USA > Connecticut > Litchfield County > Norfolk > History of Norfolk, Litchfield County, Connecticut, 1744-1900 > Part 3
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September 19, 1769, Capt. Abraham Camp, moderator, it was voted that the town will proceed to have the meet- ing-house seated, so soon as the seats in the lower part of the meeting-house are finished. It was now ten years since the house was begun.
Voted, that Mr. Ezra Knapp, Capt. Isaac Holt, Titus Ives, Samuel Cowles, Daniel Humphrey, William Bishop and Elijah Grant be a committee to seat the meeting-house.
Voted, that the rule for the seaters to go by shall be, that one year in age shall be counted equal to five pound list. Voted, that there shall not be but one head counted in any man's list in order to seating. Voted, that the seaters shall dignify the seats as they shall think proper. By dig- nifying the seats was intended, I suppose, arranging them according to their relative eligibility, or desirableness. This was the first seating of the meeting-house. The prac- tice has existed during the ninety years that have since elapsed.
The matter of singing in the church, that stone of stumbling, and fertile source of trouble in most congrega- tions, but which so far as I learn has always been man- aged in this place so as to secure both social and musical harmony, received early attention in town meeting, where almost every affair sooner or later came under considera- tion.
At a town meeting, Giles Pettibone, Esq., in the chair, it was Voted, That the town have a right to order and direct in respect to singing in public worship. Having laid down the principle, the meeting proceeded. to appoint five choristers, viz .: Samuel Cowles, Jr., Andrew Moore,
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Eliphalet Hatch, John Phelps and Joseph Mills, Jr. The reason for choosing so many leaders does not appear. It may have been an adroit measure to guard against the jealousy that might have been excited, had the whole honor of leading the choir been conferred upon one, instead of being subdivided among several. The choristers were thus chosen in town meeting from 1774 until 1790. No money was appropriated to improve the singing before 1798, when twelve dollars was voted for that purpose. In reviewing your father's efforts to provide themselves the means of public worship, viz., a religious teacher, a meeting-house, and the like, the first thought may be that these efforts were poor and feeble. The next and deeper thoughts will be, that they evince a high sense of the value of religious insti- tutions, and a steady zeal and perseverance worthy of all praise. Their circumstances were widely different in this respect from that of those who now go forth into the new settlements to lay the foundations of towns and cities. The latter leave behind them comparatively wealthy com- munities whose sympathies will accompany them, and whose contributions will aid in their early struggles, in sustaining their minister, in erecting their places of wor- ship, and in providing themselves the means of intellectual and religious education. Their condition is known all over the country. How different was the condition of the earlier settlers of Connecticut, especially of those whose lot was cast in this part of the state. They were alone in the wil- derness. Their communication with other places was slow, difficult and infrequent. They had no missionary society to present their condition to the congregations in the older settlements, to awaken sympathy and solicit and receive aid in their behalf. The whole country was relatively poor; it was all new, with everything to be done. The early in- habitants of these interior towns were in a great measure cut off from the rest of the world; they were thrown upon their own resources. If they had a minister they must get him and sustain him themselves. If they had a house to meet in, it must be such an one as they could erect them-
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selves, and it must be completed as soon as they, with all the other urgent demands upon their labor and means, should be able to finish it. But were they disheartened, because they must begin small and proceed slowly? No. In less than three years from the time that the first town meeting was held, 1758, they had a settled minister. Their meeting-house was begun in 1759; all they could do that year was to raise and enclose it. They met in it, or rather under it, in that state two years, till 1761, when the lower floor was laid and the building underpinned, and there then was another interval. Did it not show a noble spirit when they could do no more, yet to do the little they could? Such men must have placed a high estimate on the estab- lished means of grace. Were they mistaken? were they foolish to struggle so hard and so perseveringly in the mat- ter? Do you doubt whether the prayer offered and the wor- ship rendered to God in that floorless house was acceptable? The blessings we now enjoy are the fruit of their sacrifices and their prayers.
