USA > Georgia > Wilkinson County > History of Wilkinson County > Part 9
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The Commisisoners deeming it advisable to be as near the Indians at all times, as possible, moved out and en- camped with them.
Unavoidable delays occurring which prevented an im- mediate entering into the treaty, the Indians began to grow impatient, and to insist that the Commissioners distribute presents among them. Rumors arrived that Bowles with his Seminoles and other adherents was at- tacking the Spaniards in Florida and plundering them. To add to the troubles of the Commissioners, an Indian in the camp while having a difficulty with a negro slave, was
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set upon by the negro's owner. Being hard pressed in fighting both, the Indian drew a knife and stabbed the white man in the leg, and then turning fled to the Indian country. Some white men seized the opportunity to steal a number of the Indians' horses. In spite of all this the Indians remained peaceful, and did not make any raids upon the frontiers.
The commissioners realized that one of the most im- portant cessions of land to insist on was that west of the Oconee. It was soon evident, that the Indians would re- fuse to cede all the lands to the Ocmulgee, but if the set- tlers once were allowed to cross the river, even for a nar- row strip of land the psychological effect would make it easier to obtain further cessions later. Thus the Commis- sioners began bending their energies toward obtaining as much land here as possible.
Upon approaching the chiefs on the subject of selling that part of the lands which was later to be Wilkinson County, they urged that this be not insisted on as these lands belonged to the Seminoles or Oconees below the Rock Landing, and that if this land was sold the Semi- noles in revenge would attack the frontiers and thus in- volve the whole Creek nation in war with the Americans (I. A. p. 670).
The Commissioners "had to combat, not only the jealou- sies, distrusts, and fears, natural to the Indians, but, also, an apprehension, serious and alarming to the old chiefs, that, if they ceded any part of their country, their young warriors might resist it, and, joining the partizans of Bowles, divide the nation, wrest the government from those who at present administer it, and, by some hasty and imprudent act, involve their country in ruin." (I. A. p. 680.)
Efau Haujo, the Mad Dog of the Tuckabatches, had been elected chief speaker for the Indians. He had served under the great McGillivray and had imbibed from him
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a knowledge and a skill in the art of diplomacy, seldom found at that time in the full blooded Indian. He knew the great need of the white man for more land and care- fully estimated the lengths the Commissioners would go in order to obtain even a small cession on the west side of the Oconee. He knew the value of the lands the Indians were ceding and he demanded full value. He knew the stock would graze on the remainder of the Indian lands to the Ocmulgee; he put all this in the bill-and got his demands. A careful reading of the talks of this great chief- tain convinces one that the American Commissioners were not dealing with an ignorant savage but with a man who could hold his own in the game of making treaties, and that the Creeks could not have selected a better leader to pro- tect their rights. One gets the impression from his talks that although he was speaking to the Commissioners, he knew his words which had been reduced to writing would be read by President Jefferson, and that he was making use of this opportunity to let Jefferson know of the con- dition of the Creeks.
The Creeks first had determined on selling merely the small scope of land lying between the Indian path leading from the Rock Landing to the Crossing of Commissioner Creek, thence northward to the High Shoals on the Apa- lachy. Although having been served with notice that the Creeks present disclaimed title to the lands below the Rock Landing, however, when General Wilkinson rose to reply to the talks of Efau Haujo he insisted on the Indians selling all the lands lying east of the Ocmulgee and also the Talassee country but said if they could not spare all this to sell them all the land from the mouth of Commissioner Creek up the Creek and on to the High Shoals of the Apalachy, at the same time referring to the needs of the Indians for the additional money and goods which would be paid them.
General Wilkinson further referred to the rebellious
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Seminoles as opposing the will of the Creek nation and uniting with the imposter Bowles, stating that they had been invited to attend this meeting but had refused to come. He deftly insinuated to the Chiefs that their au- hority had been flaunted by the Seminoles, and urged them as rulers of the land to assert their mastery promising them that should the adherents of Bowles make trouble, the American army would go to the aid of the Creeks.
