Georgia's landmarks, memorials and legends, Volume II, Part 10

Author: Knight, Lucian Lamar, 1868-1933
Publication date: 1913
Publisher: Atlanta, Ga. : Byrd Printing Co.
Number of Pages: 1274

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Thereupon the President authorized the Governor to embody the militia and to call into service the Federal troops, if necessary, in order to disperse the settlers. Lieutenant-Colonel Gaither, of the United States Army, was on hand to co-operate. Before Governor Matthews, in accordance with instructions, resorted to force, he once more tried the effect of negotiations and sent Generals Twiggs and Irwin to Fort Advance.

Says General Twiggs, in his official report: "I pro- ceeded to the unauthorized settlement on the southwest side of the Oconee and, on the presentation of Georgia's claim, read the letter from the War Department, together with Judge Walton's charge to the Grand Jury of Wilkes and the law opinion of the attorney and Solicitor Gen- eral. After a full explanation of the papers above re- cited, I entered into a friendly conference with him, point- ing out the danger of the situation, but without effect. Lastly, I ordered them to move within the temporary lines between us and the Creek Indians; but after an interview with his men he answered that he preferred to maintain his ground. Troops, both State and Federal, were therefore concentrated at Fort Fidius, on the Oconee, and such a disposition made of them that Gen- eral Clarke, upon promise of General Irwin of immun- ity if he should vacate the post, marched out of the place and the State troops took possession of the works. On September 28, they were set on fire, together with Fort Defiance, and several other garrisoned places were com- pletely demolished."

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On October 12, 1794, the Governor informed the Sec- retary of War that the posts were burnt and destroyed, and the whole affair happily terminated without loss of blood.

General Clarke was most unfortunate in these trans- actions of his last years. But because he fell into error, we cannot submit that his merits should be unduly shaded or shut out from view and his character transmitted to the future, aspersed with epithets of disparagement. He died, ranking to the last, among Georgia's most cherished heroes and benefactors. He was emphatically the Ajax Talamon of the State in her days of greatest trial. In weighing such a man-such a doer and sufferer for his country-indictments which might have crushed meaner persons are but as dust in the balance against the rich ponderous ore of his services, and we hasten to shed a tear on whatever may tend to soil his memory and to pronounce it washed out forever. Georgia has been blessed with many signal favors. But never has it fallen to her lot to have a son, native or adopted, whom she could more proudly boast and justly honor, or who has imprinted himself more deeply on her heart, than Elijah Clarke.

CHAPTER VIII

Fannin at Goliad: Story of the Brutal Massacre of 1836

O NE of the most brutal massacres of history was the inhuman sacrifice of life at Goliad during the war for Texan independence, in 1836. Colonel James W. Fannin, who lost his life in this massacre, was a native Georgian, who, removing to Texas in 1834, raised a company, which he called the Brazos Volunteers, and joined the army of General Houston. On the fall of the Alamo, Fannin received orders from his commander to destroy the Spanish fort at Goliad and to fall back to Victoria. He delayed his retreat for some time, in order to collect the women and children of the neighborhood, whose lives were exposed to imminent peril. But he finally set out for Goliad with 350 men.

En route to this point he was overtaken by General Urrea, at the head of 1,200 Mexican troops. There fol- lowed a battle which lasted for two days, during which time the Mexicans lost between 300 and 400 in killed and wounded, and the Texans only about 70; but Fannin, having been wounded in the engagement, was forced by the exigencies of the situation to surrender. He agreed to capitulate only on condition that his troops should be paroled. But, instead of being set at liberty, they were marched to Goliad as prisoners of war, and, on March 27, 1836, in pursuance of orders said to have been received from Santa Anna, were, in the absence of General Urrea, massacred in cold blood.

Four men to assist in the hospital and four surgeons, in addition to the women, received exemption from the

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bloody edict of death, besides which some few of the men who were fired upon afterwards escaped; but the rest were inhumanly butchered. Some two weeks before he was captured and put to death, Fannin wrote to a friend in the United States: "I have about four hundred and twenty men here, and if I can get provisions to-morrow or next day, I can maintain myself against any force. I will never give up the ship."