But to return to the narrative :- At the close of the French war, 1763, during which the colonies had done good service, had contributed to the success of the British arms, and shared in the triumph, there prevailed in the colonies the best state of feeling toward the mother country and the English government. In a few years these loyal and fraternal sentiments gave place, first, to dissatisfaction, then to a sense of oppression, and finally to a determined purpose of resistance.
How was the great, sad, and lamentable change brought about, and who were the responsible authors of it? It result- ed in the most natural way imaginable from the measures in reference to the colonies that the government of Great Britain thought proper to adopt. That government had from the beginning, by a system of enactments called 'the navigation laws,' monopolized the foreign trade of the colonies. They were not allowed to carry on any direct commerce with any other country than Great Britain. They must sell to her what they wished to dispose of, and buy
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of her what they needed to purchase, although these arti- cles thus to be obtained from her were the product of other countries. This monopoly was oppressive, but having been accustomed to it from the outset, the colonies had learned to submit to it without complaint. But another new step which the home government proposed to take, and did take, created great dissatisfaction, and aroused a strong and set- tled purpose of resistance. That step was, to impose taxes upon them by act of Parliament, they having no represen- tation in Parliament. Briefly, it was taxation without rep- resentation. The colonies were not opposed to paying taxes, but they desired the privilege of voting them them- selves. They had thus taxed themselves very heavily dur- ing the French war. They had shown no disposition to shirk any burden, yet some men of despotic temper in the British government were not content to leave the colonies any voice as to what they should pay. That point it was asserted ought to be decided by Parliament, and the colo- nies must have nothing to do with the matter. The British government, it was claimed, had a right to put its hand into the pockets of the colonies, as often and as deeply as it, to its sovereign pleasure, might seem best.
The colonies said, we are willing to contribute from our pockets, but we prefer not to have anybody's hands put into them but our own.
Now it will be seen that the colonies were the very worst material to be found in the whole world, out of which to make mere drudges and slaves. They had not paid any tax at home without having the privilege of voting upon its necessity and amount. In town meetings or colonial legislatures they had, directly or by their representative, a voice in laying all taxes. For men thus accustomed to connect the right of being represented in each and every assembly that imposed taxes with the obligation to pay, to be told that they must allow Parliament to decide that matter, and that they must and should pay what Parlia- ment chose to demand, filled them with astonishment. It was a plain case of the most grievous oppression.
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They attempted to argue the case. Some of the ablest men in the colonies presented in a clear and strong light the rights which belonged to them as constituent parts of the British Empire. The case appeared to them so plain that they could not doubt that the government would come to view it in the same manner. In this confident expecta- tion they were doomed to meet a sad disappointment. In- stead of yielding to the arguments presented and urged by the advocates of the rights and interests of the colonies, the government at home repelled them in a tone at once haughty and menacing, and insisted on prompt and uncon- ditional obedience to the acts of Parliament,-the stamp act, and others based on the same principle. The colonists hardly knew what to do or what to expect. They could hardly persuade themselves that the government would persist in the course it had adopted; that it would resort to force for the purpose of compelling them to submission. Their doubts on this point were ere long removed. They were constrained to conclude that there was no other alter- native but implicit obedience to the acts of Parliament, or open resistance to the whole power of England.
On such times your ancestors fell, just as they were laying the foundations of society in this place. The first notice of these public affairs to be found in the records of the town, is as follows :-
At a town meeting held at Norfolk, lawfully assembled June 30, 1774, Mr. Dudley Humphrey, moderator, the fol- lowing action was had: Taking into consideration the truly alarming, threatening steps and acts of the British Legislature, respecting our liberties, and, in a word, all that is dear both with regard to ourselves and all British America, the Resolves of our honorable House of Repre- sentatives being laid before the meeting were highly ap- proved of, Therefore, Voted, that the Resolves passed by the honorable House of Representatives of this Colony at Hartford, May last, be entered at large on the records of this town, as containing sentiments worthy to be ever abided by.'