It was perhaps due to this speech of General Wilkin- son that the Indians at this time were induced to sell the lands which belonged to the Oconees and, in all probability, this was one reason why the Legislature later named the county which comprised these lands, Wilkinson. Suffice to say after a short conference following Wilkinson's speech, the Coweta and Cussetah Chiefs informed the Commissioners they would sell more lands than they first intended, and as set forth in the treaty.
The treaty having been concluded Efau Haujo sent a peremptory order to the Seminoles that they immediately cease their rebellious attitude towards the other Creeks and their warfare against the Spaniards, threatening them with punishment unless they altered their course. He demanded that they write him at once what they meant to do. A white man, Burges, the interpreter among the Seminoles at the time, had fallen into disrepute lately. The latter part of his letter commanded Burges to in- terpret the letter straight.
Mooklausau Hopoie, another Chieftain, seems to have had no faith in any answer of the Seminoles, so he sent two men "to watch the eyes of the Seminoles, their tongues and lips and every feature of their countenance whilst they are speaking."
Thus a portion of the lands of Wilkinson county was now obtained at the expense of the Oconees, the rightful owners ; trouble was expected to result from this sale with the Creeks and by the whites. With a leader such as
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Bowles to spur them on and with a number of towns allied with them it would be but natural for the war cry of the Oconees to be heard again on the waters of the Oconee. Likewise, a Civil war among the Indians was a strong pos- sibility. The surveying and cutting out of the Indian boun- dary lines usually was the scene of trouble, and the new boundary line through the county had to be marked out, the custom being to cut down all trees along the route thirty feet wide.
Bowles did not wait for the treaty at Fort Wilkinson to be completed before starting his campaign.
While a large number of the Creeks were still at Fort Wilkinson treating with the Commissioners for the sale of the lands, Bowles was calling together his henchmen to meet him in Council at Estesunalga, and had resolutions passed denouncing in the bitterest terms the actions of the Commissioners in treating with the Creeks. A copy of the resolutions written in Bowles' handwriting was sent to the Commissioners :
"To the Commissioners of the U. S. at Ft. Wilkinson, on the Oconee :
"Gentlemen :-
"We, the legal and constitutional head men of the Muscogee Na- tion, called by you the Creeks, hearing that you had invited a number of men to the Fort on the Oconee promising them presents, in order to induce them to go ; and having long experienced the evil tendency of such meetings, where you have exhibited long instruments of writing, that could neither be explained by you nor understood by those of our people present; yet you 'have by means, best known to yourselves, procured thereto, a long string of names, giving the appearance of a national authority and sanction to instruments of writing, as agreements made between us, and held them out to the world as such, while we never knew or understood anything of the business.
"Having observed at this time, that our people have been pro- miscuously invited to the Oconee, and promised large presents, rather more mysterious than on former occasions. We think it a duty we owe ts sur county to put a stop to such practices, which tend only to create disturbance between us, that may terminate in
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a war, the which we do not wish. Therefore, we being now met in Council, do determine and declare, that this Nation is not, nor cannot be bound by any such talk or agreement so made. That no act whatever is legal unless done in Full Council of the Nation, at a place previously appointed and agreed on by the head men for such meeting ; and according to the laws of our confederation with our brothers, the Cherokees, Chickasaws and Chactaws, no lands can be ceded except by agreement of the Chiefs of the Confedera- tion in Council met.
"We are now engaged in a war with the Spaniards in defense of our rights, our lands and everything dear to us; and we shall defend ourselves against all peoples, who shall attempt to usurp or make encroachments on us.
"We wish you Americans to be honest, lay aside your schemes of land speculations, and be good neighbors, we promise to be so with you. Let us have peace and a free trade between us, which alone can be mutually beneficial.
"We are ready to form a treaty with you and regulate all matters between us, so that fair limits may be set, and a criterion fixed by which to regulate the conduct of our respective people. But such transactions must be National Acts and not done by people who go to the Oconee in order to have a drunken frolic.
"Done in Council at Estesunalga.
"This 4th day of June, 1802, being present the chief and head men, as follows: Pnethla Mekko, Tallegisko Mekko, Hallato Mekko, Tussakia Mekko, Chehane Mekko, Hallato Mekko.
"With the representatives of sixteen towns and presenced by us the Director General of Muscogee.
"WM. A. BOWLES."