Henderson Yoakum, the pioneer historian of Texas, gives the frightful details of the tragedy at Goliad as follows .* Says he: "The Texans now raised a white flag, which was promptly answered by the enemy. Major Wallace and Captain Chadwick went out, and in a short time returned and reported that General Urrea would treat only with the commanding officer. Colonel Fan- nin, though lame, went out, assuring his men that he would make none other than an honorable capitulation. He returned in a short time and communicated the terms of agreement which he had made with Urrea. They were in substance as follows: 1. That the Texans should be received and treated as prisoners of war, according to the uses of the most civilized nations. 2. That private property should be respected and restored, but the side- arms of the officers should be given up. 3. That the men should be sent to Copano and thence, in eight days, to the United States, or so soon thereafter as vessels could be secured to take them. 4. That the officers should be paroled and returned to the United States, in like man- ner. General Urrea immediately sent Holzinger and other officers to announce the agreement. It was reduced to writing in both English and Spanish languages, read over two or three times, signed, and the writings ex- changed, 'in the most formal and solemn manner.' The

*History of Texas, 1685 to 1845, by Henderson Yoakum; embodied in Wooten's "Comprehensive History of Texas," Vol. I, pp. 254-260, Dallas, 1898.

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Texans immediately piled arms, and such of them as were able to march were hurried off to Goliad, where they ar- rived at sundown on the same day (the 20th). The wounded, among whom was Colonel Fannin, did not reach the place till the 22nd. At Goliad the prisoners were crowded into the old church, with no other food than a scanty pittance of beef, without bread or salt. Colonel Fannin was placed under the care of Colonel Holzinger, a German engineer in the Mexican service. So soon as Fannin learned how badly his men were treated, he wrote to General Urrea, stating the facts, and reminding him of the terms of capitulation."

"On the 23rd, Colonel Fannin and Colonel Holzinger proceeded to Copano to ascertain if a vessel could be procured to convey the Texans to the United States; but the vessel which they expected to obtain had already left port. They did not return until the 26th. On the 23rd, Major Miller, with eighty Texan volunteers, who had just landed at Copano, were taken prisoners and brought into Goliad by Colonel Vara. Again, on the 25th, Colonel Ward and his men, captured by Urrea, were brought in. The evening of the 26th passed off pleasantly enough. Colonel Fannin was entertaining his friends with the prospect of returning to the United States; and some of the young men who could perform well on the flute were playing 'Home, Sweet Home.' How happy we are that the veil of the future is suspended over us! At seven o'clock that night, an order, brought by special courier from Santa Anna, required the prisoners to be shot! De- tailed regulations were sent as to the mode of executing this cold-blooded and atrocious order. Colonel Portilla, the commandant of the place, did not long hesitate to put it into execution. He had four hundred and forty-five prisoners under his charge. Eighty of these, brought from Copano, having just landed, were therefore con-

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sidered as not within the scope of the order, and for the time were excused. The services of four of the Texan physicians-Drs. Field, Hall, Shackleford and Joseph H. Bernard *- being needed to take care of the Mexican wounded, were among those spared. So likewise were four others, who were assistants in the hospital."

"At dawn of day, on Palm Sunday, March 27, the Texans were awakened by a Mexican officer, who said he wished them to form a line, that they might be counted. The men were marched out in separate divisions, under different pretexts. Some were told that they were to be taken to Copano, in order to be sent home; others that they were going out to slaughter beeves; and others again that they were being removed to make room in the fort for Santa Anna. Dr. Shackleford, who had been in- vited by Colonel Guerrier to his tent, about a hundred yards southeastwardly from the fort, says: 'In about an hour, we heard the report of a volley of small arms, toward the river, and to the east of the fort. I immedi- ately inquired the cause of the firing, and was assured by the officer that he did not know, but supposed that it was the guard firing off their guns. In about fifteen or twenty minutes thereafter another such volley was fired, directly south of us, and in front. At the same time I could distinguish the heads of some of the men through the boughs of some peach trees and could hear their screams. It was then, for the first time, that the awful conviction seized upon our minds that treachery and murder had begun their work. Shortly afterward Colo- nel Guerrier appeared at the door of the tent. I asked him if it could be possible they were murdering our men. He replied that it was so, but that he had not given the order, neither had he executed it."

