Memoirs of Georgia; containing historical accounts of the state's civil, military, industrial and professional interests, and personal sketches of many of its people. Vol. I, Part 15

Author:
Publication date: 1859
Publisher: Atlanta, Ga., The Southern historicl association
Number of Pages: 1294

USA > Georgia > Memoirs of Georgia; containing historical accounts of the state's civil, military, industrial and professional interests, and personal sketches of many of its people. Vol. I > Part 15

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democracy so long as they continue to stand by her rights and protect them in the Union; but should this organization be broken down and her constitutional rights be denied, and her equality in the Union destroyed I would then advise her citizens to strike for independence and to pledge each other their lives, their fortunes and their most sacred honor never to forsake each other until triumphant success shall have crowned their efforts. My fervent prayer to Almighty God is that wisdom, moderation and justice may control our national and state councils, and that the rights of the states and the union of the states may be perpetuated."

SECESSION AGITATION.

This message of the governor sent to the legislature more than a year before secession actually occurred, merely reflected a common popular feeling. There were few in Georgia who were urging disunion per se. All parties, and even fac- tions of parties, declared their veneration for the Union and uttered strong pro- testations of fidelity to the constitutional form of government as it then existed. With few exceptions the people held to the doctrine of state rights and under that view agreed in holding to the legal power of peaceable withdrawal from the Union as belonging to the sovereign state of Georgia. But the union senti- ment in the state was greatly in the ascendant and prevailed with too much power to allow secession without causes which the people at least believed to exist. Mr. Stephens, afterward vice-president of the Confederate states, was the acknowledged leader of the Union sentiment and he boldly assumed the position that the questions at issue should be debated and determined in the Union and not out of it. Robert Toombs deprecated disunion if it could be averted. The majority in 1859 opposed secession as the sole remedy for alleged grievances, and indulged in the hope that political evils would be removed through the ballot and by peaceable legislation. There were, however, avowed secessionists who declared their despair of preserving the authority of the state, and of pro- tecting the interests of the south within the Federal union. They pointed public attention to the formation and growing power of a sectional party which threat- ened to control the policy of the government adversely to all southern prosperity. The states thus threatened, they urged, were in a minority, and the majority was pressing on to control completely all departments of government. Just at this hour, when public sentiment was rapidly forming, the ill-starred invasion of Virginia took place, led by John Brown, of Kansas, and created a fear in the southern mind which swept away the suggestions of all cool reason. The bold criminal act of John Brown was regarded as only the advance skirmish line of a grand army of invasion and insurrection. A song composed after war set in by a southern soldier and afterward sung in the camps and marches of the Union army-"Old John Brown's Soul is Marching On"-expressed the fear felt in 1859 by the southern people.

Misunderstanding among the best citizens of the two great sections of the Union was the inevitable and unfortunate condition, resulting from the state of the times and the actions of rash partisans. The Georgia legislature declared that the John Brown raid was "the result of a fanaticism which had invoked the aid of treason, murder, and rapine, and advancing on southern soil had spread bloodshed throughout a southern state." Northern assemblies resented the strong southern language in expressions of equal bitterness.

Union hopes in Georgia grew fainter as these and other political events followed fast after each other. The advance of secession ideas was hastened by the utterances of eminent northern statesmen as well as by the warmth of

MILITARY HISTORY.

speech indulged in by the southern men. Extremists in the press as well as on the hustings provoked the popular mind to discord. Threats on one side were answered by defiance on the other. The conservatives in Georgia were goaded into the secession ranks by provocations mercilessly made by extremists. The fuel for the flames was furnished by northern ultraists, and the kindled fires grew too great to be subdued. War became inevitable. Even in 1859 the con- servative, sagacious governor began to buy arms for Georgia from northern factories. The extremity of wrong had come, and it is there that "without the shedding of blood there is no remission of sins."

