USA > Delaware > Narratives of early Pennsylvania, West New Jersey and Delaware, 1630-1707 > Part 7
USA > New Jersey > Narratives of early Pennsylvania, West New Jersey and Delaware, 1630-1707 > Part 7
USA > Pennsylvania > Narratives of early Pennsylvania, West New Jersey and Delaware, 1630-1707 > Part 7
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37
1 "The Dutch came here in a ship" is the version in the official report in the published Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, IV.
? At this point Acrelius has omitted a bit of the speech which is supplied from the official Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, IV., as follows: "[here the inter- preter explained that they meant the Oneida country.] And not content with this, for their further security, we removed the rope to the big mountains."
-
[1655
72
NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA
said, They mean the land of Onondago. There we fastened it very securely, and rolled wampum around it. For still greater security, we stood upon the wampum, and sat upon it to guard it, and to prevent all injury, and we took the greatest care to keep it unin- jured for all time. As long as that stood, the newly-arrived Germans1 recognized our right to the country, and from time to time urged us to give them portions of our land, and that they might enter into a union and treaty with us, and become one people with us.'
That this is more correctly said of the Swedes than of the Hollanders can be inferred from this, that the Hollanders never made such a purchase from them as to include their whole country, which the Swedes did; yet the English are rather disposed to explain this in favor of the Hollanders. The savages regarded both the Swedes and Hollanders, being Europeans, as one people, and looked upon their quarrels as disagreements between private families.
13. How Purchases of Land were made from the Heathen.
Purchases of land from the savages were made in this way: Both parties set their names and marks under the purchase- contract. Two witnesses were also taken from among the Christians. When these made their oath that they were present at the transaction, and had seen the payment made, then the purchase was valid. If the kings or chiefs of the Ind- ians signed such an agreement in the presence of a number of their people, then it was legitimate on their side. In for- mer times they were quite faithful, although oaths were not customary among them. But it was not so in later times, after they had had more intercourse with Christians. Payments were made in awls, needles, scissors, knives, axes, guns, powder and balls, together with blankets of frieze or felt, which they wrap around themselves. One blanket suffices for their dress. The same wares they purchased for themselves, for their skins of beavers, raccoons, sables, gray foxes, wildcats, lynxes, bears, and deer.
1 Dutch, according to Colonial Records, IV.
" Acrelius omits the remainder of the speech.
73
ACRELIUS'S NEW SWEDEN
1654]
14. The Indians a Dissatisfied People.
It is true the savages sold their lands at a low rate, but they were a discontented people, who, at no great intervals, must have new gifts of encouragement, if their friendship was to remain firm. Such they always have been, and still are. As they regarded the Swedes and the Hollanders as one people, it was all the same to them which of them had their land, pro- vided only that they frequently got bribes. Three years after Governor Printz's arrival, as gifts were withheld, and Swedish ships came but seldom, the Indians murmured that they did not receive more, and that the Swedes had no more goods for their traffic. Then there came out a rumor that the savages had a mind to fall upon and exterminate them. This went so far that in the year 1654 their sackkeman sent out his son, called his elders together, and had a consultation as to what was to be done. But as they regarded the Swedes as a war- like people, who had better not be irritated, as also that they had dealt justly with them, and were shortly expecting other ships with costly wares, they therefore laid aside all hostile thoughts, and confirmed anew their former friendship.
15. They frequently visited the Swedes.
After the Christians came in, and the savages gave over their country to them, the latter withdrew farther into the forests in the interior of the country. But it was their habit and custom, at certain times of the year, to come forth in great numbers to visit the Swedes, and trade with them. That was done for the most part after they had planted their maize, namely, in the month of June, and so they remained for some time of the summer, when they gathered wild pease, which grew along the river, and dried them. These pease, in their language, were called Tachy. The Indians were not troublesome, as in the meantime they supported themselves by fishing and hunting, which custom they kept until within fifty years since. These tribes were the Delawares and Myn- quesses, or Minnesinks, who called the Swedes their brothers. Sometimes there came with them some of that race which the Swedes called Flatheads, for their heads were flat on the
74
[1654
NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA
crown. These were dangerous, and murdered people, when they found anyone alone in the woods. They first struck the person on the head, so that he either died or swooned, after which they took off the skin of the head, after which some persons might revive again. That is called scalping, and is still in use among all the American Indians, and the skin of the head is called a scalp, which is their usual token of victory. An old Swedish woman, called the mother of Lars Bure, living at Chinsessing,1 had the misfortune to be scalped in this man- ner, yet lived many years thereafter, and became the mother of several children. No hair grew on her head again, except short down. On their account the people were compelled to live close together, as also to have stories on their houses pro- vided with loop-holes .? By their intercourse with the savages the Swedes became well acquainted with the Indian language, and there are still a few of the older ones who express them- selves quite well in it. The savages stayed much with Olof Stille at Techoheraffi, and were very fond of the old man; but they made a monster of his thick black beard, from which also they gave him a special name.'
