USA > Florida > Historical sketches of colonial Florida > Part 8
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McGillivray soon attracted the attention of the British government at Pensacola, as well as that of the British officers in Georgia, with whom he carried on an extensive correspondence. They at once saw that it would be impossible for him to keep the Creeks in a state of neutrality,
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founded, as it must be, upon good feeling for each of two bitter foes, marked by such strict impartiality of conduct as to avoid any ground of exception by either belligerent. McGillivray's judgment soon led him to the same conclusion ; a conclusion which imposed upon him the ne- cessity of choosing one of the belligerents for the ally of his people. He, accordingly, decided in favor of a British alliance, for which the reasons were too obvious for hesitation.
The Americans could reach his people upon one frontier only, and even then their attention would be distracted by their contest with the British. The British, on the other hand, could without danger of interference, assail the Creeks from Pensacola; and in case they crushed, the Georgians would be at liberty to attack them from the east. But, although he sided with the British, it was with the secret resolution that the alliance should be maintained at the least possible sacrifice to his people. His policy was, not to permit their spirit to be broken, or their numbers diminished, by entering with their full strength into a conflict with which they had no concern. Nor would he permit them to
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inflict such extensive injuries upon Georgia as would be a barrier to future reconciliation.
In order to spur the Creeks to great efforts against the Americans, Tait, a British colonel, was stationed on the Coosa; and at the same time McGillivray received from the British gov- ernment the commission and pay of colonel in its service. But both expedients proved in- effectual to materially change the policy the lat- ter had adopted. Raids, it is true, were made upon the Georgians, necessarily attended by some blood-shed and rapine, but they were lim- ited in number, character, and consequence, by the mental reservation with which McGillivray had entered into the British alliance. With that limited exertion, however, the British were fain to be content, as it was better for them than strict neutrality, and still more so than the hos- tility of such a powerful tribe directed against themselves.
Milfort was the commander intrusted with the expeditions against the Georgia settlements; and, doubtless, being fully aware of the con- servative policy of the Grand Chief, he made every effort to observe it. A Frenchman, of his
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ability, was the very man to make such a show of warfare as would impose on the British, and at the same time to render it so barren in results as to make but a transient impression upon those against whom it was directed. That a man should have been selected so emi- nently qualified to execute such a singular task, affords the highest evidence of the capacity of the mind that made the selection. Such ability, is, indeed, after all, the surest test of the capac- ity of a ruler.
Though a band of the Creeks, as already men- tioned, assisted the British at the time of Gal- vez's operations against Pensacola, it is re- markable, that neither McGillivray, who was a colonel in the British army, nor Milfort, the Great War Chief, seem to have taken any part in the contest. Such a force as could have been raised by the Creeks and their confederate tribes, could have rendered great service to the $ British in resisting, if not, indeed, in defeating Galvez's invasion. , But an explanation is readily found in the Grand Chief's policy of preventing his people from taking any large part in the quarrels and conflicts of the whites.
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Besides, he was doubtless impressed with the smallness of the British force in West-Florida, compared with the host the Spaniards had at their command; justifying the conclusion, that as the latter had been able to conquer the coun- try west, they would prove equal to the con- quest of that east of the Perdido. He, therefore, wisely refrained from such an interference as would array the Spaniards against his people, after they had expelled the British from the country. If the British proved victorious, the assistance rendered by the Creeks, aided by the Choctaws and Chickasaws, could be urged as the fulfillment of the obligations of an ally. On the other hand, if the Spaniards were suc- cessful, it was an easy matter to disavow the action of an adventurer like Bowles, at the head of a handful of Creeks and other Indians, as one in which the tribe had no concern ; an expla- nation the more acceptable, as the conqueror would naturally seek to cultivate the like friendly relations with the Indians which the conquered had enjoyed."