The political crisis in the history of the great American republic strided on into the year 1860. That was the year in which the presidency of the United States was at stake and with the choice of president was involved the possible installation in power of a new party whose policy was understood in Georgia as being wholly hostile to the welfare of its people. Abraham Lincoln was nominated by this new party for the presidency, and notwithstanding his high character he was held to be the representative of an aggressive party directed against the prosperity of the people of the state. No electoral ticket was offered in Georgia on his behalf, for he had no supporters. The people divided their votes among Breckinridge, Douglas and Belt, and the first named received the majority of ballots. But Lincoln carried all the northern states, and the movement through which he was borne into the office of president was regarded as a distinct declaration of hostilities to southern interests. It was the popular belief, whether grounded in reason or not, that a determined practical war was being made under the form of national government, against the sovereignty of all the states and against the welfare of one section of the Union. Georgia statesmen did not attack the character of Lincoln nor base secession merely on his election. Those who knew him personally eulogized his worth, and some even expressed the opinion that he would not obstruct by force of arms the effort of Georgia in confederation with other states to form a new government. No war was proposed against him, no army measures to set aside his election. Their aim was, as they avowed it to be, "simply to enter into concert of action with the sister southern states which will secure their common rights under the constitution in the Union, or if that be no longer possible, their independ- ence and security out of it." Asserting their own interpretation of the con- stitutional provisions, designed to protect the states, they laid claim to a right peaceably to withdraw from the Union, and insisted that it was their purpose in secession to do no injury to the United States.

Such facts as those above stated are to be kept in view, in order that justice may be done the people of Georgia who had patriotically reposed the great interests of the state in the keeping of a common country, and were faithfully co-operating with all sections in increasing the majestic glory of the greatest popular nation on earth. "The war," said Stephens, "had its origin in oppos- ing principles which in their action upon the conduct of men produced the ultimate collision of arms. The contest was between those who held that the general government was strictly federal in its character, and those who main- tained that it was thoroughly national." With this statement of facts kept in mind let us look at the condition of Georgia at this date as it is shown by the report of Comptroller Thweatt for 1860. This report shows that the total wealth of the state was $672,323,777, disclosing a remarkable increase since 1850 and especially during the four years under Brown's administration before the date of the secession. This taxable wealth consisted of 450,000 slaves valued at nearly $303,000,000, thus averaging about $700 each. The taxable land was valued

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at $161,765,000, and all other property was summed up to about $200,000,000. Agriculture prospered and general trade was good. The rate of taxation was so low as not to be felt, a surplus in the state treasury from year to year had served to reduce the small bonded debt, and the state's property in the West- ern & Atlantic railroad was then paying increasing and profitable instalments every month. The debts of the people bore a small proportion to their general property; mortgages were few, and by an easy cultivation of the lands the farmers were able to produce enough food for themselves besides a good export of cotton which was turned into money. The wealth of the people was dis- tributed with such evenness that very few were enormously rich and few were in abject poverty. The Georgians of 1860 were descendants of all states from Maine to California, but chiefly came from Virginia and North Carolina and South Carolina. Georgia was then a rural state with no large cities, many beautiful towns and a thrifty country population. Its people were characterized by morality, culture and republican simplicity with boundless hospitality. It was in these conditions of material advantage that this people considered in 1860 their grave political situation. Their interest in the national question was all the more intense because their state affairs were so well managed. The only threat thrust at their peace and prosperity seemed to come from the national government. Their political foes appeared to be resolved on using the Union which they loved as a power to do them damage. They felt harassed as Bartow declared by "the endless controversy, and were wearied by seeing this threatening cloud forever above their heads." So after a discussion in which their greatest and best men participated, these Georgians cast their electoral vote for Breckinridge and gravely rebuked the election of a sectional president.

In the last months of 1860, members of the legislature met to face the greatest responsibility. Soon after assembling they received the governor's message advising them to call a convention of the people of the state, and recommend- ing the appropriation of $1,000,000 for a military fund to be expended for the purpose of placing the state in a condition of defense. The people also began to assemble in niass meetings to discuss the probable result of the presidential election and passed resolutions favoring some form of state resistance to be forwarded to the legislature for consideration. The volunteer and military com- panies of many cities and towns were assembled in a general convention and declared themselves ready to respond to any call of the governor when their services were needed. In response to these evident popular demands, as well as in accord with the message of the governor, the legislature unanimously voted the call for a convention to be held at Milledgeville, Jan. 16, 1861, and to be composed of delegates elected froin each county by the ballots of the people. This convention was called to determine the momentous question of union or disunion by an august body representing directly the sovereign will of the whole people of Georgia.