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There were eleven of these Resolutions. The substantial point set forth in them was, that taxation and representa- tion were inseparably connected together; and that inas- much as the colonies were not represented in the Parlia- ment of Great Britain, Therefore, that Parliament had not the right to tax the colonies,-this being the matter chiefly insisted on in the Resolutions, as deemed important at the time.
There were contained in the resolutions also expres- sions of loyalty to the British throne that it is not easy to realize were honestly entertained by the inhabitants of this very town. I will quote one or two of them. The first is in these terms:
We do most expressly declare, recognize and acknowl- edge His Majesty, King George the Third, to be the lawful and rightful King of Great Britain and all other of his do- minions and countries, and that it is the indispensable duty of the people of this country, as being part of His Majesty's dominions, always to bear faithful and true allegiance to His Majesty, and him to defend to the utmost of their power against all attempts upon his royal person, crown and dignity.' After setting forth their rights as they re- gard them as British subjects in several particulars, they thus speak in the tenth resolution: 'We look upon the great- est security and well being of the colony to depend on our connection with great Britain, which it is ardently wished may continue to the latest posterity.' These were the hon- est sentiments of your ancestors, publicly expressed less than a century ago, on this very spot. How strange it ap- pears to us! What a change has in the meantime come about!
The last resolution, the eleventh, is a noble one. It is in these terms: 'Resolved, that it is an indispensable duty which we owe to our King, our colony, ourselves, and our posterity, by all lawful ways and means in our power, to maintain, defend and preserve these our rights and lib- erties, and to transmit them entire and inviolate to the latest generation; and that it is our fixed determination and
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unalterable resolution faithfully to discharge this our duty.'
The event proved how sincere they were in adopting this resolution. Who is not proud of such an ancestry? who will not thank God that the shaping of his earthly condition, the protection and preservation of his rights and liberties, were, before he saw the light, under God com- mitted to such hands?
From these resolutions it appears that the colonies,- for similar resolutions were adopted in them all,-did not at the outset of their troubles aim at, or even desire, Inde- pendence. They sought not a separate national existence. Then in this resolution to defend and preserve inviolate their rights and liberties they could not foresee the result of their endeavor. They were not cheered by a prospect of the glorious result. They acted from a noble sense of duty, and trusted the result to God, and it far exceeded their most exalted anticipations.
The meeting, at which the resolutions just referred to were endorsed by a unanimous vote of this town, was holden June 20, 1774. On the 20th of September of the same year at a town meeting of which Giles Pettibone, Esq., was chosen moderator, there was adopted a vote that was quite significant. 'Voted a rate of one-half penny on the pound, to be made on the list of 1773, to raise money to buy a town stock of powder, etc., for the town of Nor- folk.'
Nothing is said of the reason for providing the town with powder, etc., but coming soon after their expressed determination to maintain their rights and liberties,-it has a rather practical look.
Previous to these troubles that sprung up between the colonies and the government at home, the colonies were politically independent of each other. They were mutually connected by no alliance. Very early after these troubles began, which was immediately on the close of the French war, 1763, the idea of a convention of representatives from the colonies, occurred to some leading minds; among others to James Otis of Boston. Such a convention was holden
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in New York in October, 1765, and addressed an united petition to Parliament. The English statesmen at home thought that the colonies never would form any alliance. Lord Grenville had said that from jealousy of neighborhood and clashing interests the colonies never could form a dan- gerous alliance among themselves, but must permanently preserve their common connection with the mother country. In both particulars his prophecy was falsified.