"In about an hour more, the wounded were dragged out and butchered. Colonel Fannin was the last to suf-

*Dr. Bernard has written an exhaustive account of the Goliad Massacre. See Wooten's "Comprehensive History of Texas," Vol. I, Chapter X, Dallas, 1885.

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fer. When informed of his fate, he met it like a soldier. He handed his watch to the officer whose business it was to murder him, and requested that he have him shot in the breast and not in the head, and likewise see that his remains were decently buried. These natural and proper requirements the officer promised should be fulfilled, but, with the perfidy which is so characteristic of the Mexican race, he failed to do either! Fannin seated himself in a chair, tied the handkerchief over his eyes, and bared his bosom to receive the fire of the soldiers. As the different divisions were brought to the place of execution, they were ordered to sit down with their backs to the guard. But a young man by the name of Fenner, in one of the squads, rose to his feet and exclaimed : 'Boys, they are going to kill us-die with your faces to them, like men !' At the same time, two other young Texans, flour- ishing their caps over their heads, shouted at the top of their voices, 'Hurrah for Texas!' "

Many attempted to escape; but the most of those who survived the first fire were cut down by the pursuing cavalry, or afterwards shot. It is believed that in all twenty-seven of those who were marched out to be slaughtered eventually escaped, leaving three hundred who suffered death on that Sunday morning. The dead were then stripped and the naked bodies thrown into piles. A few brushes were placed over them, and an at- tempt made to burn the bodies up, but with such poor success that the hands and feet, and much of the flesh, were left a pray to dogs and vultures !

"Colonel Fannin doubtless erred in postponing for four days his obedience to the order of the Commander- in-Chief to retreat with all possible dispatch to Victoria, on the Guadalupe; and also in sending out Lieutenant- Colonel Ward in search of Captain King. But these er- rors sprang from the noblest feelings of humanity ; first, in an attempt to save from the approaching enemy some Texan settlers at the mission of Refugio; again, in an endeavor to rescue King and his men at the same place;

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and finally to save Ward and his command-until all was lost save honor. The public vengeance of the Mexican tyrant, however, was satisfied. Deliberately and in cold blood he had caused three hundred and thirty of the stern- est friends of Texas-her friends while living and dying- to tread the wine-press for her redemption. He chose the Lord's Day for this sacrifice. It was accepted; and God waited his own time for retribution-a retribution which brought Santa Anna a trembling coward to the feet of the Texan victors, whose magnanimity prolonged his wretched life to waste the land of his birth with anarchy and civil war."

During the session of 1883, the Legislature of Texas appropriated the sum of fifteen hundred dollars for a monument at Goliad to the victims of the brutal massacre of 1836. The citizens of Goliad raised an additional sev- enteen hundred dollars, and the city of Goliad donated a lot for the monument. The handsome shaft was un- veiled in 1885. It is built of Italian marble, standing thirty-three feet in height, upon a base of granite, and contains the following brief inscriptions: On the north, the famous battle cry of San Jacinto, "Remember the Alamo ! Remember Goliad !" On the west, "Independence declared, March 2nd, A. D. 1836, consummated April 21st, A. D. 1836." On the south, at the bottom of the first section, "Fannin" is chiselled in raised letters, while higher up on the monument appear these words : "Erected in Memory of Fannin and his Comrades." On the east, "Massacred 'March 27th, A. D. 1836." There were a number of Georgians in Fannin's command, among them a distinguished young officer of Lawrenceville, Cap- tain James C. Winn.

CHAPTER IX

William H. Seward: A Georgia School-Master

W HILE a student at Union College, in the State of New York, Mr. Seward, afterwards one of the most collosal figures of the war period of Amer- ican history, became embarrassed by a trivial debt. It grew out of the fact that his father, a man of wealth but a somewhat eccentric old gentleman, refused to pay for a tailor-made suit of clothes which his son had pur- chased because his class-mates made sport of his blue homespuns. In the opinion of the elder Seward, what was good enough for the village school was good enough for the college town; and he remained obdurate. The re- sult was that the unhappy youth, in a spirit of indepen- dence, resolved to shift for himself; and surreptitiously one night he took French leave of his books and started upon his journey southward.