16. Governor Printz chastises the Hollanders, and searches their Ships.
Governor Printz, for some time, played the master in the river of New Sweden, and held the Hollanders under him, al- though he did not exterminate them. Adrian van der Donck, in the passage before cited, testifies how he chastised them at Fort Elfsborg:
The Swedish governor, thinking that now is the right time, has built a fort called Elsingborg. There he holds a high hand over each and all, even over the vessels of our Trading Company,
1 Kingsessing.
? Apparently blockhouses.
" Olof or Olle Stille, millwright, of Techoheraffi, at the mouth of Olle Stille's Kill, now Ridley Creek, at the present borough of Eddystone, Pennsylvania, was a native of Roslagen, in the parish of Lanna, and Penningsby Court, iz Sweden, and came over in 1641. His descendant the late Charles J. Stille was provost of the University of Pennsylvania, and president of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
75
ACRELIUS'S NEW SWEDEN
1646]
and all those who sail up into the South River, compelling them to strike their flags, without exception. He sends two men on board to inquire where they come from. Which is scarcely better than searching us, to which we expect it will come at last. We cannot understand what right those people, the Swedes, have to act so; or how the officers of another power, as these give themselves out to be with full powers, can take upon themselves such high authority over another people's lands and wares, which they have so long had in possession, and sealed with their own blood: especially as we hold it by a charter.
17. Causes the Arms of the States General to be torn doum.
The Holland commander had erected the arms of the States General upon the shore of the river, but the Swedish Governor ordered them to be torn down. A Swedish lieutenant was bold enough to perform this errand at Santhickan, now the town of Trenton, where the falls of the river are. When the Hollanders asked him, "How dare you do such a thing?" he answered, "If the very standard of the States General stood there, it would be treated in the same manner." This was done on September 8, 1646.
Adrian van der Donck refers to this in the passage before cited, where he says:
A further proof: Above Maghchachansie or Mechakanzjiså, at Santhickan, the arms of their High Mightinesses were erected, in consequence of Director Kieft's orders, as a token that the river and all its parts belonged to the dominion, and were the property of the States. But what advantage had we from this? Nothing else than shame, and a diminution of our honor. For the Swedes, in their intolerable haughtiness, threw them down, and now, whilst we keep quiet, they think that they have performed a manly deed. Al- though we have protested against that and various other trespasses, they regard it no more than as if a crow should fly over their heads. If the Swedish Governor gets reinforcements in time, we should have more to fear from him than from the English, or any of their governors. That is in brief what relates to the Swedes, whereof the Company's servants could give fuller information, to whose journals and documents we appeal.
76
NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA
[1642
18. The Swedes and Hollanders unite in driving out the English.
However jealous the Hollanders were of the Swedes for the advantages which they thus gained, and however they con- tended with each other for these things, yet they were united as often as it came to shutting the English out of the river. Already in those times the Englishman sought to settle him- self on those coasts, and had so far a claim to it as the western shore was regarded as the rear of Virginia, although the times then gave him the best right who had the most strength. The year before Governor Printz landed, the English had fortified a place upon the Schulkihl, to drive out whom the commis- sary at Fort Nassau received the following orders:
May 22, 1642.