Soon after McGillivray became Grand Chief of his tribe, he met William Panton at Pensa-
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cola. Panton was deeply impressed with his ability. It is probable, too, that he was ac- quainted with the elder McGillivray, and sym- pathized with him as a fellow victim, who, like himself, had suffered banishment and confisca- tion, for no other crime than loyalty to their King. That sympathy with the parent natur- ally inspired good will toward the son. But, aside from such a sentimental consideration, each soon discovering the great advantage he could be to the other, it was not long before they were united by the more practical bonds of mutual interests. McGillivray likewise saw great advantages to his people in dealing exclu- sively with a house of such great wealth and influence as that of Panton, Leslie & Co., whilst Panton was as quick to see, that by the man- agement of the Grand Chief the firm could secure a monopoly of the entire Indian trade. It was immediately after this understanding between them was reached, that they had that meeting with Governor Chester in the Council Chamber of Fort George, of which a glimpse was had in a previous page.
The war in Georgia and South Carolina had
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cut off the Creek trade with the Atlantic coast ; and consequently, McGillivray had no difficulty in directing the whole of it to Pensacola. But after peace was established, the Atlantic traders were again ready, with their pack ponies, to take the trails that led to western Georgia and eastern Alabama. Panton at once saw that the monopoly of his house was in danger ; and that to avert it, he must bring about an understanding between the Spanish govern- ment, himself, and McGillivray, like that which he had previously effected with the British. He, accordingly, entered into the treaty with the Spaniards, of which mention was made in the previous chapter. To be effective, however, he knew that treaty must be supplemented by another between the Indians and the Spaniards.
In playing his cards, Panton was looking solely to the advantage of his house. But it was far otherwise with McGillivray. If he in- duced his people to make such a treaty, it was because he saw clearly it was to their advan- tage. He rejoiced, too, to find that he was about to reap the fruit of that policy by which he had brought them through the period of the
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Revolutionary War, stronger, and more numer- ous than they ever were before; a condition which excited the fears of the Spaniards, and disposed them to seek the alliance of such a powerful tribe by liberal concessions. Accord- ingly, a treaty between the Creeks and the Sem- inoles represented by McGillivray, and Spain by Governor Miro of New Orleans, assisted by O'Niell, Governor of West-Florida, and Don Martin Navarro, Intendent General of Florida, was entered into on the first of June, 1784, at Pensacola. * The relations created by that treaty between the Indians and Spaniards were close and intimate, and seem to have been observed substantially, although not always in form, up to the last day of Spanish rule in Florida.
Its conclusion was followed by McGillivray obtaining a commission with the pay of Colonel in the Spanish army.
By that treaty he felt, as he had reason to feel, that he had secured for his tribe an alliance with a strong European power, one that had
* American State Papers, Vol. 10, pp. 223-227.
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just expelled the British from the Floridas; and, that thus fortified, he was in a condition to meet the Americans on the eastern frontier in a manner that would prevent their threaten- ed encroachment upon the rights of his people; not by war, however, in which the Creeks were to engage with the United States, for such a course, his judgment told him, would end in their destruction. His treaty with the Span- iards was but a card which he proposed to use, to give his nation the imposing aspect of one to be courted rather than despised. To render its attitude still more imposing, he announced his determination to prevent any further encroach- ments by the whites upon the Indian territory in Georgia.
These cards won the game, according to the calculations of the sagacious brain which con- ceived it. The United States met the threaten- ing aspect of affairs in Georgia, by appointing commissioners in 1785, to treat with the Indians. One of them, Andrew Pickens, ad- dressed a letter to McGillivray, expressing the wish of the government amicably "to adjust matters on an equitable footing. " This was
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the point for the attainment of which the treaty with the Spaniards, and the threats of hostility against the Georgians had been made. For it was the strength of the Creeks, which his poli- cy had so successfully fostered in the midst of war, backed by the Spanish alliance, that in- duced the United States, exhausted by the Rev- olutionary struggle, to resort to peaceable means to avoid a conflict with such a powerful tribe ..
The reply of McGillivray so clearly illustrates his profound policy, which previous pages have endeavored to unfold as the moving spring of all his actions as Grand Chief, that it must be given in extenso, especially as any attempt to present it by extracts would prove a mutilation in which its force would be impaired, if not destroyed.
LITTLE TALLASEE, 5th Sept., 1785.