Near Eatonton, Ga., he opened an academy; and here he remained for several months, when unexpected de- velopments called him back home. To what extent his sojourn in the South modified his subsequent career in public life is purely a matter of conjecture; but it was certainly due to Mr. Seward's influence that the decision of President Johnson "to make treason odious" was abandoned. Mr. Seward suffered at the North by reason of his lenient views in regard to Reconstruction. He also shared in the bitter opposition which led to Mr. John- son's trial of impeachment and became alienated from former political associates.

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But he remained a steadfast friend to the people of the South and consistently opposed the adoption of harsh measures. He fought the military regime and advocated from the start the policy of committing the State gov- ernments into the hands of former white leaders. His idea was to win the good-will of the people of the South by overtures of friendship and not to widen the breach by tyrannical acts of oppression. It is doubtful if Mr. Lin- coln himself was animated by a gentler spirit. .

Prior to the war Mr. Seward was a monthpiece of the anti-slavery party in the nation; and the appeal to a "Higher Law" was originated by him to meet the constitutional argument of the pro-slavery advocates. But he was wholly without the venom which characterized Sumner and Phillips. His father owned a number of slaves, which were afterwards emancipated by an edict of the Governor of New York; and in an interview which appeared in 1866, setting forth his attitude toward the South he declared that he himself was born a slave- holder. He also stated in this connection that he was still supporting some of his former slaves.

So far as the suffrage amendment to the Constitution was concerned he fought its enactment, saying that the laws of social economy were adequate to adjust the re- lations between the two races. "I have no more con- cern for the negroes," added he, "than I have for the Hottentots. The North must get over this notion of in- terference in the affairs of the South." Prof. Charles Eliot Norton, of Harvard College, and Editor E. L. Godwin, of New York, were parties to the interview in question .*

To the same effect, Mrs. Jefferson Davis, in her Memoirs of Mr. Davis, throws an anecdotal sidelight

*Life of William H. Seward, by Frederic Bancroft, Volume II, p. 455, New York, Harper and Bros., 1900.

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upon Mr. Seward's attitude toward the negro problem .* On returning to New York Mr. Seward became Governor of the State, Senator of the United States, and Secretary of State in two Cabinets. He was also the logical candi- date of his party for President in 1860, but was defeated by Abraham Lincoln. Mr. Seward, in 1867, negotiated the purchase of Alaska, a coup of diplomacy which was dictated by the highest wisdom. The following story of his life in Georgia is taken from his Autobiography :*

On the first of January, 1819, . . . I left Union Col- lege, as I thought forever, and proceeded by stage to New York with a classmate, who was going to take charge of an academy in Georgia. I had some difficulty in avoid- ing observation as I passed through Newberg, the prin- cipal town of the county in which my father lived. Ar- riving in New York for the first time, I would have stayed to see its curiosities and its wonders, but I feared pursuit. I took passage with my fellow-traveller on the schooner, which was first to sail for Savannah; but the vessel was obliged to wait for a wind. . . . At sunrise next morn- ing we were under way. On the seventh day we crossed Tybee and anchored in the river at Savannah. What an unexpected transition from New York, which I had left congealed and covered with snow, to this beautiful Geor- gia seaport, which I found embowered among trees and flowers! I was in haste, because my funds were small and I did not wish to be overtaken. I rode by stage to Au- gusta, the way often lighted by immigrant camp-fires.

My associate and I made inquiries at Augusta, and he contracted there for employment in the Academy, while I proceeded by stage as far as the coach went and then hired a gig, which landed me at Mount Zion, in a

*Memoirs, Volume I, p. 581.

*William H. Seward: An Autobiography, with a Memoir of His Life and Selections from His Speeches, by Frederick W. Seward. New York, Derby and Miller, 1891, pp. 36-43.

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society which had lately been founded by immigrants, to whom I was known. They were under the pastoral care of Dr. Beman, who afterwards became so distin- guished a preacher at Troy, in the State of New York. Here I rested one or two days, while my linen was washed, and then, no longer able to hire a conveyance, I took the road on foot for a journey of thirty miles, more or less, to Eatonton, the capital town of the County of Putnam.