No other convention or congress of representatives was holden till September 5, 1774, when one was assembled at Philadelphia. In this congress all the colonies except Georgia were represented. Peyton Randolph, one of the delegates from Virginia, was elected Prsident, and Charles Thompson, a citizen of Philadelphia, was chosen Secretary. The rule of proceeding adopted was, to allow each colony or province one vote in determining questions. A com- mittee consisting of two from each colony was appointed to state the rights of the colonies in general, the instances in which those rights had been violated, and the means most proper to be pursued for obtaining a restoration of them. While this convention was in session at Philadel- phia, General Gage, the British general, was throwing up fortifications around Boston. The convention sent a re- monstrance to Gen. Gage, and passed a resolution approv- ing of the opposition of the inhabitants of Massachusetts to the execution of the late acts of Parliament, and de- claring that if the same shall be attempted to be carried into execution by force, in such case all America ought to support them in their opposition. The convention at Phila- delphia remained in session till October, when they adopted with great unanimity a series of resolutions in the same spirit with those that had been adopted in the General As- sembly of Connecticut, and they prepared addresses to the King, to the people of Great Britain, to the inhabitants of the colonies they represented, and to the inhabitants of the Province of Quebec. These addresses were admirable,- not merely for the clearness and firmness with which the rights of their country were vindicated, but for unexampled
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elevation and dignity of sentiment, as well as energy and elegance of language. Lord Chatham said, 'That though he had studied and admired the free states of antiquity, the master spirits of the world, yet for solidity of reason- ing force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion, no body of men could stand in preference to this Congress.'
But what had all this to do with the inhabitants of this little town up among the mountains? The records of the town show that your ancestors here thought they were concerned. They were fully alive to what was going for- ward in England, at Boston, and in Philadelphia.
The resolutions adopted at Philadelphia were scattered over the land, and everywhere met a most hearty response. The following entry is found in the records of this town: 'At a town meeting held at Norfolk December 26th, 1774, Asahel Case was chosen moderator; Voted, that the re- solves and association of the Continental Congress, held at Philadelphia, September 5, 1774, are well approved of and agreed to be abided by, by said town, not one appearing in the negative.' And when the day of resolutions was passed, and that of action had arrived, we have evidence that the people of this place made good all their pledges.
Jonathan Trumbull was then Governor of Connecticut. General Washington used, I believe, to speak of him as 'Brother Jonathan,' and relied upon him with great con- fidence. He was always ready to lend all the help he could, and the people of his gallant little state were prompt in responding to calls for assistance, made by their beloved Governor. Various items in your town records show this. But time will not permit further details, except to refer to one circumstance; that is, that Rev. Mr. Robbins, the first minister of this place, by the consent of the people, went for a time in the capacity of Chaplain in the Army. In the win- ter of 1775, an expedition was sent into Canada under the command of Brigadier General Richard Montgomery, who was to be aided by General Benedict Arnold, who was sent to meet him before Quebec. General Montgomery was an Englishman; he was under Wolf, who took Quebec, but on
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the breaking out of the Revolutionary war joined the Amer- icans, and was appointed one of the eight Brigadier Gen- erals under General Washington. He took Montreal, but in a night attack on Quebec, in December, failed and was killed.
An attempt was made to reinforce Arnold. Troops were sent up from this state, and it was as Chaplain of the Connecticut recruits that Mr. Robbins went. He left home March 18, 1776, and returned home October 31st. He made one flying visit to his family in the meantime. We cannot get anything like a correct idea of the early history of this town without keeping in mind the condition of the country at the time. Then we see how numerous were the difficul- ties with which they had to struggle, and how manfully they encountered them.
One advantage of becoming familiar with the early his- tory of our town and our country will be to revive family ties, and to strengthen local attachment. I am gratified to see an increased disposition to trace out the genealogies of families, and to mark with monuments the places that have been rendered worthy of remembrance on account of the deeds that have distinguished them.
Many causes have operated to weaken in our country the strength of natural ties, and to render us forgetful of our ancestors, and our kindred.
The Revolutionary war seemed to cut us off from those families in England from whom our ancestors descended. Then families here seldom remain together on the same spot, or in the same neighborhood. They become scattered and soon forget each other. Everything that counteracts this tendency is to be welcomed as of good tendency. The memory of our ancestors is a legacy of value, and we ought not to be indifferent to the place where they lived, labored, died, and where their bones repose.