SIR :- I am favored with your letter by Brandon, who, after detaining it near a month, sent it by an Indian, a few days ago. He, perhaps, had some reasons for keeping him- self from this region.
The notification you have sent us is agreeable to our wishes, as the meeting is intended for the desirable purpose of adjusting and settling matters, on an equitable footing, between the United States and the Indian nations. At the
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same time, I cannot avoid expressing my surprise that a measure of this nature should have been so long delayed, on your part. When we found that the American Independ- ence was confirmed by the peace, we expected that the new government would soon have taken some steps to make up the differences that subsisted between them and the Indians during the war; to have taken them under their protection, and confirmed to them their hunting-grounds. Such a course would have reconciled the minds of the Indians and secured the States their friendship, as they considered your people their natural allies. The Georgians, whose particular in- terest it was to conciliate the friendship of this nation, have acted, in all respects, to the contrary. I am sorry to observe that violence and prejudice have taken the place of good policy and reason, in all their proceedings with us. They attempted to avail themselves of our supposed dis- tressed situation. Their talks to us breathe nothing but vengeance, and, being entirely possessed with the idea, that we were wholly at their mercy, they never once reflected that colonies of a powerful monarch were nearly surround- ing us, to whom, in an extremity, we might apply for succor and protection, and who, to answer some ends of their policy, might grant it to us. However, we yet deferred any such proceeding, still expecting that we could bring them to a true sense of their interest; but still finding no alteration in their conduct towards us, we sought the pro- tection of Spain, and treaties of friendship and alliance were mutually entered into-they guaranteeing our hunt- ing-grounds and territory, and granting us a free trade in the ports of the Floridas.
How the boundary and limits between the Spaniards an 1
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the States will be determined a little time will show, as I believe that matter is now on foot. However, we know our limits, and the extent of our hunting-grounds. As a free nation, we have applied, as we had the right to do, for protection, and obtained it. We shall pay no attention to any limits that may prejudice our claims, that were drawn by an American and confirmed by a British negotiator. Yet, notwithstanding we have been obliged to adopt these measures for our preservation, and from real necessity, we sincerely wish to have it in our power to be on the same footing with the States as before the late unhappy war, to effect which is entirely in your power. We want nothing from you but justice. We want our hunting-grounds pre- served from encroachments. They have been ours from the beginning of time, and I trust that, with the assistance of our friends, we shall be able to maintain them against every attempt that may be made to take them from us.
Finding our representations to the State of Georgia of no effect, in restraining their encroachments, we thought it proper to call a meeting of the nation, on the subject. We then came to the resolution to send our parties to remove the Georgians and their effects from the lands in question, in the most peaceful manner possible.
Agreeably to your requisition, and to convince you of my sincere desire to restore a good understanding between us, I have taken the necessary steps to prevent any future pre- datory excursions of my people against any of your settle- ments. I could wish the people of Cumberland showed an equal good disposition to do what is right. They were " certainly the first aggressors, since the peace, and acknowl-
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edged it in a written certificate, left at the Indian camp they had plundered.
I have only to add, that we shall meet the commissioners of Congress whenever we shall receive notice, in expectation that every matter of difference will be settled, with that liberality and justice worthy the men who have so gloriously asserted the cause of liberty and independence, and that we shall, in future, consider them as brethren, and defenders of the land .*
I am, with much respect, sir, Your obedient servant, ALEXANDER MCGILLIVRAY.
HON. ANDREW PICKENS.
How politic and graceful the allusion to American independence ! Could the alliance with Spain have been touched more artfully ? How firm is the insistance of the rights of his people! How striking is the regulation of the force ex- erted in the removal of trespassers from the Indian domain! How worthy of the spring days of republican America is the closing para- graph !
The reader must be induced to read another letter, not merely as illustrative of the style and springs of action of the Grand Chief, but
* Indian Affairs, Vol. I., pp. 17-18.
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as a narrative of events bearing upon his life, which no pen can so well narrate as his own. It is in reply to a letter of James White, super- intendent of the Creek Indians.
LITTLE TALLASEE, Sth April, 1787.
