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When Mr. Madison was President, Mrs. Adams sailed with her husband to Russia, where he went as United States Minister. It was no holiday trip a hundred years ago to cross the Atlantic. When the country called Mr. Adams to this position, Mrs. Adams, nothing daunted, left her two eldest children in America, and taking the young- est, not two years old, sailed from Boston in August and arrived in St. Petersburg the last of October.
Their six years' stay in Europe was an era of intense interest. In the history of the world, perhaps, there were never such wondrous scenes enacted. Napoleon seemed to have the destinies of the Old World in his grasp. The war between England and America broke out in the meantime, and communication was entirely cut off. British ships cruised about our ports to capture vessels, and hostile cannon thundered in the Capital of our country.
Mr. Adams's biographer says: "He lived in St. Peters- burg, poor, studious and secluded, on the narrow basis of the parchment of his commission, respected for learning and talent, but little given to the costly entertainments of an opulent and ostentatious circle."
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Mrs. Adams grew weary of her cheerless abode in that far northern city of architectural splendor. The enter- tainment of Russian nobles and oriental extravagance had no attraction for Mr. and Mrs. Adams while their country was in danger. Mr. Adams met the American Embassadors in Ghent, leaving Mrs. Adams to follow him to Paris.
Spring came at last, and she set out with her boy, following in the wake of a furious war, through a country where passion and strife were rampant; but her courage- ous spirit carried her through, reaching Paris in time to witness the enthusiastic delight which greeted the return of Napoleon from Elba, and the flight of the Bourbons.
Mrs. Adams, soon after reaching London, in May, 1815, found her husband appointed Minister to St. James, and after a separation of six years she was reunited to her children.
In 1817, when Mr. Monroe succeeded Mr. Madison as President, he appointed John Quincy Adams Secretary of State. He immediately embarked with his family for the United States. They arrived in Washington Sept. 20, 1817. For eight years Mrs. Adams occupied the place Mrs. Madison had so charmingly filled for the same length of time.
No sectional bitternesses were taken into Mrs. Adams's drawing-rooms, but the ever-present and never-settled , question of social precedence assumed such propor- tions at the time Mr. Adams was Secretary of State that it became necessary to discuss it in Cabinet meetings. History gives us many instances where affairs of state have become gravely involved in these seemingly petty affairs of society, and this Republic has not been exempt from these entanglements, as the following extract from Mr. Adams's diary will show:
"Jan. 5, 1818 .- At the office I had visits from Mr. Gail- lard, the President pro tem. of the Senate, and his col- league, Judge Smith, and had conversation with them on various subjects. Mr. Gaillard finally asked me if there had been any new system of etiquet established with re- gard to visiting, to which I replied: 'Certainly none to my
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knowledge.' I was, myself, determined to make no question of etiquet with any one; but I have been negligent in paying visits, for absolute want of time. They said there had been a rule adopted by Senators as long ago as when Aaron Burr was a member of that body, and drawn by him, that the Senators should visit only the President of the United States, and Mr. King had lately referred them to a book in which it was recorded. I told them it was the first information I had ever received of the exist- ence of such a rule.
"I have been five years a member of the Senate, and at the commencement of every session had invariably paid the first visit to all the heads of the Departments, except- ing Mr. Gallatin, who, never having returned my first visit, I never afterward visited him excepting upon busi- ness at his office; and I understood that he had never paid or returned any visits while he was Secretary of the Treasury.
- "I had always supposed the universal practice to be that the Senators paid the first visit to the heads of the Departments, though since I have arrived here I have heard the practice was different.
"I was ready to conform to any arrangements that might be proper, but I supposed the rule that Senators would visit only the President did not extend to a requisi- tion that the heads of Departments should first visit them. We parted in perfect good humor on the subject."
On the 22d he notes: "My wife received this morning a note from Mrs. Monroe, requesting that she would call upon her this day at I or 2 o'clock, and she went. It was to inform her that the ladies had taken offense at her not paying them the first visit.
