USA > Connecticut > Connecticut as a colony and as a state; or, One of the original thirteen, Volume I > Part 15
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war, who received what they were intending to give; they never massacred guests who had sought refuge with thein,- the only case ever cited against them is where one refugee Pequot was executed by the New Haven Colony for mur- der of a family. There was no pretense even that these Indians had been or were likely to be a danger to the Dutch. Unfortunately the perpetrators and their master were not the ones who received what they had earned. A confederacy was formed by the Hudson River Indians and the tribes of Long Island, to avenge this outrageous deed; they attacked the Dutch settlements, and a fierce war raged on Long Island, in New Netherlands, and in Connecticut as far east as Stam- ford. English as well as Dutch settlers lost their life in this conflict, among others being the famous Anne Hutchinson, whose "inner light" doctrines had rent the Massachusetts Bay Colony in twain, disordered the very military service, and (according to Neal) delayed the Pequot expedition. Ban- ished from the colony, an asylum was offered her in Rhode Island by the Narragansett Indians, where she established a community and resided till her husband's death; she then removed to a refuge in the heart of the dense forests between New Haven and Manhattan. Here this mother of a new school of religion, being beyond the jurisdiction of the Eng- lish by whom she had been proscribed, tried to cultivate the friendship of the Indians. In her unprotected situation she was attacked by those with whom she had attempted to live in harmony and peace, and with her neighbors and family, excepting only one daughter, was slaughtered by the In- dians, who did not allow trifles like helpless innocence to stand in the way of butchery.
The Dutch governor now sought the services of Captain John Underhill, the redoubtable Indian fighter who had been
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second in command in Mason's Pequot expedition, and was then living at Greenwich. He was placed at the head of a small force and did good service on Long Island; on return- ing to Manhattan he obtained information in regard to hos- tile Indians at Stamford. An army of one hundred and thirty men was raised, and Underhill was given chief command. This expedition landed at Stamford, and made a long and fatiguing march into the interior of the country; and soon after ten o'clock, with a full moon illuminating the snow- clad earth, sighted an Indian village, at the foot of an ele- vation. The Indians were on guard, wherefore the Dutch surrounded the village and attempted to break through the line. They were repulsed with heavy loss, and after a conflict of an hour the Indians retreated to their wigwams, leaving one hundred and eighty bodies stretched on the crimson snow. Underhill applied the torch to the wigwams, as he would have breached a fort; the Indians, forced to come out, were annihilated by the sabres and musketry of the Dutch. Out of five hundred souls but eight escaped to tell the tale; this slaughter virtually ended the war. The Dutch settlers at Manhattan gave public thanksgiving to their Maker for their victory,-they are not stated to have held a season of fasting and repentance for the act that provoked the war,-and con- sidered it an act of Providence that the Lord had gathered in one village so many of their enemies. Two months after this, the Indians begged Captain Underhill to intervene with the Dutch in their behalf, and articles of peace were agreed upon.
The Narragansetts, seeking revenge for the loss of their Sachem, were continually harassing the Mohegans. Matters finally became so troublesome that in 1644 they were sum- moned to appear before the Commissioners. The Narragan-
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No elie command in Mason's Pequor expedition and was This Thing at Greenwich. He was placed ar the head of a will force and did good service on Long Island: on return- bog ho Manhattan he obtained informadow in regard to hos nle Indians at Stamford. An army of oni hundred and thirty wed was raised, and Underhil was given chief command. This expedition landed at Stamford, and rowde a long and fatiguing march into the interior of the country; and soon after ten o'clock, with a full moon illuminating the show- clad earth, sighted an Indian village, at the foot of an ele- vation The Indians were on guant, wherefore the Dutch surrounded the village and attempted to break through the line. They were repulsed with heavy loss, and after's conflict of an hour the Indians retreated to their wie mos having one hundred and eighty booker ambos Wcytosun snow. Underhill applied the orch ms ils gwants, as he would have breached a fort. the latrans, forced to come out, were annihilated by the sabres und musketry of the Dutch. Out of five hundred souls but eight escaped to tell the tale; this slaughter virtually ended the war. The Dutch settlers at Manhattan gave public thanksgiving to their Maker for their victory, -- they are not stated to have held a season of Fasting and repentance for the uct that provoked the war,-and con- sidlered it an act of Providence chat the Lord had gathered in ont village so many of their enemies, Two months after this, the Indians begged Captain Underh Il to Intervene with the Dutch in their bellf, and articles of peace were agreed upon.