"The foregoing letter being read in full Council of the Nation, at the Parrackockla Town, the 2nd March and again, agreeable to adjournment, at the Tuckseesaile, the 18 March, where it was unanimously approved of, and passed into a resolve :
"And whereas some attempts have been made to interrupt the trade between the State of Georgia and this nation, the following resolves among others were entered into and passed into law :
"I. Resolved, That from this day forth any person who shall take part with our enemies and act any way against us, shall suffer death.
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"2. Resolved, That our trade shall be free to all people not at war with us subject only to the laws made by us in Council ; and that the papers circulated by Benjamin Hawkins are of no effect and not made with our knowledge or consent.
"Ordered that our resolves be made public."
(The Augusta Chronicle and Gazette of the State, June 25, 1803.)
CEREMONIES OF THE INDIANS AND TALKS DELIVERED BY EFAU HAUJO, THE MAD DOG OF THE TUCKABACHES, CHIEF SPEAKER OF THE CREEKS AT THE TREATY OF FORT WILKINSON
THE chiefs sent to inform the commissioners that, on the next day, they wished to receive them, according to the ancient cus- toms of their country, at the public square; and they requested the commissioners to be ready to move from their encampment early in the morning, and as soon as the runners arrived, to inform them that every thing was ready for their reception.
MAY 24 .- The commissioners went to the square, and were seated, with all their attendants. The chiefs of the Upper and Lower towns having met at some distance from them, moved on in a body; two men in front, dancing the eagle tail dance, to music, ac- companied by the voices of all men and women. As soon as they ar- rived at the square, the commissioners moved to a place prepared for them, when they were touched by the wings in the hands of the dancers; behind General Wilkinson was a small pit, and a white staff standing by it; they brought a bow and arrows, painted red, showed them to the commissioners, then broke them, put them into the pit, covered them with earth, and with a white deer skin; three great chiefs, representing the Upper and Lower towns, wiped the faces of the commissioners with white deer skin, spread the skins on a log, and they sat them down. General Wilkinson was directed to put his foot on the skin covering the pit. With three other skins they covered the commissioners, and after the embrace of friend- ship, Efau Haujo addressed them as follows:
We, this day a fine one for the occasion a clear sun and sky, meet our friends, brothers, and fathers to take them by the hand, accord- ing to the customs of our forefathers, as old as time itself. We have at the foot of the General, buried the sharp weapons of war, which were in use in old times, and such as we have; our white deer skins
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we place on the seat of our friends, and cover them with the same: we add one other emblem, a pipe.
The advice of our father, Washington, we have taken; we remem- ber it, and this day we renew it. I am happy we meet in our own land, under the shades of our own trees, fanned with our own air, with straight hearts. Some time since, our father Washington left us, and is buried. The advice he gave was good for us; we see it, and know it: his successor followed his example, and the now great man comes with like assurances; they are brought us by their great General and beloved men. Oconee's waters are divided; one-half was given to the whites; thence, from its source, over the Currahee mountain, to the other nation's lines. When the old President Wash- ington sent commissioners to the chiefs of the Creeks, he said, when that line was run it should be fixed and permanent.
I am speaking for my young kings, warriors, and my nation, to the commissioners, that all may know we wish them well. I have a white staff now in my hand, for the new great General, which I will plant; it will grow and have a shade, fanned with cool breezes. When this tree is put there to grow, it will have a shade for our friends quite round to the Mississippi. I have but a short talk today, and I deliver with it the tree to the commissioners.
You three gentlemen saw me when I was in my own land. You saw me here; you told me that the great man to the Northward gave you great talks, and you have given them to us. I mentioned when I saw you, that I was old, but nevertheless, we would talk over old things together. I was told by your beloved men, that the talk you have given us was straight, and that, before we parted, everything would be straight on both sides. According to what has passed between us about the business, we have come forward, and today I am going to talk about the same. I was told, that when all things were made straight, it would be to the happiness and tend to prolong the safety of the red people. I wish to give a talk, that will be the means of putting it in power of being friends with all my red people, and the white people.