"All ladies arriving here as strangers, it seems, expect to be visited by the heads of Departments, and eren by the President's wife. Mrs. Madison subjected herself to this torture, which she felt very severely, but from which, having begun the practice, she never found an oppor- tunity of receding.
"Mrs. Monroe neither pays nor returns visits. My wife returns all visits, but adopts the principle of not visiting
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first any strangers who arrive, and this is what the ladies have taken in dudgeon.
"My wife informed Mrs. Monroe that she should adhere to her principle, but on any question of etiquet she did not exact of any lady that she should visit her."
THE CABINET TAKES THE MATTER UP.
The 20th of December a Cabinet meeting was held to discuss the important question of etiquet in visiting. After two hours' discussion of the subject, they came to no other conclusion than that each one should follow his own course.
Mr. Adams proposed a rule to separate entirely the official character from the practice of personal visiting, to . pay no visits but for the sake of friendship or acquaint- ance, and then without inquiring which was first or which last, and that their wives should practice the same.
Mr. Adams, finding himself liable to be misunderstood in his action relative to this singular subject, took the trouble the day following the Cabinet meeting to write to the President and Vice-President letters which illus- trate the social history of Washington at this period. The following is the letter to the President:
"WASHINGTON, December 25, 1819.
"To the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. “SIR :-
"The meeting held yesterday, having terminated with- out any arrangement relative to the subject upon which it had, according to your desire, been convened, and it being understood that it left the members of your ad- ministration free to pursue that course of conduct dic- tated by the sense of propriety, respectively, to avoid being misunderstood in regard to that which I have hitherto pursued, and to manifest my wish to pursue any other which you will please to direct, or advise, I have thought it necessary to submit the following observations to your candor and intelligence. It has, I understood from you, been indirectly made a complaint to you, as a neglect of duty on the part of some of the members of
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your administration, or at least of the Secretary of State, that he omits paying, at every session of Congress, a first visit of form to every member of the Senate of the United States; and that his wife is equally negligent of her sup- posed duty, in omitting to pay similar visits to the ladies of every member of either House who visit the city during the session. .
"The fact of omission, both as regards my wife and myself, is acknowledged; and as you had the kindness to propose having any explanation of the motives of our con- duct made known to those who, to our very great regret, appear to be dissatisfied with it, the following statement is made to give that explanation.
"I must premise that having been five years a member of the Senate, and having, during four of the five years been accompanied by my wife, I never received a visit from any one of the heads of departments, nor did my wife ever receive a first visit from any of those ladies.
"We invariably paid the first visit and at that time always understood it to be the established usage. I do not mean to say that every Senator then paid the first visit to the heads of departments, but that the Senators neither exacted nor expected a visit from them. Visit- ing in form was considered as not forming a part either of social or official duty. I never then heard a suggestion that it was due in courtesy from a head of department, to pay a visit to all Senators; or from his wife to visit the wife of any member of Congress.
"When I came here two years ago, I supposed the usual rules of visiting to remain as I had known them ten years before.
"Entertaining the profoundest respect for the Senate as a body, and a high regard for every individual member of it, I am yet not aware of any usage which required formal visits from me, as a member of the administration, to them as Senators.
"The Senate of the United States, independent of its importance and dignity, is, of all the associations of men upon the earth, that to which I am bound by every and the most sacred and inviolable ties of personal gratitude.
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"In a career of five and twenty years, and through five successive administrations, scarcely a year has passed but has been marked in the annals of my life by mani- festations of the signal confidence of that body. Un- worthy, indeed, should I be of such confidence if I had a heart insensibe of these obligations; base, indeed, should I feel myself, if, inflated by the dignity of the stations to which their continual uninterrupted and frequently re- peated kindnesses have contributed to raise me, I were capable of withholding from them, collectively or in- dividually, one particle of the reverence and honor due from me to them. But I was not conscious that this mode of showing my respect to them was either due or usual, and when the first intimation was given me that there was such an expectation entertained by the Senators in gen- eral, I quickly learnt from other quarters that if complied with it would give great offence to the members of the House of Representatives, unless also extended to them.