The Narragansetts, seeking revenge for the loss of their Sachem, were continually harassing the Mohegans. Matters Goally became so troublesome that in 1644 they were sum- moned to appear before the Commissioners. The Narragan-
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From Vandyke's painting
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setts, in presenting their case, claimed that the wampum sent to Miantonomo while a prisoner was a portion of a sum agreed upon for his ransom ; this was flatly denied by Uncas. The Commissioners, naturally siding with Uncas, decided that the Narragansetts had not substantiated their charges; and cautioned them that they and the Nehantics must not at- tack the Mohegans, as they were allies of the English, who would protect them against their Indian enemies. The depu- ties of the Narragansetts agreed to give the governor of Mas- sachusetts thirty days' notice before commencing hostilities against Uncas, and a treaty to that effect was executed. But the Narragansetts did not consider themselves bound by the acts of their deputies, for hostilities against the Mohegans were recommenced in the spring of 1645; and without the promised notice, a large force of warriors under Pessacus in- vaded the Mohegans' country. They devastated the country and besieged Uncas in one of his forts, where he was re- lieved by supplies and reinforcements from the English gar- rison at Saybrook.
The repeated attempts of the Narragansetts to subjugate Uncas aroused indignation amongst the colonists, who felt in honor bound to protect him. Governor Winthrop in alarm convened an extra session of the United Colonies of New England, and despatched couriers to the contending Indians to invite their Sachems to visit Boston, there to settle all con- flicting differences. The Narragansett chiefs insulted the messengers, and claimed they would not be satisfied without the head of Uncas. Roger Williams, the apologist of the Narragansetts, notified the Commissioners that war was impending. The Commissioners then formally declared war, and a levy of three hundred men was ordered, the command of the forces being placed in the hands of Major Edward
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Gibbons; the Connecticut and New Haven troops were placed in charge of Captain John Mason. These demonstra- tions had the desired effect, and tidings were received that Pessacus and his chiefs would come to Boston and negotiate peace. The Indians, impelled by fear, executed a new treaty in which they agreed to pay a stipulated sum of wampum to indemnify the colonies for expenses, to restore to Uncas all captives and canoes seized by them, to maintain perpetual peace with the English and their allies, and to give hostages for the faithful performance of these conditions.
During the year 1646 the Connecticut River Indians be- came turbulent, and a plot was instigated by Sequassen to murder the executives of the colony of Connecticut; but this was discovered and prevented. The Indian Sachem was cited to appear before the Commissioners; but he fled to the Mohawks, where he remained a number of years through fear of Uncas and the colonists. In the same year a party of invading Mohawks was defeated by English settlers in Milford. It is not apparent what provocation the settlers had given.
The eastern Indians were kept in a continual turmoil of strife by Uncas, who needed a wider field of action. In the summer of 1648 an alliance was consummated between the Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut Indians, who were to have the powerful assistance of the Mohawks, for the purpose of making war on Uncas; this league was dis- solved from the Mohawks becoming engaged in war with Indian allies of the French, and through active measures taken by the colony of Connecticut. The Mohegans were weakened by the dissatisfaction of those of the Pequot race who complained of the treatment they received, and who preferred to live with their ancient enemies the Narragan-
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setts and Nehantics, or as an unrecognized body, rather than to submit any longer to the arbitrary measures of Uncas.