I address myself to the gentlemen appointed to speak to us, to let them know our poverty and distress; and I hope they will think what I do will be right and acceptable. I have been talked to a great deal before I could lift up my head, but now I can lift up my head and look up. The thing that was asked us to part with, was like asking us to cut ourselves in two, and take one half one way, and the other half the other way. I was told by the great men, who were appointed to bring us the talk of the great man, that they hoped we would not throw his talk away; and I hope they will consider that we have not
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thrown his talk away. You see my situation; I am poor, and I con- sider that I have made myself very poor in complying; yet I have considered it, and I have done it. I saw the great complaints which hang over our land; they have been laid before us; we have consid- ered them as they are. Upon the talk you gave us, we have consid- ered much; it was some time before I could make up my mind upon it, but I have weighed it well, and am now going to give my mind upon it. When a man has a child, he considers him, and is not will- ing to distress him and make him poor. I hope what we do, though it is not as much as was required and expected, yet it will be thought sufficient. I hope it will be considered as it is; and that, al- though it is not what was asked, yet it will suffice for the present demands. We now give on paper (delivering the map) what we mean and intend; it is a map of the country we cede.
The Oconee is a large river, half was ours; it was a stopping place; but we see cattle is over, and will be over; and if they were on Ocmulgee, the cattle would be over, and being near to the In- dians, there would be no chance of preserving peace between them and their friends. I hope it will be considered it is not right to make us too poor, and that it will not be thought hard that we parted with no more; we can lie down and enjoy what we have; although it is but little, we may rest on it. I have been told our people are very mad; it is so, they are so; but we are not the only mad people; the white people, they come over, hunt on our lands, some with fire and with firearms; and the cattle they are over, and have eaten all the food of our black game (the bear). We were told that people were set to prevent it, and to protect our rights, but they cannot prevent these things; they are over, and we see they cannot be pre- vented. The President of the United States, who sent these talks, we hope and expect, gave you full powers, and that you will, as for- merly, endeavor to put things in force, to prevent these things, be- fore there is an end of our business. What I speak in time for, is, I see when there was a river, people could not be restrained; and now, when there is no water boundary, they will perhaps act as they have done; they have stopped our creeks with fish traps, and also our part of the river; they cut cedar on the Ocmulgee, and at other places. The fish at Ocmulgee, and terrapins, are ours, and we wish they may remain to our use.
Why I say so much on this subject is, that I know the past, and I wish to begin in time, to prevent the consequences which I appre- hend. I speak, that the whites, and Indians may equally take pains, in a gentle manner, and by gentle means, in time, to preserve good neighborhood, and that they will exert themselves to that end. I con-
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sider it in this light, that the heads of the white people, who can govern their people, should take the necessary precautions on their part, to keep their young people in bounds, and we will do the same on our part, as well as we can. When Oconee was made the line, the river was the bounds for stock; we were told, in Mr. Seagrove's time, if hunters came over, we might take their guns; if trappers came, we might take their traps; and if cattle came over, we might drive them off. We have not done these things; we wished to be in peace and friendship with our neighbors, and therefore we have not done these things; and we have submitted to the loss of our grass and game, to be in peace with our friends. This is not all. It is not here only, but on Cumberland; they have large dogs and horses, and they come out there, and hunt for, or drive off the bear, before our hunters get there. Our faults were mentioned; we must mention our complaints against our neighbors.
I give this warning before hand, because I know cattle and horses know not lines, and will go after grass. When a man goes after his horse or cow, let him take a bridle and go after him, if it is on our land, but he must go without a gun; I hear that here, where the lines are known, the people come over a day's walk from the line to good food, and there give salt to their stock; they also take out their hogs with corn, and leave them in every part on our borders. By carrying their stock out so far, they accustom them to going still farther, and they get lost, and when they are lost, the Indians are blamed for it; sometimes they have seen horses out for ten months as strays, and the Indians are accused, and charged with stealing them. I wish that the white people would keep their stock as much as possible on their own side, and endeavor to induce them to stay on their own side. If cattle go over the line, we wish that they may be returned in peace; horses, hogs, and everything, may be returned in like manner. There must be many white people un- known to us, who have stock among us; when they come after it we wish to assist them in getting it back, and will direct them by signs and other ways to get their property, if they cannot talk our language.