MILITARY ORGANIZATION IN 1860.

At this serious juncture it is proper to consider the military organization of the state. We have seen that after the war of 1812 the militia system was revised and made efficient for the wars with the Indians and also that the state early furnished its quota of troops for the war with Mexico. But during the years of peace when attention was given to peaceful pursuits unharassed by fears of war, the militia system had fallen into disuse. The laws were not enforced and the plan of divisions, brigades, and regiments was nearly obsolete. Now and then some ambitious colonel or captain of militia summoned his com-

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mand to muster, giving legal notice for every man to "appear armed and equipped as the law directs." But the muster became ridiculous by the appearance of the militiamen in line, armed with every conceivable substitute for a gun, such as walking sticks, one-barrel shotguns, or cornstalks, and the awkward evolutions contributed to the general fun of the burlesque parade. The militia muster grew to be a farce which the Georgians indulged in as an occasional amusement. Volunteer companies, however, were organized in the cities and in a number of the towns, composed of young men who bore the expense of the company, but these companies received but little encouragement from the state and were maintained with great difficulty. There was afterward a general awakening of interest about the year 1857, which resulted in an increase in the number of voluntary military and their better equipment. The legislature began to give more attention to the military defense of the state. The militia laws were revised and improved, and more liberal grants made for the encouragement of the citi- zen soldiery. Governor Brown addressing the legislature by message, said, "I do not hesitate to say that the state should offer very reasonable inducement for the organization and training of volunteer military corps as the best and most efficient mode of reviving the military spirit among the people. This can- not be done unless she has made provision for arranging such companies. At present the only provision for the purpose is the distribution of the small quota of arms which the states receive annually from the general government and which is wholly inadequate to the demand. The consequence is that many of our volunteer companies are without arms, while many others would be organized were it known that they would be supplied." The governor, also, early in his administration called attention to the benefit the state would derive by fostering liberally the state military institute at Marietta. "It would not only put the institute upon a solid basis and add largely to the number of educated persons in the state, affording a collegiate education to many of the poorest though brightest and most intellectual boys in Georgia, but would diffuse a knowledge of military service among the people of every county in the state; which all must admit in these perilous times is second in importance to no other." The successive legislatures from 1856 caught the spirit of the times and following the recommendations of the governor restored the state's military organization, and by energetic measures prepared to respond to the call of arms.

SEIZURE OF UNITED STATES FORTS.

Resuming the military story, we see that the many peace projects under- taken soon after the presidential election were destined to failure. The gover- nor therefore, sagaciously seeing that delayed action would increase the peril of the state, resolved upon a bold act in advance of the formal secession by the convention. Georgia was still in the Union, but its people had spoken by ballot, and there was no doubt as to the action in the approaching convention. Anticipating that certain action of the sovereign state, the governor sought to protect the people against the seizure of all the forts on the coast and the occupation of its seaboard cities and towns. With these patriotic as well as sagacious views, he first took immediate and successful measures to get posses- sion of Fort Pulaski on Cockspur island just below Savannah, which had been built to guard that seaport city against invasion. It was the most important fort on the entire coast of Georgia, although at that time scarcely garrisoned at all, and its occupation was indispensable to the security of the state. The governor went in person to Savannah, in order to become fully informed con- cerning the necessity of taking this important step in advance of the meeting

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of the convention, and after fully satisfying himself issued the following efficient and peremptory order:

Headquarters Georgia Militia, Savannah, Jan. 2, 1861.

