USA > Delaware > Narratives of early Pennsylvania, West New Jersey and Delaware, 1630-1707 > Part 5
USA > New Jersey > Narratives of early Pennsylvania, West New Jersey and Delaware, 1630-1707 > Part 5
USA > Pennsylvania > Narratives of early Pennsylvania, West New Jersey and Delaware, 1630-1707 > Part 5
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37
44
[1634
NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA
them. In the morning I found this to proceed of nothing else but their pollicie to trie whether, if occasion were, I would re- ally assist them or no. But howsoever the king gave me great thankes for my love to him and his people. After I had stayed there some five dayes, I departed towards the head of the River, and many Indians as I passed along came aboard my shippe, with such commodities as they had, some with furrs, some with victualls. On the 29 of August I had gotten up with my shippe as far as I could goe with her for now the water beganne to be shoaly, so I came to an anchor, neere to the dwelling of one of the principall kings of this Countrey, who that same night hearing that I was come to his Countrey, came aboard of me to visitt me, with whome also I made peace as with the former. This king and his Brother are the greatest Travaylors that I mett among all the Indians, in the River, for they have bene by land at the lower fort of Hudsons River, and likewise very farre up the River, beyond the rockes, I spake of. On the first of September I sent my leiuetennant in my shallop up to the Rockes, both to sound the water as he went, and likewise to trie whether my boates would passe those rockes or no. The Hollanders of Hudsons River having gotten some intelligence of our being heere by the Indians, who in some places live not above a dayes journey from them, overtooke me heere within sixe houres after I had sent away my leiuetennant to the rockes. They came to an Anchor close by me. I sent my boate presently aboard them to know what they were, and from whence they came, and to bring the master to mee, who soone after came together with his Mar- chant in their owne boate. When they were come aboard of me, I sent for them into my cabbin, and asked them what they made heere, they answered mee they came to trade as formerly they had done. I asked them if they had any comis- sion from his Matie to trade in the River or no, they answered they had none from the King of England, but from the Gov- ernor of new Netherlands they had, to which I replyed that I knew no such Governor, nor no such place as new Nether- lands. I told them that this Country did belong to the crowne of England, as well by ancient discovery as likewise by posses- sion lawfully taken, and that his Mate was now pleased to make more ample discovery of this River, and of other places
45
RELATION OF THOMAS YONG
1634]
also, where he would erect Collonies, and that I was therefore sent hither with a Royall Commission under the great Seale to take possession heereof. I perceaved by their countenance that this newes strooke them could at heart, and after a little pawse they answered me, that they had traded in this River heeretofore. I then replyed that therein they had done his Ma" and his subjects the greater injurie, for supposing, as some of the Dutch pretended, that they had by his Matie leave traded and planted in Hudsons River, yet ought they not to usurpe upon other trades and Countreyes of his Matics without his leave, and since that he is now pleased to make use of this River, either for himself, or his subjects, it would be good manners in them to desist. Then they desired to see my Commission, which I shewed them, and after they had read it, and considered well thereof, apprehending the power I had, if they should trade without licence, to make them prize, they desired me to give them a Copie thereof. I answered them that it was not the custome of England for his Maties Ministers to give Copies of their Commissions, they then desired to know how I would proceed with them, which they hoped would be the better in regard they knew not of my commission, I told them I would let them know that heereafter, when my leiue- tennant was returned which perhaps would be the next morning.