Instructions for Jan Jansson Ilpendam, commissary of the West In- dia Company, how to conduct himself upon the South River of the Netherlands:
So soon as the sloops Real and S. Martin arrive, he, the said Jan Jansson Ilpendam, shall repair to both or either of the said sloops (and, if he finds it necessary, he shall collect as great a force as he is able), and go into the Schulkihl, to the place which the English have lately taken possession of, and immediately land there, and demand their orders, and by what authority they under- take to rob us of our land and trade. If they have no royal au- thority, which expressly commands them to set themselves down upon our boundaries, or a copy of the same, he shall compel them, in a polite manner, to remove, so that no blood may be shed. If they refuse this, he shall take them in custody, and convey them on board the sloops, and in other respects see to it that he may main- tain the supremacy, and protect the honor of their High Mighti- nesses, as also of the Most Honorable the West India Company. When the English are either taken or driven away, he shall com- pletely demolish the place. The said Jan Jansson shall also see to it that the English are not injured in their property, of which a full inventory shall be made out in their presence. Done in our Council in the Fort of Amsterdam, and given as aforesaid.
19. Proof thereof.
That the Swedes at such occasions gave assistance [to the Dutch] and probably did the most [for its accomplishment],
77
ACRELIUS'S NEW SWEDEN
1646]
is also testified by Adrian van der Donck in the place often referred to, although he is greatly mistaken as to the situation of the place.
There lies another creek on the eastern shore, three miles down below the mouth of the river, called Varckens Kihl, where some English settled, but Director Kieft drove them away, and protested against them, being in part supported by the Swedes; for they had both agreed to drive the English away (page 39). The English have, at various times, and in various places, striven to master that river, to which they insist that they have the best right. This has thus far been prevented by protests and forcible expulsion, well knowing that if we allow them to establish themselves, the river will be lost, or we shall be put to great inconvenience, as they will swarm into it in great crowds. It is given out as certain, that many English families are now on their way thither. But if they once get a firm footing, it will soon be all over with both Hollanders and Swedes; at all events, we shall lose part [of the land], if reinforcements are not speedily sent.
20. The Weakness of the Hollanders.
It now seems that it may be reasonably concluded that the strength of the Hollanders in the river was considerable, seeing that they could effect so much; but these movements did not mean much. A few unarmed English families might be driven out of the country by a small force. On the contrary, they neither drove any trade at that time, nor had they any mili- tary force, which reflected the least honor on the commandant.
21. Proof of this.
The commandant and commissary, Jan Jansson Ilpendam, who commanded at Fort Nassau, was, on October 12, 1646, called to New Amsterdam, to render an account of goods which he had on hand, for both the West India Company and some private persons. Andries Hudde was sent to Fort Nas- sau to examine his books, and return such goods as were un- necessary, but was himself to remain as commandant until further orders, and repair the fort that same year. The maga- zine was in no better condition than that Ilpendam in his
78
NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA [1654
account specifies [the receipt of] only two bales of Harlem cloth, and two beaver-skins, which he had on hand during his time, and that was all that he was now to account for.
22. Further Proof.
Neither could that command have been of much honor or revenue. Andries Hudde, who had been appointed as com- mander ad interim at Fort Nassau, petitioned the Governor and his Council in New Amsterdam, on December 31, 1654, that he might be employed as schoolmaster for New Amster- dam, but the matter was referred to the preachers and their consistory. A singular change from commander to school- master! But neither would that take shape, for in the year 1660 he was secretary to the Governor at Altona [Christina], and at the same time sexton of the church.
23. The Maintenance of the Budget.
The support of the Governor and of the garrison amounted annually to twenty-six hundred and nineteen rix-dollars,1 to be drawn from the excise on tobacco in Sweden, and as the income from this did not amount to so much, the Crown's third of all confiscated tobacco was added to it, as also the fines for the offence. If any loss occurred in the management, it was to be made up out of the department of the excise. All the merchan- dise which was brought from Holland to Gothenburg, to be shipped to New Sweden, together with all the tobacco and pel- tries from New Sweden, were to go free of duty. But the tobacco which the Company imported from Holland was to be subject to a duty.