Col. A. R. Lawton, Commander First Regiment, Georgia Volunteers, Savannah:

Sir :- In view of the fact that the government at Washington has, we are informed on high authority, decided on the policy of coercing the seceding state back into the Union, and it is believed now has a movement on foot to reinforce Fort Sumter at Charleston and to occupy with Federal troops the southern forts, including Fort Pulaski in this state, which if done would give the Federal government in any contest great advantage over the people of this state: To the end, therefore, that this stronghold which commands the entrance into Georgia may not be occupied by any hostile force until the convention of the state of Georgia which is to meet on the 16th instant has decided on the policy which Georgia will adopt in this emergency, you are ordered to take possession of Fort Pulaski as by public order herewith, and to hold it against all persons, to be abandoned only under orders from me, or under compulsion of any overpowering hostile force. Immediately upon occupying the fort you will take measures to put it in a thorough state of defense as far as its means and ours will permit; and for this purpose you will advise with Capt. Claghorn, Chatham artillery, who has been charged with all matters relating to ordnance and ordnance stores and their supply. You will further arrange with Capt. Claghorn a series of day and night signals, for communication with the city of Savannah for the purpose of calling for reinforcements or for other necessary purposes. And you will arrange with Mr. John Cunningham, military purveyor for the time being, for the employment of one or more steamboats or other means of transportation by land or by water that may be necessary, and for other supplies (except for ordnance stores for which you will call upon Capt. Claghorn) as may be required. If circumstances should require it the telegraph will be placed under surveillance.

I think from your conversation you fully understand my views, and relying upon your patriotism, energy and sound discretion in the execution of this important and delicate trust, I am, sir, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant, JOSEPH E. BROWN, Governor and Commander-in-Chief.

Co. A. R. Lawton was at this time commander of the state military at Savannah and subsequently was commissioned brigadier-general and assigned to the department of Georgia. After serving most efficiently several months in this department, he was, by his own special desire, ordered to engage actively in the field, assigned to the command of a fine brigade of Georgians, formed and forwarded for Virginia service and placed in the division of Stonewall Jack- son. Lawton commanded his brigade in the battles around Richmond and in subsequent actions with marked distinction, and afterwards the division to which it was attached. He was severely wounded at Sharpsburg, and notwithstand- ing his urgent appeal to be returned on his recovery to active field duty, he was required by President Davis to accept the office of quartermaster-general of the Confederate states. The position was as distinguished as it was arduous, and was filled by him with such ability as gained the well-merited commendation of all the southern armies. Lawton on receiving the order of the governor organ- ized a command for the proposed expedition by causing details to be made

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from several companies among whom an earnest emulation sprang up at once. The details were promptly furnished by the Chatham artillery, Capt. Jos. S. Claghorn, the Savannah volunteer guards, Capt. John Screven, the Oglethorpe light infantry, Capt. Francis S. Bartow, altogether making a force of 134 men. Borne upon a steamer the military under the command of Col. Lawton proceeded to the fort and after a temporary parley it was entered and occupied in the name of the state of Georgia.

The fort thus taken into the custody of the state of Georgia was built on a marshy island, the walls presenting five faces and prepared for a little over 100 guns. At the time of its seizure there were only twenty-two guns in the fort and a meager supply of ammunition. Its capture therefore was understood to be only a form through which Georgia would reassume the control of the works for the safety of the coast. The taking of this fort in the manner deter- mined on by the governor and his advisers insured a bloodless occupation, and prevented all undue irritation of the people of the United States. Immediately after taking possession, the flag of the state, a red star on a white field, was raised above the fort, a salute followed from the guns, a small detachment was left in charge, the United States guards were honorably cared for and the occu- pation was complete. The fort was too important to be neglected, and conse- quently it was put in good order through the work of the efficient Savannah military. Ammunition was supplied and a daily drill and practice instituted. The city of Savannah exhibited great interest in the proper preparation of the fort for any attack, even the ladies uniting with patriotic zeal to furnish the cartridges for the mounted guns. The state convention afterward endorsed the act of the governor and made it the act of the state in the following terms:

"This convention highly approves the energetic and patriotic conduct of Gov. Brown in taking possession of Fort Pulaski by Georgia troops, and requests him to hold possession until the relations of Georgia and the Federal govern- ment be determined by the convention."