The next day my leiuetennant being returned, I sent for the Hollanders to dine with me, and this day I spent in mak- ing them wellcome, and after dinner one of their company dranke to me saying, Heere Governor of the South River, (for soe they call this) I drinke to you and indeed confesse your Commission is much better then ours, how say you Copeman1 (who is the head marchant) said he is it not. To whome the Copeman answered yes indeede, I have not seene a larger Commission. The next day about 8 of the clocke I sent for them to give them an answerre which was this. That in re- gard they were subjects to so ancient allies of my Prince, and that they were neighbours heere, and since they had carried themselves civilly, I had used them with all curtesy, that I might lawfully use. That since I had also shewed them my commission, I made no question but that they knew suffi-
1 Dutch Koopman, (pron. Copeman), merchant,
46
[1634
NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA
ciently well what they had to doe, neverthelesse, I was willing they might stay at Anchor two dayes longer, to provide them- selves of whatsoever they should need, and that I would not suffer any thing to be taken from them during their stay. They then asked me if I would command them to be gone, I answered I command you not to be gone, but you may looke into my Commission, and there you may see whether it be lawfull for you to vizitt or trade into any places I shall pos- sesse, where upon they read over the second time that part of the Commission, and then they answered they would be gone, but they desired a note under my hand for their dis- charge, unto their Governor, to shew the cause why they re- turned without trading. I answered it was not the custome of England and that they had no need of any such note, since they had seene the Commission under the great Seale, and that I could not beleeve but that their Governor would both creditt and be satisfied with their Relation. Soe they parted civilly though very sadly from mee. Before the time of two dayes was expired, they weighed Anchor and went downe the River, I sent my Leiuetennant in my pinnace to see them cleare of the River, and to watch them least they should doe me ill offices with the Indians, in their way homewards. In their going downe they sometimes went aboard of one another after the manner of the Sea, and the Merchant of the Ship upon some discourse said, that if they had bene in possession at my arrivall they would not have removed, for all my Commission, and not long after he said I would we were in possession of it agayne, yet if the West India Company had been ruled by me, they had planted this River, rather than Hudsons River, and whilest my Leiuetennant commended Hudsons River, for a good place, he replyed, yea so it is, but this is better, and further said were I sure we should loose this River, I would tell you something that would please you. I gave my leiuetennant order that after he had watched these Hollanders out of the Bay he should then goe, and discover all along the Coast, as farre as Hudson's River and so on towards Cape Cod, to see if there were any probability of a passage through. Hee ac- cordingly discovered along the coast as farre as Hudsons River, where he was overtaken with foule weather, and con- trary windes, where he endured the stormes till he was forced
-
47
RELATION OF THOMAS YONG
1634]
by the incommodiousnes of his vessell, and want of victualls to returne. In this voyage he lost two men who were killed by the Indians, but found nothing worthy of particular Relation.
As soone as he was returned I sent him presently up once more to the falls to trie whether he could passe those rockes at a spring tide, which before he could not doe in a neap tide, but it was then also impassable with any great boate, wherefore he returned backe to mee agayne. When he saw he could not passe over the rockes, he went up the River side some five miles above the rockes, to see whither the River were passable or no, who informeth me [it] is deepe and likely to runne very farre up into the Countrey. Heere also is the Brother of the king of Mohigon, who is the uppermost king that wee have mett with who relateth that he hath bene in a Canoa 20 dayes journey up the River, above the rockes which he describeth to runne northwest and westnorthwest, that he was sent thither by his brother to a king of his Alliance, and that there he heard that this River some five dayes journey higher issueth from a great Lake, he saith further that four days journey from this River, over certayne mountaines there is a great mediterranean sea and he offereth to goe him self along in person the next sommer with myself or my leiuetennant to shew us the same, he saith further that about two dayes journey above the falls or rocks, the River divides itself into two branches, the one whereof is this wherein wee are, and the other trendeth towards Hudsons River, and that the farther you goe up the River the broader.
I beseech y" honor give me leave by the way to give you a short relation of the commodities? and scituation of this River. This River dischargeth itself into a great Bay in the North part of Virginia, in 39 and almost a half of latitude. The river is broad and deepe, and is not inferior to any in the North of America, and a ship of 300 Tonnes may saile up within three leagues of the rockes. The River aboundeth with beavers, otters, and other meaner furrs, which are not only taken upon the bankes of the mayne River, but likewise in other lesser rivers which discharge themselves into the
1 I. e., the river.
'Advantages or good qualities.