24. Governor Printz returns Home, and leaves the Administra- tion to John Papegoija.
Governor Printz indeed saw the weakness of the Hollanders, but prudence suggested to him doubts as to how long that might continue, and what might follow thereafter. He looked
1 About $3,273 United States currency, in values of that period, or about $15,368 now.
-
79
ACRELIUS'S NEW SWEDEN
1648]
upon New Amsterdam as a place from which a sudden thunder- ing and lightning might burst forth. No doubt he was strong enough to drive the Hollanders out of the river, but how he was afterwards to preserve his advantages he did not know. He had not for a long time had a message from home. The reinforcements which he expected were delayed until his hope turned into despair. Neither were the Indians a people to be much relied upon. As long as the Swedes had anything that they wanted, everything was well; but without that, mur- murs and misunderstandings were heard. Some persons were sent home to Sweden with representations in regard to the existing state of affairs, together with complaints concerning the intrusions by his neighbors, among whom the old Skute 1 was one. But Governor Printz was afraid that he should have to wait too long; he had not patience to wait for either answer or reinforcement, and therefore, in the year 1652, returned home to Sweden, after he had been in the country ten years. In his place he appointed his son-in-law, Mr. John Papegoija, as Vice-Governor.
CHAPTER III. 18. The Fortune of the Priesthood.
The Christian work which had been aimed at by the send- ing out of five ministers, at the same time received a lamentable check. The Rev. Reorus Torkillus, of East Gothland, who came over with Commandant Menewe, ended his days in Fort Christina, on September 7, 1643. The Rev. John Campanius Holmensis remained no longer than six years, during which time, however, he was very zealous in learning the nature of the country and the language of the heathen, and since he had much intercourse with the wild people, therefore a tradition is still circulated that he travelled up into the interior among them, and so went by land home to Sweden. From his journal, it is seen that he sailed from Elfsborg, in New Sweden, on May 18, and reached Stockholm on July 3, 1648, an uncommonly quick voyage. The Rev. Israel Holgh and Mr. Peter' followed some years after. Mr. Lars Lock was the only one who re- mained in the country, and took care of the poor and scattered
1 Swen Skute.
" Rev. Peter Hjort.
80
NARRATIVES OF EARLY PENNSYLVANIA
[1688
Swedes, preaching at Tenakong and Fort Christina until the day of his death, in the year 1688.
19. The Fortune of the Tenacon Church.
Vice-Governor John Papegoija's wife was a daughter of Governor Printz. She lived for many years in the country, residing upon her father's estate at Tenacongh, and preferred calling herself Armegot Printz rather than Madame Papegoija. They still tell of the lady at Tenacong, how haughty she was, and how she oppressed the poor when she was in prosperity, although it is uncertain whether or not she deserved these re- proaches. It is, however, true that she, for a considerable time before her return to Sweden, enjoyed a pension from the Holland government. It is reported that, out of contempt for the Swedes, she sold along with her farm the church which was built upon it, as also the bell, to a Hollander. However that may be, they had to buy their bell back again by two days' reaping in harvest time, after Madame Armegot had gone away. The church was used without hindrance until 1700. Perhaps the bell was not excepted in the bill of sale, although the following obligation was given:
Copy. LAUS DEO, May 24, 1673.
I, the undersigned, Armegot Printz, acknowledge to have transferred to the congregation of the adherents of the Augsburg Confession in this place, the bell that has been on Tennakong, that they may do therewith what pleases them, and promise to keep them free from all claims that are made. Before the undersigned witnesses. Given as above.
His mark, P. K.
ARMEGOT PRINTZ.
PETER KOCK. His mark, X JONAS NILSSON.
The English, during these changes, had not forgotten their pretensions to the country, but were in the way of coming to an understanding with Sweden in regard to the trade with
81
1655]
ACRELIUS'S NEW SWEDEN
America, which now, by the intervention of the Hollanders, was entirely broken off. Finally it came to pass that the Crown of Sweden had to relinquish its West India trade entirely to the English, from which it can be concluded that they did not at that time think of leaving the Hollanders much longer upon the Delaware. In like manner, also, arrangements for peace were made with the Republic of Holland, after which no Swedish flag was ever again seen upon the coast of America, . and it is a question, whether or not Sweden was ever given satisfaction for the losses she suffered on the Delaware.
AFFIDAVIT OF FOUR MEN FROM THE KEY OF CALMAR, 1638
INTRODUCTION
THIS graphic bit of narrative, the sailors' own tale of how the first Swedish expedition arrived in Christina Creek, and how the Indians ceded their land to the newcomers, was sworn to before an Amsterdam notary in the same year, 1638, and is prime historical evidence. The original manuscript, which is a German translation of the Dutch original made at the same time and signed by the same notary, was found in the Kammararkiv (Archives of the Exchequer) in Stock- holm, Sweden, by Dr. Amandus Johnson, who translated it. It is here printed for the first time in translation, but a fac- simile of the original German manuscript is given in Dr. Johnson's Swedish Settlements, between pp. 184 and 185.
