture of New Orleans; the fight at Fort Sumter; Fort Pickens; capture of Mobile ; the facts of the abandonment of the Gosport navy yard ; Lincoln and Johnson ; their plan of reconstruction and resumption of national authority; the administration of Abraham Lincoln, etc. His last articles, passing through the press at the time of his death, were a series in the Atlantic Monthly defending Mr. Lin- coln from charges made by General Dick Taylor in an article in the North American Review.
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