SIR :- It is with real satisfaction, that I learn of your being appointed by Congress, for the laudable purpose of inquiring into and settling the differences that, at present, subsist between our nation and the Georgians. It may be necessary for you to know the cause of these differences, and our discontents, which, perhaps, have never come to the knowledge of the honorable body that sent you to our country.
There are Chiefs of two towns in this nation, who, during the late war, were friendly to the State of Georgia, and had gone, at different times, among those people, and once, after the general peace, to Augusta. They there demanded of them a grant of lands, belonging to and enjoyed as hunt- ing-grounds by the Indians of this nation, in common, on the east of the Oconee river. The Chiefs rejected the de- mand, on the plea, that these lands were the hunting- grounds of the nation, and could not be granted by two individuals ; but, after a few days, a promise was extorted from them, that, on their return to our country, they would use their influence to get a grant confirmed. Upon their return, a general convention was held at Tookabatcha, when these two Chiefs were severely censured, and the
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Chiefs of ninety-eight towns agreed upon a talk, to be sent to Savannah, disapproving, in the strongest manner, of the demand made upon their nation, and denying the right of any two of their country to make cession of land, which could only be valid by the unanimous voice of the whole, as joint proprietors in common. Yet these two Chiefs, re- gardless of the voice of the nation, continued to go to Augusta, and other places within the State. They re- ceived presents and made promises; but our customs did not permit us to punish them for the crime. We warned the Georgians of the dangerous consequences that would certainly attend the settling of the lands in question. Our just remonstrances were treated with contempt, and these lands were soon filled with settlers. The nation, justly alarmed at the encroachments, resolved to use force to maintain their rights, yet, being averse to the shedding of the blood of a people whom we would rather consider as friends, we made another effort to awaken in them a sense of justice and equity. But we found, from experience, that entreaty could not prevail, and parties of warriors were sent, to drive off the intruders, but were instructed to shed blood, only, where self-preservation made it necessary.
This was in May, 1786. In October following we were invited by commissioners, of the State of Georgia, to meet them in conference, at the Oconee, professing a sincere desire for an amicable adjustment of our disputes, and pledging their sacred honors for the safety and good treatment of all those who should attend and meet them. It not being convenient for many of us to go to the proposed conference, a few, from motives of curiosity, attended. They were sur- prised to find an armed body of men, prepared for and pro-
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fessing hostile intentions. Apprehensions for personal safety induced those Chiefs to subscribe to every demand that was asked by the army and its commissioners. Lands were again demanded, and the lives of some of our Chiefs were required, as well as those of some innocent traders, as a sacrifice to appease their anger. Assassins have been employed to effect some part of their atrocious purpose. If I fall by the hand of such, I shall fall the victim of the noblest of causes, that of maintaining the just rights of my country. I aspire to the honest ambition of meriting the appellation of the preserver of my country, equally with the Chiefs among you, whom, from acting on such principles, you have exalted to the highest pitch of glory. And if, after every peaceable mode of obtaining redress of grievances proved fruitless, a recourse to arms to obtain it be a mark of the savage, and not of the soldier, what savages must the Americans be, and how much undeserved applause has your Cincinnatus, your Fabius, obtained. If a war name had been necessary to distinguish that Chief, in such a case, the Man-Killer, the Great Destroyer, would have been the proper appellation.
I had appointed the Cussetas, for all the Chiefs of the Lower Creeks to meet in convention. I shall be down in a few days, when, from your timely arrival, you will meet the Chiefs, and learn their sentiments, and I sincerely hope that the propositions which you shall offer us will be such as we can safely accede to. The talks of the former commissioners, at Galphinton, were much approved of, and your coming from the White Town (seat of Congress) has raised great expectations, that you will remove the principal and almost only cause of our dispute, that is, by securing to us our
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hunting-grounds and possessions, free from all encroach- ments. When we meet, we shall talk these matters over.
Meantime, I remain, With regard, your obedient servant, ALEXANDER MCGILLIVRAY .*
HON. JAMES WHITE.