"To pay visits of ceremony to every member of Congress every session, would not only be a very useless waste of time, but not very compatible with the discharge of the real and important duties of the Department, always peculiarly oppressive during the session of Congress. Neither did the introduction of such a system of mere formality appear to me altogether congenial to the Re- publican simplicity of our institutions.
"To avoid all invidious discriminations I have paid no first visits to any member of the Houses of Congress as such, but I have returned the visits of all who are pleased to visit me; considering it as perfectly optional between every member of either House whether any interchange of visits should take place between us or not.
"The rule which I have thought best to adhere to for myself has been pursued by my wife with my approba- tion. She has never considered it incumbent upon her to visit ladies coming to this place, strangers to her. She would draw no line of discrimination of strangers whom she should and strangers whom she should not visit. To visit all, with the constantly increasing resort of strangers here, would have been impossible. To have
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visited only the ladies of members of Congress, would have been a distinction offensive to many other ladies of equal respectability. It would have applied to the married daughters of the President. The only principle of Mrs. Adams has been to avoid invidious distinctions; and the only way of avoiding them is to visit no lady as a stranger. She first visits her acquaintances, according to the rules of private life; and receives, or returns, visits of all ladies, strangers, who pay visits to her. We are aware that this practice has given offence to some mem- bers of Congress and their ladies, and we very sincerely regret the result. We think, however, that the principle, properly understood, cannot be offensive.
"To visit all strangers, or none, seems to be the only alternative, to do justice to all.
"Above all we wish it understood that while we are happy to receive any respectable stranger who pleases to call upon us, we have no claim or pretension to claim it of any one.
"It only remains for me to add that, after this frank exposition of what we have done, and of our only motive for the course we have pursued, I am entirely disposed to conform to any other which you may have the goodness to advise.
"With respect, etc."
The following day the President called at the office of the Secretary of State, returning the letter Mr. Adams had left with him. He said the observation it contained had undoubtedly great weight, and as it principally con- cerned the members of the Senate, he thought it would be best to give a similar explanation to the Vice-President, and ask him to communicate it to the members of the Senate who had taken exception to Mr. Adams not pay- ing them the first visit; asking as a favor that Mr. Adams would omit the allusion to his daughter, Mrs. Hay. Mr. Adams did so, but adds in his note, "though Mrs. Hay, herself, has been one of the principal causes of raising this senseless war of etiquet visiting."
A letter was sent to the Vice-President, embodying nearly the same language as the one to the President.
HISTORIC HOMES IN WASHINGTON.
The Vice-President, Mr. Tompkins, called on Mr. Adams, and the affairs of visiting etiquet came up. Mr. Tomp- kins said the principle upon which they rested their claim to a first visit was that the Senate being, by their con- currence to appointments, a component part of the supreme executive, therefore Senators ought to be first visited by heads of departments. Mr. Adams said he thought the conclusion was not logical, and if it was it would require that Senators at home should visit every member of the Legislature, by which they were chosen; a practice which certainly existed nowhere. If that line of argument is used it would place the State Senator above the United States Senator, and the constituency above the State Senator.
The matter was not settled in the days of Adams and Monroe. Mr. Adams gave his undivided attention to the duties pertaining to his office, leaving to Mrs. Adams the arduous task of receiving and entertaining the hosts of visitors who crowded the Capital-diplomats, public men, those who came on business or pleasure were always made welcome, and probably there was not a home in Wash- ington where society found such an agreeable resort as at Mrs. Adams's.
MRS. ADAMS'S GREAT BALL.
The ball given by her Jan. 8, 1824, in honor of Andrew Jackson and the anniversary of his victory at New Or- leans, was one of the most brilliant affairs ever given at that time in Washington. It is one of the events that will live in history; it was heralded in newspapers and com- memorated in song.
Old Washingtonians do not forget the rhyme in which John Ogg celebrated this event in the Washington Re- publican, Jan. 8, 1824, beginning thus:
"Wend you with the world to-night?
Brown and fair and wise and witty,
Eyes that float in seas of light,
Laughing mouths and dimples pretty,
Belles and matrons, maids and inadams- All are gone to Mrs. Adams."