Ninigret, the Sachem of the Nehantics, had been carrying on a desultory war with the Long Island Indians, which was the cause of much trouble to the colonies. They finally de- clared war against him, and an armed force was dispatched to devastate his country. Ninigret fled and took refuge in a swamp; his canoes were destroyed, and the colonies of Con- necticut and New Haven maintained an armed vessel to patrol the coast, effectually preventing his expeditions to Long Island. The war was not prosecuted with much en- ergy, and Ninigret's power was not totally broken; but he escaped only by making a humiliating peace. In 1657 and 1658 the Narragansetts and Nehantics, assisted by Massa- chusetts Indians, again invaded the Mohegans' country, and besieged Uncas; but this cunning Sachem seems to have again defeated the best laid plans of his enemies. This ter- minated a tedious and unrelenting warfare which had ex- tended over a period of fifteen years.
The Commissioners of the United Colonies of New Eng- land, at their session held in September 1655, granted a peti- tion of the remnants of the Pequot nation to allot them a reservation, appointed a governor, and provided them with a code of laws. They were divided into two settlements, one located on the Pawcatuck River, the other on the Mys- tic, with the privilege of hunting over the wild forest lands their tribe had ever occupied by force.
The code of laws consisted of eight sections, as follows :
I. They shall not blaspheme the name of God, the Creator of Heaven and Earth, nor profane the Sabbath Day.
II. They shall not commit wilful murder, nor practice witchcraft, under pain of death.
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III. They shall not commit adultery, upon pain of severe punishment.
IV. Whosoever is drunk shall pay ten shillings; but if he have not the wherewithal to pay, he shall be punished with ten stripes, and further receive due punishment for other miscarriages by such means committed.
V. Whosoever stealeth the goods of another shall, upon proof, pay at least double the worth.
VI. Whosoever shall plot mischief against the English shall suffer death, or such other punishment as the case may deserve.
VII. They shall neither make war, nor join in war, with any other Indians, or people of any other nation (unless in their own just defense), without express leave of the Com- missioners.
VIII. They shall duly submit to such Indian governors as the Commissioners shall yearly appoint, and to them shall yearly pay the tribute due to the English.
Herewith the Pequots vanish from Connecticut history. The remnant gradually died out, from drink and consump- tion.
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CHAPTER XIII
THE ROYAL CHARTER
T HE elevation of Charles II. to his hereditary dynasty was an auspicious moment for Con- necticut. Winthrop was governor of the struggling colony; and though she had pur- chased of the patentees the original grant, this conveyed no right of government. To add to its dis- comfiture, the colony was unable to produce the original document when demanded by the Hamiltons. Therefore the news of the occupancy of London by "Old George" created an agitation in Connecticut; and to protect her existence as a colony, she was willing to offer that homage to the son which had been refused to his father. The General Assembly there- fore, on March 14, 1661, acknowledged their allegiance to Charles II., and at the same time requested of him a charter ; and advocated the preparation of an address to embody a re- quest for "the continuance and confirmation of such privi- leges and liberties as are necessary for the comfortable and peaceable settlement of this colony." At the next general election a committee was appointed to revise a draft of an address submitted by Governor Winthrop. This and the accompanying petition were formally approved at a session of June 7, and Governor Winthrop's appointment as agent "to procure us a patent" was confirmed; and he was author- ized to draw on the treasurer for £500 to pay the expenses of the application. Thus were energetic steps taken to procure an authentic document to strengthen what had already been done by popular authority.
The vessel that brought to Boston the news of the Restora- tion, had among its passengers two of the judges of the ill- fated Charles, fleeing from the vengeance of his son. The following year intelligence was received of the issue of a royal warrant for the arrest of these fugitives, whereupon they fled
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to New Haven. Both Connecticut colonies were anxious that no harm should come to the Regicides, but they assumed an entirely different attitude toward the King's messengers. When they were not within the jurisdiction of Connecticut, her authorities evinced the utmost zeal for their apprehen- sion; while the New Haven authorities, under like circum- stances, were openly energetic in circumventing the efforts of the King's officials. These two systems of diplomacy, which were faithfully reported to the mother country, had a strong influence in the struggle for recognition by the rival colonies.