The foregoing letter illustrates the troubles the Georgians were giving the Creeks, and the call they made upon McGillivray's abilities and influence over his people, in order to avoid a state of war. Noresult was reached by the Cussetas talk. Matters remained in the same unsatisfactory condition after as before it, and so continued until after General Washington became President of the United States in 1789.
He appointed a new set of commissioners to effect a settlement, but these, like the others, failed to reach a favorable result. On the other hand, their reports were so alarming that he at first regarded war as the only remedy for the troubles existing between the Georgians and the Creeks. But, wisely concluding that the country was not then able to bear the burden of such a costly corrective, he determined to
* Indian Affairs, Vol. I., pp. 18-23.
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make another effort at conciliation. In this frame of mind the happy thought occurred to him, that a personal interview between him and McGillivray might be attended by results which commissioners had failed to reach. Acting upon it, he sent an agent to the Creek nation, in the person of Colonel Marius Willet, to induce McGillivray to visit New York. The mission was successful. McGillivray in June, 1790, at the head of thirty of the principal chiefs of the confederacy, set out on their long journey mounted on horses.
A stage of the journey brought them to Guild- ford Court House, where they were honored by a large assembly of the neighborhood. Sudden- ly the throng around the Great Chief opens to a woman, who rushes up to him, her face bathed in tears, and then, with blessings upon him, expresses her gratitude for a good deed done by him years before, of which she and her children were the beneficiaries. In an Indian raid her husband had been killed, and she and her chil- dren carried into captivity. Her benefactor hearing of their melancholy fate redeemed them, and gave them a home in his own house, until
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an opportunity was afforded of sending them to their friends. He was received with dis- tinguished consideration at Richmond and Fredericksburg. Philadelphia honored him and his company with a three days' entertain- ment. Colonel Willet, who accompanied them, tells us that upon their landing in New York, the Tammany Society, in full regalia, received them, attended them to Congress Hall, and thence to the residence of General Washington. And then and there, were brought face to face, the most remarkable white man, and the most remarkable red man the western hemis- phere had then produced.
Whilst the chiefs of the two confederacies are settling their relations, an interesting event calls our thoughts from New York to Alabama. The impressive influence of the Great Chief's presence was no sooner withdrawn, than a large number of the restless Creeks conceived the purpose of destroying the white settlements on the Tensas, which had been increasing rap- idly under his protection. The plan, and the time for its execution were at last fixed. But,
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fortunately, they were revealed to Mrs. Sophia Durant, the sister of McGillivray.
She possessed remarkable command of the Muscogee language, coupled with the gift of oratory. She often addressed councils at the instance of her brother, who, owing to his long absence from his people in his youth, as well as the study of other tongues, had lost the full command of his own .: .
At the time she was informed of the bloody scheme, she was at her farm on Little river. Although far under the shadow of maternity she determines, at every risk to herself, by prompt action, to save an unsuspecting popula- tion from the terrible fate hanging over them. She orders two horses to be saddled on the instant. She mounts one and her trusty negress the other. More than twice two score human lives depend upon her reaching Hickory Ground in time, and that required a ride of sixty miles. Night and day those two women ride on that errand of mercy. The only pause was when an opportunity offered to summon a chief to the Hickory Ground Council House. The notice flies from chief to chief, that the sister of the
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Grand Chief has called a council, to tell them, doubtless, what he had said to her on "talking paper." From all quarters, prompted by in- terest and curiosity, there is a rush for the Hick- ory Ground. By that device, worthy the gen- ius of her brother, the council is promptly assembled. She addresses them with a tone of mingled authority and persuasion. She tells them of the scheme that had been disclosed to her; upbraids them for ingratitude to her brother, then with the Great White Chief, who might exact from him and his thirty com- panions the lives of the murdered whites ; warns them, too, of the vengeance which he would be compelled, with the assistance of the whites, to visit upon the murderers; adding all those . appeals which in such an exigency would come swelling up from the heart of a noble woman, From all sides of the assembly come pledges that the ringleaders shall be seized, and the en- terprise crushed; and promptly and efficiently it was done. History, story and art have commemorated the saving of a single life by Pocahontas; but how insignificant was that act compared with the one just described! The
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