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Among the guests were Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, and John C. Calhoun, and if the picture extant of this grand celebration is correct, they did it honor by appear- ing in full-dress costumes-blue coats, gilt buttons, white or buff waistcoats, white neckties, high chokers, silk stockings, and pumps.
This event was a happy one for Jackson. It soon after- ward followed that John C. Calhoun's name was with- drawn from the Presidential ticket and Andrew Jackson's placed instead. John Quincy Adams, his host, was running in opposition to him.
The house in which Mr. Adams lived, and where this famous ball was given, was on F street, opposite the Ebbitt House. Until within a few years it had remained there unchanged. Upon its site has been erected a magnificent structure, christened the "Adams Building," a fitting monument to this great name.
Charles Francis Adams writes of his mother that dur- ing the eight years in which Mrs. Adams presided in the house of Secretary of State no exclusions were made in her invitations merely on account of any real or imagin- ary political hostility; nor, though keenly alive to the reputation of her husband, was any disposition mani- fested to do more than amuse or enliven society.
In this the success was permitted to be complete, as all will remember who were then in the habit of frequenting her dwelling. But, in proportion as the great contest for the Presidency in which Mr. Adams was involved ap- proached, the violence of partisan warfare began to mani- fest its usual bad effects. Mrs. Adams decided to adopt habits of greater seclusion.
Most human affairs have their good and their bad sides, and politics is not an exception. The election of the heads of Government determines the general policy of the State and the class of men who shall be appointed to the various offices under the control of the Administration. Those who feel a strong interest in that policy which their judgment tells them is for the welfare of the country, those who desire to promote special measures, and those who are anxious to obtain and hold office are those who
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are always found ready to work for such interests. They divide into parties, according to their views, and exert themselves to the utmost to bring about the desired result.
This party influence is useful and beneficial, if properly used, in causing discussion, examination, and thought, simulating the people to a careful study of their institu- tions and the principles of, Government and the effects which certain measures may have on the public welfare.
In a free Government, where the people wield the power, the result of all this discussion and thought is to imbue the general mind with ideas of high statesmanship. This is the better side of politics. The dark side is that too often it awakens an undue degree of passion and preju- dice. Men berate and misrepresent each other. The same disposition which actuates the friends of a candi- date also actuates his enemies. They seek to destroy each other's influence, while, no doubt, all are in earnest in seeking the good of their country. They do not stop at public actions, but enter the sanctity of the home. Because of this, Mrs. Andrew Jackson was led to say: "I assure you that I would rather be a doorkeeper in the house of my God than to live in that palace in Washington."
For this there is no remedy but in the intelligence and good sense of the people themselves. When men learn to be careful and just in judgments of men and measures politics will have taken a higher plane. The year pre- ceding Mr. Adams's election was one of contention and strife, and unfortunately neither candidate was elected.
NEW YORK POLITICS.
At this time Mr. George Ticknor, of Boston, presented a foreign gentleman to ex-President John Adams. They were to avoid talking upon politics, on account of Mr. Adams's feebleness; but when they started to go Mr. Adams asked Mr. Ticknor about the Presidential election in the House. Mr. Ticknor very adroitly remarked: "It is understood to depend upon the vote of New York." Mr. Adams arose and exclaimed: "Then, God help us! As boy and man, I have known New York for 70 years, and her politics have always been amorg the devil's incompre-
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JAMES MONROE AND JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.
hensibilities." How much his Satanic majesty reveals of New York politics in these latter days remains one of the enigmas.
On Feb. 9, 1825, the formal opening of the electoral packets took place. Neither of the candidates had re- ceived a majority of electoral votes.
The House of Representatives then proceeded to elect from the three highest candidates-Jackson, Adams and Crawford.
The roll of the House was called by States. The vote of each State was deposited in a box and placed on the table. The tellers were Daniel Webster and John Randolph, who proceeded to open the boxes and count the ballots. Mr. Webster announced the election of Mr. Adams.