Winthrop sailed on his quest in August 1661; and just as he was embarking for England, New Haven proclaimed her allegiance to the King, more than a year after news had been received of his accession. This step was not taken until she was warned by friends at court of the evil impression created by her continued silence. There was no fulsomeness in the form adopted. It is as follows :
"Although we have not received any form of proclamation, by order from His Majesty or Council of State, for proclaim- ing His Majesty in this colony, yet the Court, taking en- couragement from what has been done in the rest of the United Colonies, hath thought fit to declare publicly and proclaim that we do acknowledge His Royal Highness Charles the Second, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, to be our sovereign Lord and King, and that we do acknowledge ourselves, the inhabitants of this colony, to be his Majesty's loyal and faithful subjects."
Winthrop, with instructions from the colony and letters to Lord Say and Sele and other prominent Puritans, arrived in London with the address and petition to present to the King. His instructions were, to consult with the original
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patentees, and if possible obtain a copy of the Warwick pat- ent; which, even such as it was, the colony had never had.
He was to have this confirmed to the colony, with such amendments as he could obtain. If this confirmation could not be procured, he was to apply for a new charter, claiming boundaries extending eastward to the Plymouth line, north- ward to the limits of the Massachusetts colony, westward to the Bay of Delaware. The southern boundary was stated only as a recommendation to include adjacent islands. To save his Majesty trouble, and too minute a care in drawing up the items, Winthrop took with him a draft of the new patent they would like.
The address was in the florid language of the day. It first regretted that they were separated by so vast a distance from the influence and splendor of so great a mon- arch, and excused themselves for their dilatory actions in not prostrating themselves at the feet of so gracious a prince. It lamented the wars that had deluged England with blood, and which they had bewailed with sighs and tears. It told how they had waited as a people in sackcloth and ashes, relying upon the Divine Providence for protection rather than acknowledge or accept aid of any illegitimate govern- ment. His Majesty was implored, as their hearts had al- ways been loyal to his interests, "to accept the colony, your own colony, a little branch of your mighty empire." It stated that while they had generous inclinations, their poverty was such they could offer only their hearts and affections to his Majesty. Winthrop, however, had £500 to offer to his Majesty's councillors, which was much more to the purpose.
Connecticut was fortunate in the choice of an ambassador whose diplomacy and engaging manner lent aid and strength to her petition : he was probably too well used to bombastic
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addresses to see the humorous side as we do, and too anxious about the result. The petition was a straightforward busi- ness document, in which they asked for a patent on the same terms as the one granted by the Earl of Warwick to Lord Say and Sele and others. They wished to be relieved from customs duties, that they might retrieve by commerce their losses in the Pequot war.
Winthrop on his arrival in London had taken lodgings in Coleman street, near St. Stephen's Church, and devoted his time to the performance of those duties he had been specially deputized to consummate. His fine physique, his scholarly bearing, with his university education and former acquaint- ance with Lord Say and Sele and others, were of the utmost value in accomplishing his undertaking. Life was not simple or cheap at the court of Charles II., and those who would keep up their pace and preserve their chances for favor must have an abundant supply of money; and it is fair to pre- sume that Winthrop, who was never required to give any ac- counting to his economical commonwealth of the expenditure of the £500, used it for purposes too obvious to state.
Whether it was due to the engaging personality of her am- bassador, to the fabled presentation to his Majesty of a ring given to the first Charles by his grandfather, or to the venal use of money, it is certain that Winthrop succeeded in obtaining for Connecticut a charter more democratic than was ever before given by a King.
The governmental power derived from it lasted Connec- ticut for a century and a half, and it has been a model for the constitutions of her sister States. This second constitution of Connecticut, better known as the Royal Charter, was signed by the King April 23, 1662. It contained all the specifications asked for by the colonists, and confirmed the
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patentees in the boundaries established by the Warwick pat- ent, and the holding of the lands in fee simple to them and their successors forever. The patentees' names were: John Winthrop, John Mason, Samuel Wyllys, Henry Clarke, Mat- thew Allin, John Topping, Nathan Gold, Richard Treat, Richard Lord, Henry Wolcott, John Talcott, Daniel Clarke, John Ogden, Thomas Welles, Obadiah Bruen, John Clarke, Anthony Hawkins, John Deming, Matthew Canfield, with all the other freemen of Connecticut then existing, and those who might afterwards be admitted electors or freemen, to the end of time; to these were given the irrevocable privi- leges of being "one body corporate and politic in fact and name, by the name of the Governor and Company of the English Colony of Connecticut in New England in America, and that by the same name they and their successors should have perpetual succession."