The governor was also applauded by the entire press, and having sent com- munications to several governors of southern states, informing them of his action he received replies fully commending his course. Public meetings held in many places expressed warm public approval, and Savannah in patriotic fervor testified its gratification in many ways. The flag of the United States was taken down from the custom house on the resignation of Mr. Boston, the port collector, and in its place floated a new ensign made for the occasion. The new white flag bore the coat of arms of the state, surmounted by six stars, the number of seceded states, and was raised by the hand of Maj. Lachlan McIntosh.

The march of events leading towards the actual shock of battles now took the double quick step. One after another in rapid succession the exciting causes of conflict followed in columns of attack to the inevitable result. Southern states in convention were seceding and calling for a confederacy. Fort Moultrie on the Carolina coast was burned and abandoned by the United States troops and the garrison stationed there was removed to Fort Sumter. Rumors were cur- rent that reinforcements were to be sent to this strong fort so as to hold it against South Carolina, and the war vessels were in the way to blockade Charleston harbor at once. One Federal steamer had actually attempted to reach Fort Sumter, and had been driven back by a fierce fire from Carolina troops at Fort Morris. Georgia was unanimous against coercion of any seceding state, and the rumor that South Carolina, which had already withdrawn from the Union, would be invaded aroused general resentment. A movement was started at once

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among the volunteer companies to march across the Savannah river to the help of the neighbor state. Several companies formally applied to the gov- ernor of Georgia for permission to offer their services at once to South Caro- lina, but the governor properly refused their request. Bankers grew enthusiastic and offered immediate money to the state for defense. The press sounded alarms in patriotic editorials, and the people became united in the sentiment against coercion of South Carolina.

SECESSION CONVENTION.

In the midst of these thrilling events the state convention called by the legislature and elected by the ballots of the people, met Jan. 16, 1861, in Mil- ledgeville. The convention was composed of the ablest and most conservative men in the state chosen by their constituents without regard to party differences. Douglas men, Breckinridge men, and Bell men, who had contended in 1860, perceived in this grave crisis that they must rise above former party issues and face the tremendous question of state secession. Influenced by high patriotic considerations the people elected their best and truest men to represent them in the solemn and sovereign convention, who would gravely discuss the situa- tion and determine the course of the state. Upon the assembling of this august body it became soon evident that even yet Georgia was reluctant to secede. One reliable, authoritative word of peace, good-will, and legal safeguard, coming just then from the United States, would have arrested secession. It was not spoken. Judge Nisbet, a cultured, upright, and conservative statesman, intro- duced a resolution favoring immediate separate secession and requiring that a committee be appointed to report the proper ordinance for adoption by the convention. But other resolutions were offered as a substitute, proposing delay of action and co-operation with other states in lieu of separate state action. It was fully proposed to call a convention of southern states in Atlanta in Febru- ary following. One significant resolution provided that Georgia would in any event resist the coercion of any state which had already seceded. These resolu- tions were before the convntion for discussion, and one of the ablest, most animated and eloquent debates ensued that ever occurred in human history. All the mighty issues of the critical hour were set forth with rare eloquence possessed by such intellectual giants as Nisbet, Stephens, Ben Hill, Toombs, T. R. R. Cobb, Herschel V. Johnson, and others nearly or quite their equal. The great debate was exhaustive, well-tempered, and with open doors, result- ing in a ballot by which the Nisbet resolution was carried and the committee being appointed at once, very soon reported the ordinance by which the state would sever its connection with the government of the United States. This highly important public document is of such interest that it may well have a place in this chapter as follows:

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Memoirs of Georgia; containing historical accounts of the state's civil, military, industrial and professional interests, and personal sketches of many of its people. Vol. I, Part 15

Author: Publication date: 1859 Publisher: Atlanta, Ga., The Southern historicl association Number of Pages: 1294

Author:
Publication date: 1859
Publisher: Atlanta, Ga., The Southern historicl association
Number of Pages: 1294