I wish we had more love of our native towns and coun- try. Such feelings are not poetical moonshine. They are natural and manly sentiments. They are worthy of culti- vation. I hope as time rolls on, and the science and art
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of agriculture shall be improved, that there will be less pulling up and going to the everlasting West, leaving our old homesteads to degenerate under the semi-barbarous usage of foreigners. We have a lovable country; that is, one that is suited to enlist the affections. When men shall learn that it can be made fertile with proper care; that it is wise to invest their surplus earnings, not in getting more land, but in improving what they have; that such invest- inents are the safest in the long run, the most productive; then we shall not go out to settle on the dead flats of west- ern prairies, where there is no more difference between farms than between two eggs. Who can love one quarter section rather than another? The farms have no features; nothing to distinguish them.
The Scotchman loves his wild mountains and lakes. The Swiss cling with an undying affection to his heaven towering Alps. The hills and valleys around us, our clear, swift streams present pictures to the eye. Every farm is an individual thing; and when the whole has been adorned by a more generous cultivation, and by public spirit; and when we think of the rich associations that the fathers have left upon it, who will not say that the lines have fallen to us in pleasant places, and that we have a goodly heri- tage? Let us thank God for it, and for our fathers, who in their day performed their duty. Let us cultivate a local spirit, and strive to transmit the place improved in all re- spects to our descendants."
"Breathes there a man with soul so dead, Who never to himself hath said, This is my own, my native land?"
NORFOLK, FROM CRISSEY HILL.
et
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.
IV.
CONNECTICUT'S EARLY TOWN SYSTEM - SETTLEMENT OF FIRST TOWNS IN LITCHFIELD COUNTY-GRANT OF YHE "WESTERN LANDS," WHICH BECAME THIRTEEN TOWNS, TO THE TOWNS OF HARTFORD AND WINDSOR-LONG CONTROVERSY BETWEEN THE COLONY AND THOSE TOWNS - ORGANIZATION OF LITCHFIELD COUNTY - FINAL SALE AND SETTLEMENT OF THE TOWN AND ITS INCORPORATION - ORIGINAL PETITIONS.
In a history of Norfolk, Connecticut, which is a child of Windsor and Hartford,-the first towns settled in the state, -and so but a grandchild of the original settlement of the Puritans at Plymouth, Massachusetts, it seems appropriate to speak briefly of Connecticut's town system, which has been of more importance in the formation of our general government, and had a far wider influence than many of us at the present day are aware.
Professor Johnston of Princeton, N. J., in his very valu- able work, "American Commonwealths," in the preface to his "Connecticut," says :-
"The institution of towns had its origin in Massachusetts. Connecticut's town system was more independent of out- side action than that of Massachusetts. The principle of local government had here a more complete recognition, and in the form in which it has done best service, its begin- ning was in Connecticut. The first conscious and delib- erate effort on this continent to establish the democratic principle in control of government was the settlement of Connecticut, and her Constitution of 1639, the first written and democratic constitution on record, was the starting point for the democratic development, which has since gained control of all commonwealths, and now makes the essential feature of our commonwealth government. . The Connecticut delegates in the Convention of 1787 held. a position of unusual influence. The frame of their com-
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monwealth government, with its equal representation of towns in one branch, and its general popular representa- tion in the other, had given them a training which enabled them to bend the form of our National Constitution into a corresponding shape; and the peculiar constitution of our Congress, in the different bases of the Senate and House of Representatives, was the result of Connecticut's long main- tenance of a federative democracy."
Regarding the formation of Connecticut's Constitution referred to by Professor Johnston, it appears that on Jan- uary 14, 1639, all the "freemen" of Windsor, Hartford and Wethersfield met "to constitute a public state or common- wealth," by voluntary combination, as they termed it, and "to settle its plan of government." They had no precedent to follow. They must, as it were, "blaze the way," led by the one all controlling purpose of their lives, which had caused them to leave home and native land, to cross the trackless ocean, and to settle here on these wild western shores, in order that they might secure first of all "freedom to worship God according to the dictates of their own con- sciences," and to establish a government, "of the people, by the people, and for the people," for themselves and their posterity.
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