This day is appointed to consider our distressed situation, and to remove all difficulties; this day the land under us we have given up, the trees around us, the water, fine for mills, and good land, and a great deal of it. The good that will arise from the land will have no end; in the summer there will be the grass for stock, and other things in the winter; I consider these things, and I have given them up. The way of the red is this: they are a poor people; if there be any oak trees, they get the acorns from them, and from hickory
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trees they get hickory nuts, and the blackberries in their season. I address myself to Colonel Hawkins, and I find the white people do the same; they suppose you favor the red people, but we believe you hide nothing from either side, and you are the friend of both. When people buy or sell, or bargain for anything, they take care to under- stand each other rightly, before they put a price on it; I think that a hundred measures of land (acres) should be two hundred dollars; there are a great many charges against us by the white people; they do not spare in their charges for things that are not lasting, and therefore, we ask a price for that which is lasting. You will consider the debts we owe, and fix them, and first pay them; then what remains, to be paid us, as our annuity. It may be thought that I ask a great price for land, but I know that hogs, cattle, and horses, know not bounds, and they will eat our grass to Ocmulgee, and we must set this value on our lands : I mention this business now, that you may hear it. It was the talk of the old President, that the mili- tary should be put down to protect them; they are now left behind, and we wish they may be brought forward, and posted at the corner where the line turns from the Indian country road out side. There is a greater opportunity now. than formerly, for wild people to transgress, and, of course, a greater necessity for the aid of the military. We have agreed that where the Apalachy path crosses the line, old Mr. Philips, his sons and families, shall have lands; it is to be outside of the lines now ceded, and Coweta and Cussetah will fix the place for them, and will point it out, and these people are to keep a store there for the red people. Perhaps you may want to run your line, now offered, immediately; if so, we will appoint four men from each town to run it with you; we mention this as perhaps you may think that man (meaning Bowles) may do something to pre- vent it. Here you may see the inconvenience from drinking, and we wish our young people may have no temptation to go among the white people for drink, but be confined to these trading places. We wish our stipend may be paid us in hard dollars; when we take it, we can divide it, and lay it out as we please.
I turn to another subject: I am now going to speak about the lines of Tombigby; I want to know who the people are who live there that I may know who to address myself to for redress of the complaints there. The reason I ask is, I want to know who owns the land where the old British line is, that when I turn them over the line, I may know whether I can apply to the fort there for as- sistance; the people of Tombigby have put over their cattle in the fork on the Alabama hunting grounds, and they have gone a great way on our lands; I want them to be put back; the Indians begin to
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complain, and will soon begin to do mischief. We all know the owners of these cattle are Americans, on this side of the line of limits, and here it is that we mention it to the commissioners.
I am a sufferer, and I expect it will be considered that I am one. I hope you will consider me so, and that you will not turn my talks aside, or consider them as trifling. My people are a poor people; and the reason I speak so much upon the subject is, because I wish you to consider us so. You have seen me, my country, and my people; and I hope the President may see my talks as they are delivered, that, in future, we may not be pressed upon. It must be considered in this way, that we have spared that which is necessary to us, and we have not enough for our own use. As we are the aboriginals in this land, we hope it will be considered that the land is ours; and this is the talk of all the chiefs present. The President, as you have told us, sent his talk, and it must be so; we receive it as such; we have gone as far as we well can; it is like splitting us in two, and giving away half of us; we do this, and we are in hopes, in future, we shall be safe. Now I lay down this line plain, that you may see, you are a great people; if any should come over and encroach upon our lands, they will trespass upon our rights, and violate our peace, and we are poor and unable to help ourselves; and we hope great people in authority will prevent these things, and save our lands. Here are the masters of the land; we are all together; we have done this; and from this day forward, if any men should come among us after land, we shall look upon him as not coming from the President. I have now talked to the men from the President and if, in future, a man should come among us after land, we now declare we shall look upon him as not coming from the President; and I shall direct all my men to take notice of this accordingly. My request is to the commissioners now, that as the garrison has been useful heretofore, in stopping mischief makers, as was promised us, we wish they may be continued, and put down on our frontiers; and that there may be horsemen as well as foot, to repress the evil doings, as well of my own people, as the white people; to preserve peace when I am at home, and that in force, sufficient to keep the mischief makers within bounds.
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