On the 4th of March, 1825, he was inaugurated Presi- dent, occupying the chair his father had occupied 28 years before. Chief Justice Marshall administered the oath.
ADAMS AND JACKSON MEET.
After the Inauguration the multitude rushed to the White House to congratulate the President. In the even- ing the usual Inaugural Ball was given. Mr. Monroe gave a levee after the electoral count in honor of the event, of which Mr. Goodrich writes: "In the course of the even- ing Mr. Adams and Gen. Jackson unconsciously ap- proached each other. Gen. Jackson had a handsome lady on his arm; the two looked at each other for a mo- ment, and then Gen. Jackson moved forward, stretched out his long arm, and said: 'How do you do, Mr. Adams? I give you my left hand, for my right, you see, is devoted to the fair. I hope you are well, sir." Mr. Adams, with accustomed dignity, replied: "Very well, sir. I hope Gen. Jackson is well." Only four hours had elapsed since both were struggling for the highest place to which human ambition can aspire. They met as victor and vanquished, but their deportment toward each other was a rebuke to that littleness of party which can see no merit in a rival, or that has no rejoicings in common with a victorious competitor
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Mrs. Adams was the presiding genius of the White House in 1825, and Lafayette, by Mr. and Mrs. Adams's invitation, spent the last week of his stay here in the Ex- ecutive Mansion. It was from the President's House, Sept. 7, that he bade the land of his adoption a pathetic farewell.
More than half a century had passed since the last sentence of his farewell address was uttered. No true child of America can recall it and the scenes that followed without feelings of the deepest emotion.
As the last words were spoken he advanced and took President Adams in his arms, while tears poured down his venerable cheeks. Advancing a few paces, he was overcome by his feelings, and again returned, and falling on the neck of Mr. Adams, exclaimed in broken accents: "God bless you!" There was many a manly cheek wet with tears as they pressed forward to take for the last time that hand " ich was so generously extended for our aid, and which was ever ready to be raised in our defense.
The expression which beamed in the face of this exalted man was of the finest and most touching kind. The hero was lost in the father and friend, and dignity melted into subdued affection, and the friend of Washington seemed to linger with a mournful delight among the sons of his adopted country. As he entered the barouche, accom- panied by the Secretaries of State, of the Treasury, of the Navy, and passed out of the Capital he had helped to save, the peals of artillery, the music of military bands, the large concourse of people produced feelings of indescrib- able emotion in the heart of Lafayette. This was his triumph for having given his money, his services, and almost his life for the liberty of the sons of men.
Mr. Adams was undoubtedly the most learned man who had yet occupied the Presidential chair. In dress and manner he was a model of courtly refinement. Mrs. Adams's elegant and intelligent regime was felt through- out the length and breadth of the land. Whatever stately court the other Presidents' wives had drawn around them, there had never been any superior to Alrs. Adams's in elegance, taste, purity, refinement and worth.
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CHAPTER VII. THE WHITE HOUSE DURING PRESIDENT JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATION.
JACKSON'S INAUGURATION-JOHN QUINCY ADAMS'S POLISHED MANNERS-REFINEMENT IN THE WHITE HOUSE-MUCH AP- PREHENSION BY THE WHITE HOUSE COTERIES-A MILITARY HERO-MRS. DONALDSON, HOSTESS-JACKSON'S CABINET. "TO THE VICTORS BELONG THE SPOILS" -- THE MRS. EATON IMBROGLIO-JACKSON'S OBSTINACY-AN IGNOMINIOUS DEATH. A PAGE FOR "MRS. GRUNDY"-A SPIRITED ANSWER TO A FOREIGN MINISTER-JACKSON TIRED OF SOCIAL CEREMONIES. A . SELECT BALL.
In 1824, in the contest for the Presidency that was finally settled by the election of John Quincy Adams by the House of Representatives, Jackson received 99 elec- toral votes. The clamor against his "backwoods man- ners," uncivilized character and military spirit caused his - defeat. But the ascendency he had gained in the hearts of the people by his military achievements made him invincible in the Presidential election of 1828, and he was inaugurated March 4, 1829.
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