Farmers-here called "Crackers"-cheerfully gave me a lift as I overtook them on the way, and also shared provisions with me. Arriving in the town late at night and somewhat weary, I was shown into a large ball-room, which I found filled with long rows of cots, one of which was assigned to me. My reflections in the morning were by no means cheerful. Inquiring of the tavern keeper, I learned that the academy for which I was looking was in a new settlement, ten miles distant. I was to make the journey with only nine shillings and six pence, New York currency, in hand, after my reckoning was paid. The shirt which I wore was, of course, soiled by travel. My light cravat was even worse. I invested eight shillings in a neck-cloth, which concealed the shirt bosom, and, with one and six-pence remaining, I resumed my journey.

Reaching a country store where the roads crossed, I came to a rest, after walking eight miles, communicated the news which I had received at Eatonton, and in turn was enlightened by the merchant's news of the admission of Missouri into the Union. Here I also learned the name of the parties who had founded the new school of which I was in search; and I was directed to Mr. Ward, whose house was distant two miles and a half, as the person to whom I should apply. Going a mile and a half through the woods, I became both hungry and thirsty, and quite too weary to go further.

But, at this point, a double cottage, built of logs, at- tracted me. It was new, the windows were without glass,

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and the chimneys were not yet topped out; but mani- festly it was occupied, because domestic utensils lay about the doorway and the blanket which served for a door was drawn up. I found there a lady yet youthful, as handsome as she was refined, with two small children. The owner of the house was Dr. Iddo Ellis, a physician who had migrated to Georgia only a year or two before from Auburn, N. Y. The doctor soon came home, and it was immediately made known to me that a visitor who had just arrived from the vicinity of their ancient town could not be allowed to go further, although he might fare better than in their humble and unfurnished cot- tage. Of course, I stopped there. The house had no partitions, but I was given a separate apartment for sleep, a provision which was easily made by suspending a coverlid from the beam to the floor.

After an early breakfast, the doctor summoned a meeting of the trustees, which I could attend, at 11 o'clock. They were five in number. Major William Alex- ander, of the militia, a genial planter, was president; William Turner, Esq., Treasurer of the State, was secre- tary; and Dr. Ellis, chief debater. The matter of an introduction was somewhat brief. My traveling com- panion who, while we were yet in college, had accepted a call to this school, had obtained a more distinguished situ- ation at Augusta, and had recommended me. Dr. Ellis spoke kindly of the impression which my brief acquaint- ance with him had made. Mr. Turner, who possessed a better academic education than the rest, asked me a few general questions, and then Major Alexander announced that the board did not think it necessary to extend the examination further.

I withdrew; and, going around the corner of the Academy, I sat down on the curbstone of the spring, into which I dipped the gourd which hung upon a tree by the side, and I meditated: What chance was there that

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these trustees would employ me If they should decline to do so, what next? With only eighteen pence in my pocket, a thousand miles from home, my little wardrobe left thirty miles behind, where was I to go and what was I to do? I scarcely had time to conceive possible answers to these questions when Dr. Ellis appeared and invited me into the official presence. If ever mortal was struck dumb by pleasant surprise I was the youth, when Will- iam Turner, Esq., six feet high, grave and dignified, made me this speech :

"Mr. Seward: The trustees of Union Academy have examined you to ascertain whether you are qualified to assume charge of the new institution which they have founded. They have desisted from the examination be- cause they find that you are better able to question them than they to question you. The trustees desire to employ you, but they fear that they are not able to make you such a proposition as your abilities deserve. The school is yet to be begun; and, with what success, they do not know. The highest offer which they feel able to make is eighteen hundred dollars for the year, with board in such of our homes as you may chose, to cost at the rate of one hundred dollars per annum. But the Academy will not be finished for six weeks, during which time you will be without employment. We will compensate you for this delay by furnishing you a horse and carriage, by means of which you can travel over any part of the State, and in the interval of rest you will board among us without charge."

I accepted the position with an expression of profound thanks and with an assurance of determination to merit the approval of my generous patrons. It was an im- portant crisis in my life. I indulged with satisfaction the reflection that I was henceforth to be an independent, self-reliant man. At dinner with the doctor's family, he said :

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Georgia's landmarks, memorials and legends, Volume II, Part 10

Author: Knight, Lucian Lamar, 1868-1933 Publication date: 1913 Publisher: Atlanta, Ga. : Byrd Printing Co. Number of Pages: 1274

Author: Knight, Lucian Lamar, 1868-1933
Publication date: 1913
Publisher: Atlanta, Ga. : Byrd Printing Co.
Number of Pages: 1274