48
NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1634
.
greater, whereof I thinke few Rivers of America have more or more pleasant. The people are for the most part very well proportioned, well featured, gentle, tractable and docible. The land is very good and fruitfull and withall very healthfull. The soyle is sandy and produceth divers sorts of fruites, es- pecially grapes, which grow wild in great quantity, of which I have eaten sixe severall sorts, some of them as good as they are ordinarily in Italy, or Spaine; and were they replanted I thinke they whould be farre better. Heere also growes the fruite which in Italy they call lazarroli,1 plumms, divers sorts of berries and divers other fruites not knowne in Europe. The climate is much like that of Italy and all sorts of fruites of that Countrey will thrive heere exceedingly. The earth being fruitefull is covered over with woods and stately timber, except only in those places, where the Indians had planted their corne. The Countrey is very well replenished, with deere and in some places store of Elkes. The low grounds of which there is great quantitie excellent for meadowes and full of Beaver and Otter. The quantity of fowle is so great as can hardly be beleeved, wee tooke at one time 48 partriches to- gether, as they crossed the river, chased by wild hawkes. I myselfe sprang in two houres 5 or 6 covies in walking of a mile. there are infinit number of wild pidgeons, black birds, Turkeyes, Swans, wild geese, ducks, Teales, widgins, brants, herons, cranes etc. of which there is so great aboundance, as that the Rivers and creekes are covered with them in winter. Of fish heere is plentie, but especially sturgeon all the sommer time, which are in such aboundance in the upper parts of the River, as that great benefitt might be raysed by setting up a fishing for them, for in the spring and beginning of summer the weather is so temperate, that they will keepe very well. Heere are also great store of wild hops yet exellent good and as faire as those in England, heere are also divers other things which with industrie will prove exellent good commodities,
1 Lazarola or lazzerola, i. e., the azarole or Neapolitan medlar (Crataegus azarolus), a fruit-bearing shrub allied to the white thorn. "At this spot [on the south side of Christiana Creek, opposite the site of Fort Christina] there are many medlar trees which bear good fruit from which one [ Jan] Jaquet, who does not live far from there, makes good brandy or spirits, which we tasted and found even better than French brandy" (In 1679; Journal of Dankers and Sluyter, p. 188).
49
RELATION OF THOMAS YONG
1634]
and for my part I am confident that this River is the most healthfull, fruitefull and commodious River in all the North of America, to be planted.
Hither also very lately came the Hollanders a second time, sent hither by the Governor of the Dutch plantation, with a Commission to plant and trade heere, but after much discourse to and fro, they have publikely declared, that if the king of England please to owne this River, they will obey, and they humbly desire that he will declare to them their limitts in these parts of America, which they will also observe.
-
FROM THE "ACCOUNT OF THE SWEDISH CHURCHES IN NEW SWEDEN," BY REV- EREND ISRAEL ACRELIUS, 1759
INTRODUCTION
IN 1638 the Swedes, impelled by the spirit of territorial and commercial expansion aroused under their late King, the great and victorious Gustavus Adolphus, founded the colony of New Sweden, thus planting the first permanent white settlement on the Delaware. This foundation was laid under the personal direction of Peter Minuit, the first governor, at Fort Christina, on a creek of the same name, where the present city of Wil- mington, Delaware, now stands. Thence, during the next deo- ade, especially under the vigorous rule of the warrior Governor Printz, who arrived in 1643, a thin fringe of settlement in the form of forts and trading posts-barely a dozen in all -- with a population at no time exceeding a few hundred souls, was ex- tended, mainly on the western shore, about thirty-five miles up and down the river between the sites of Philadelphia and Elsinborough, New Jersey, and not more than three or four miles inland.
The Swedish government supported the enterprise through the medium of a trading company organized, under the in- spiration of certain Dutch promoters, on the model of the Dutch and English trading corporations. The Indian fur trade, along with the lesser traffic in Virginia and Maryland tobacco, was the chief business of the colony, and for the most part sustained the somewhat dilatory and wavering in- terest of the people at home .: 'The colonists gave some atten- tion to tobacco culture and grazing, and occasionally raised small crops of grain, but the evidence thus far available shows that they had no particular success in agriculture; frequently they were largely dependent upon their English and Dutch neighbors for necessary provisions.