Of the four men of the Key of Calmar making this report, two were Dutchmen. The one, Michell Simonssen, the mate, "a fine honest man, well acquainted with the coast of North America from previous voyages," was from Zaandam; the other, Peter Johanssen, the upper boatswain, was from the Beemster. The gunner, Johan Joachimssen, was also probably Dutch. Jacob Evertssen Sandelin, the second mate, was a Scotchman, and later figures in New Sweden as the mate of the ship Charitas on the third expedition to the colony in 1641- 1642. About 1644 he seems to have come into a ship of his own, called the Scotch Dutchman, in which he traded to New Amsterdam, bringing a large cargo of goods to Governor Printz in 1645.
A. C. M.
85
AFFIDAVIT OF FOUR MEN FROM THE KEY OF CALMAR, 1638
BE it known by the contents of this open instrument, to everyone, especially however to him whose business it is to know, that on the 29th of December, in the year sixteen hun- dred and thirty-eight, appeared personally in the presence of the witnesses named below, before me Peter Ruttens, the re- siding public notary in the city of Amsterdam, admitted and sworn by the Supreme Court in Holland, the mate Michell Simonss., from Sardam,1 about the age of fifty-four years; the gunner Johan Joachimss., about the age of thirty years; the second mate, Jacob Evertss. Sandelin from Scotland, about the age of thirty-eight years; the upper boatswain, Peter Johanss., from the Bemster,' about the age of twenty-seven years; all four of whom, in the abovementioned respective capacities, have lately served on the ship called the Key of Calmar, and have come with her from West India to this coun- try. And the testimony was produced [at the instance of Peter Spiring]' that the abovementioned mate, together with the director Peter Minuit, the skipper Johan von de Water and the former upper boatswain Andress Lucassen and still other officers of the ship's-council, were on this ship, and an examina- tion was made by order of the honorable Mr. Peter Spiring, Lord of Norsholm, financial councillor of the worshipful crown of Sweden, and resident of the same in the Hague, and [the above witnesses] have on their manly word and on their con-
1 Zaandam in Holland, a town about six miles northwest of Amsterdam.
' Beemster, a town twelve miles north of Amsterdam, in Holland, in the midst of a district called the Beemster, formerly a lake, which by 1612 was re- claimed from the sea largely through the active interest of Willem Usselinx, later the leader in the initial steps of the New Sweden movement.
Peter Spiring Silfverkrona (d. 1652), son of a wealthy Dutch merchant, went into the service of the Swedish government. In 1635 he was sent as a repre- sentative of Swedish interests to Holland. See Amandus Johnson, Swedish Settle- ments, pp. 695-696, and passim.
86
87
1638]
AFFIDAVIT OF FOUR SAILORS
science without and by the confirmation of a sworn oath, affirmed it to be true [as here related]. And at first the above mentioned Michell Simonss. and Johan Joachimss. related in what manner they, in this now ending year, sailed on the abovementioned ship so far into the South River that they came to and by another river, the Minquas Kil,1 which they also in like manner sailed into. And they made their presence known with all kinds of signs, both by the firing of cannon and otherwise, and also sailed several miles into the same [Minquas] river, and went into the country, but neither found nor ob- served any sign or vestige of Christian people. Neither did they meet nor see any Christian people; whereupon the above- mentioned Director Peter Minuit requested and caused the nations or people to whom the land really belonged to come before him, whom he then asked, if they wished to sell the river, with all the land lying about there, as many days' journeys as he would request. This they agreed to with the common consent of the nations. The parties were therefore agreed with one another, and thereupon, on the twenty-ninth of March of the above year, appeared and presented themselves before the abovementioned ship's council, in the name of their nations or people, five Sachems or princes, by the name of Mattahorn,' Mitot Schemingh,' Eru Packen, Mahamen, and Chiton, some being present [on behalf] of the Ermewormahi," the others on behalf of the Mante' and Minqua " nations. And these sachems or princes, at the same time and place, in the presence of the whole ship's council and hence also of the two first-named witnesses, ceded, transported, and transferred
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.