They were granted the same legal rights as the King's subjects and corporations in England, and were to hold two sessions of the General Assembly in each year, to consist of the governor, deputy-governor, and twelve assistants, with two deputies from every town or city. They were to choose a common seal, establish courts of justice, make freemen, ap- point officers, enact laws, impose fines, prepare and assemble the inhabitants for common defense, and exercise martial laws. The first patentee was named as governor, the second deputy-governor, and the other patentees to be the first mag- istrates. These appointees were to hold office until their successors were elected by the people. The charter allowed the free transportation of colonists and merchandise from England. The astonishing feature of the Royal Charter was, that Charles II. should have granted to a Puritan com- monwealth the powers of its assembly to enact laws, without
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any right of revision either by himself or his royal courts of justice. Nor was there any obligation imposed on them to account for their acts to any earthly authority.
The charter was recognized as a continuation of a gov- ernment already established, a guarantee of the title to the soil, and a safeguard against the aggressions of neighboring colonies and the encroachments of the Crown. It was an ad- mission of the colony's independence from the home govern- ment, but it in no way affected the relations already estab- lished between the people and their chosen rulers. The boun- daries as defined included New Haven Colony and a part of Rhode Island, and were resisted by these two colonies; the boundary line between Rhode Island and Connecticut being a matter of dispute for sixty years. Two copies of the char- ter were engrossed,-one on two and the other on three skins of parchment; they were finally decorated in India ink by the eminent painter Samuel Cooper, whose portrait of Charles II. is a work of art. The first, on the two skins of parchment, was enclosed in a mahogany box, and entrusted by Winthrop to Simon Bradstreet and Mr. John Norton. These gentlemen had been in London as agents for the Mas- sachusetts colony, and were about to return in the ship So- ciety, which had been built in Boston. The vessel arrived at her destination on Sept. 3, 1662, a day before the opening of the session of the United Colonies of New England. The Connecticut representatives were Samuel Wyllys and John Talcott, both of whom were named in the charter. The in- strument was exhibited to the members of the New England Congress, and was the first information to the colonists of New Haven that the King had legislated them out of exis- tence as a legal corporation. The precious document was intrusted by Winthrop's messengers to the representatives
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from Connecticut, and at the next meeting of the General Court they, with Lieutenant John Allyn, were named as cus- todians of the charter; Oct. 29, 1662, was appointed a day of thanksgiving, to be observed by the colonists in celebra- tion of the successful termination of Winthrop's mission. The second copy was to have been received in the fall of 1662 and placed in the hands of the custodians; the sending of the two copies by different ships was a precautionary measure taken by Winthrop to insure its safe arrival. The second copy, however, for some reason was never sent, but left by Winthrop in London. The obtaining of the charter made the General Assembly of Connecticut more confident in asserting its claims: and notice was given to the inhabitants of New Haven, Westchester, Mystic, and Pawcatuck, that they were embraced within the limits of their jurisdiction. The liberal terms of the charter, thus placing Connecticut beyond the grasp of royal prerogative, defining the rights of the colony and entitling its inhabitants to all the privileges of Englishmen, attracted the border towns, and deputations besieged the General Assembly asking and pray- ing to be admitted as citizens.
Connecticut was to rest peacefully under her Royal Char- ter for a quarter of a century, accumulating strength, popu- lation, and wealth, which were later to be employed in re- sisting attempts to dismember her territory, and despoil her of that priceless boon which Winthrop had won.
CHAPTER XIV THE UNION OF CONNECTICUT AND NEW HAVEN
T HE obtaining of the Royal Charter by Gover- nor Winthrop was the cause of dissensions among the New Haven colonists; and it was only by the diplomacy of Governor Leete that the colony did not incur the displeasure of the King, and that peace was maintained. Though the colonists had done as little as possible consistent with loyalty, in con- forming to his Majesty's orders, the majority of them had done more than was pleasing to their independent spirit.
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