54
NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA
The Dutch, who in 1623 had erected Fort Nassau on the eastern shore of the river near the present Gloucester, New Jersey, claimed the Delaware region as part of New Nether- land, and protested from time to time against the Swedish occupation. Vigorous action, however, was delayed on ac- count of the close political and economic relations between the two mother countries, Sweden as the great Protestant power in the Thirty Years' War aiding the Netherlands, and the Nether- lands, in turn, favoring Swedish shipping and trade. After the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648, these conditions were changed. The Swedes having made a rapid commercial development came into effective competition with the Dutch. The Dutch, with their political independence conceded by Spain as well by the other leading powers of Europe, now sought to curb this dangerous northern rival. They built other forts on the Delaware. In 1655, the Dutch Governor, Peter Stuyvesant, from New Amsterdam, attacked New Sweden. Swedish rule was brought to an end and the Delaware became once more in fact a part of New Netherland. It so remained until the English conquest of New Netherland in 1664.
The details of the history of New Sweden, as recounted by the Swedish historian, the Reverend Israel Acrelius, may be followed in the extracts from his work hereafter presented.
Born in 1714 in Österåker, in Roslagen, near Stockholm, Sweden, Acrelius was educated at the University of Upsala and ordained as a Lutheran clergyman in 1743. In 1749 he was sent out from Sweden as provost of the Swedish congre- gations on the Delaware. He took up his residence at Chris- tina, now Wilmington, as pastor of the Old Swedes' Church, and thence made periodical visits to the other churches. After an efficient .service of seven years he went back to Europe, and during the winter of 1756-1757 devoted himself to study in England. He then returned to Sweden, received & pension from the King, and retired to the living of Fellings-
· 55
INTRODUCTION
bro, in Westerås, near Stockholm. There he completed his history which he had begun in America, and died in 1800.
His book, a quarto of xx+534 pages, published at Stock- holm in 1759, is written in Swedish and bears the title Beskrifning om de Svenska Församlingars forna och närwarande Tilstånd uti det så kallade Nya Sverige which in English is "Description of the Former and Present State of the Swedish Churches, in the so-called New Sweden."
Of the eight parts into which the work is divided, parts I., II., and III., comprising the first third of the book, form a history of the respective Swedish, Dutch, and English govern- ments in the Pennsylvania and Delaware region up to and including Acrelius's residence there in the middle years of the eighteenth century. The remaining two-thirds of the work are devoted to a full account of the Swedish church on the Delaware for the same period.
Although writing a century after the Swedish régime on the Delaware, Acrelius had the advantage over later historians of a certain intimacy with his subject, not simply by reason of nearness to the earlier period, but because of his knowledge of the topography of the field concerned and the informa- tion obtained in religious visits among surviving families of the colonists of New Sweden. On the whole he made careful and intelligent use of some of the chief original sources, a few of which are not now available. Some errors, it is true, have crept in; parts of the book are antiquated, in the light of modern research; and the writer's views, especially with re- spect to the Dutch, are obviously colored by his Swedish sympathies. Nevertheless, the work has independent value and interest. Such of its shortcomings as have been observed in the present text are pointed out in the notes.
The whole of the book was translated and edited by the Reverend William M. Reynolds, and published in 1874, in the Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, volume XI.
1
58
NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1626
to extend their power to the river Delaware also, and erected on it's shores two or three small forts, which were, however, immediately destroyed by the natives of the country.
4. Arrangements in Sweden for a Colony.
It now came in order for Sweden also to take part in this gain. William Usselinx,1 a Hollander, born at Antwerp in Brabant, presented himself to King Gustaf Adolph, and laid before him a proposition for a Trading Company, to be estab- lished for Sweden, and to extend [its operations] to Asia, Africa, and Magellan's Land, [with the assurance] that this would be a great source of revenue to the kingdom. Authority was given him to carry out so important a project; and there- upon a contract of trade was drawn up, under which the Company was to unite, and subscribe it. Usselinx published his explanation of this contract, wherein he also particularly made the country on the Delaware known as to its fertility, convenience, and all its imaginable advantages. To strengthen the matter, a charter was secured for the Company, and espe- cially for Usselinx, who was granted a royalty of one thou- sandth part upon all articles bought or sold by the Company.
5. The Execution of the Project.
The great king, whose zeal for the honor of God was not less ardent than for the welfare of his subjects, availed himself of this opportunity to extend Christian doctrine among the heathen, as well as to establish his own power in other parts of the world. To this end he sent forth letters patent, dated at Stockholm, on the 2d of July, 1626, wherein all, both high and low, were invited to contribute something to the Com- pany, according to their means. The work was continued in the Diet of the following year, 1627, when the estates of the
1 Willem Usselinx (1567-c. 1647), the founder of the Dutch West India Company and of the Swedish South Company, was a native of Antwerp. He re- ceived a business education in Antwerp and spent several years abroad in Spain, Portugal, and the Azores, returning to Holland about 1591, a wealthy man. From 1600 until his death he was engaged in the promotion of great projects and plans of colonization and trade.
59
ACRELIUS'S NEW SWEDEN
1628]
realm gave their assent, and confirmed the measure. Those who took part in this Company were: His Majesty's mother, the Queen Dowager Christina, the Prince John Casimir, the Royal Council, the most distinguished of the nobility, the highest officers of the army, the bishops and other clergymen, together with the burgomasters and aldermen of the cities, as well as a large number of the people generally. The time fixed for paying in the subscriptions was the 1st of May of the following year (1628). For the management and work- ing of the plan there were appointed an admiral, vice admiral, chapman, under-chapman, assistants, and commissaries, to- gether with soldiers and officers.
6. Renewal of these Plans.
But when these arrangements were now in full progress and advertised everywhere, the German war and the King's death occurred, which caused this important work to be laid aside. The Trading Company was dissolved, its subscriptions nullified, and the whole project was about to die with the King. But just as it appeared to be at its end, it received new life. Another Hollander, by the name of Peter Menewe,1 sometimes called Menuet, made his appearance in Sweden. He had been in Dutch service in America, where he became involved in difficulties with the officers of their Company, in consequence of which he was recalled home and dismissed from their service. But he was not discouraged by this, went over to Sweden, and renewed the representations which Usse- linx had formerly made in regard to the excellence of the country, and the advantages that might be derived from it.
1 Peter Minuit (1580-1638), the first governor of New Sweden, brought over the initial Swedish expedition to the Delaware in 1638, built Fort Christina at the site of Wilmington, Delaware, and thus began the first permanent white settlement on that river. Born of Huguenot parents at Wesel in western Ger- many, he went over to New Netherland in 1626 as third Director General. Ap- parently his rule was successful but he was recalled in 1631. Becoming concerned in the Swedish plans of expansion he suggested to Chancellor Oxenstierna and to Spiring the first plan for the settlement of the Delaware, proposing the name New Sweden. On his way home from the new colony he was lost in a storm near the island of St. Christopher in the West Indies. See Amandus Johnson, Swedish Settlements, pp. 93-117, 182-186, 191-192, 684-685.
-
60 NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1634
7. Under Queen Christina.
Queen Christina, who succeeded her royal father in the government, was glad to have the project thus renewed. The royal chancellor, Count Axel Oxenstierna, understood well how to put it in operation. He took the West India Trading Company into his own hands, as its president, and encouraged other wealthy noblemen to take shares in it. King Charles I. of England had also, in the year 1634, upon representations made to him by John Oxenstierna, at that time Swedish ambassador in London, renounced,1 in favor of the Swedes, all claims and pretensions which the English had to that country, growing out of their rights as its first dis- coverers. Hence everything seemed to be settled upon a firm foundation, and all earnestness was employed [in the prosecu- tion of the plans for a colony].
8. Menewe's Outward Journey.
As a good beginning the first colony was sent off, and Peter Menewe was placed over it, as being best acquainted in those regions. They set sail from Gothenburg in a ship-of-war, called the Key of Calmar, followed by a smaller vessel, bearing the name of the Bird Griffin, both laden with people, provisions, ammunition, and merchandise suitable for traffic and gifts to the Indians. The ships successfully reached their place of destination. The high expectations which our emigrants had conceived of that new land agreed exactly with the first views which they had of it. They made their first landing on the bay or entrance to the river Poutaxat,' which they called the river of New Sweden, and the place where they landed they called Paradise Point.'
9. Purchase of Land.
A purchase of land was immediately made from the Ind- ians, and it was determined that the land on the western side
" No records confirming this have been found.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.