USA > Iowa > Buchanan County > History of Buchanan County, Iowa, and its people, Volume I > Part 15
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one Tennesseean ; while New England was represented by ten and the middle states by twenty-three, of whom thirteen were from Pennsylvania, eight Ohioans, and Indiana and Illinois each one. In the second convention, there were fifteen from the South, eight from New England, four from the middle states, and five from the "Old" northwest states, and in the convention of 1857, the South had ten, New England six, the middle states eleven, and the northwest states nine representatives-showing a decrease in southern representation, and from this on the ratio of northerners inereased and southerners decreased.
Further proof of this fact is the Federal eensus of 1855, which shows the number of native born New Englanders in Towa was only 5,535; pioneers from the middle states aggregated 24,516, and the total mumber born in the southern states amounted to 30,954. From the states of the old northwest territory we received 59,098, and the native born lowans numbered 50,380. There has been so much discussion about the early pioneers and the influences that predom- inated and moulded our state government institutions and our attitude toward slavery and the South previous to the rebellion, that we considered these statisties as very pertinent in explaining what seems to some a shocking revelation when they find Iowa was so deeidedly sympathetie to the South. The New Englanders were to a man ardent abolitionists and the almost universal belief that New Englanders were greatly in preponderance here, and exerted the greatest influ- enee. is responsible for the opinion that we were a strong and anti-slavery state.
The striking fact of this census is that the inhabitants who claimed New Eng- land as their birthplace did not number four to the hundred of the entire popu- lation, while the southerners numbered nearly six times as many. There were more native born Virginians alone than from all the New England states put together, also the number from Kentucky outnumbered the New Englanders. In the enumerations of 1856 and 1860, the New Englanders show some inerease, but up until 1860 the southerners predominated three to one, especially in the southern half of the state. In the early politieal history party affiliations were not strong; former surroundings and inherited prejudices and influenees con- trolled the vote. But many southerners and democrats were anti-slavery and united their efforts with the one common enemy.
In 1846, when the people of the East first received the report that the whigs had captured the first general assembly under our new state government, even though by a scarce majority, they experienced a great surprise, beeanse previ- ously we had been counted an overwhelmingly demoeratie pro-slavery state. Horace Greeley, in the New York Tribune of March 29, 1854, wrote: "What gain had freedom from the admission of Iowa into the Union? Are Alabama and Mississippi more devoted to the despotic ideas of American pan-slavism ?" And was not his opinion justified when Senator Dodge boldly deelared in Con- gress that "Iowa was the only free state which never for a moment gave way to the Wilmot Proviso, " and further boasted, "My colleague voted for every one of the compromise measures, including the fugitive slave law, the late Senator Sturgeon, of Pennsylvania, and ourselves, being the only three senators from the entire non-slave-holding section of the Union who voted for it." He said he rejoieed that lowa had never endorsed the Wilmet Proviso, which sought to exelude slavery from the territories. Iowa was the only northern state which refused to instruct its members of Congress to support the proviso. Angustus
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C. Dodge was senator from 1848 to 1855, and George W. Jones senator from 1848 to 1859. He was an intimate and firm friend of Jefferson Davis and this fact probably largely influenced his and possibly his eolleague's political views and conduct, and which eventually caused the imprisonment of General Jones on the charge of freasonable conduct during the Civil war. And it was not until James W. Grimes was elected governor, in 1854, that lowa showed any manifestation of becoming an anti-slave state, which signified a complete revolution in the politi- cal control of the state and attracted the attention of the nation. Prior to that date, Iowa was regarded with but little interest by the people of the northern and eastern states, being considered a southern stronghold and grouped with Illinois and Indiana in the alignment of political parties in the contest over the extension of slavery.
Von Holst, the eminent Dutch historian, in his Constitutional History of the United States, said, "Towa was a veritable hot-bed of dough-faces," but in 1854 a change took place, the breaking of the whig party ( many of its members having united with the "Know Nothings," and that party into two hostile factions-the "Silver Greys"-who were willing to let slavery alone and the "Seward Whigs," who were opposed to slavery), and likewise the split in the democratic party which was divided on the slavery issue into the "Hunkers," who favored slavery and the "Free Soilers, " who were anti-slavery-and still another, an anti-slavery party which nominated a full ticket for state officers that year, but were induced to withdraw them and support the whig candidates, all eventually uniting into one, an anti-slavery party, which had as its chief exponent and strongest advo- Pate, James W. Grimes, who was nominated for governor by the whigs and elected by a majority of 2,123 over Curtis Bates. Grimes received 23,325 votes and Bates 21,202.
This election was the first victory and marked the ascendancy of the anti- slavery movement in Iowa and was the beginning of a union of all who opposed the extension of slavery and the forerunner of the coming republican party. But that election proved, too, that we were not vet united in our views, for al- though the whigs elected a governor and auditor, the democrats had elected the secretary of state, treasurer, attorney general and superintendent of public instruction. In the general assembly of that year. in the Senate the democrats had sixteen members, the whigs and free soil, fifteen. In the House they stood. whig and free soil, forty, democrats, thirty, so the democrats organized and controlled the Senate and the whigs the House. This assembly, after numerous votes, elected James Harlan. free soil whig, United States senator to succeed Augustus Dodge. It was pronounced illegal by the Senate and he was reelected in 1857. The assembly of 1855 also elected George G. Wright, whig, for chief justice, and William G. Woodward, whig, for associate justice ; also Norman W. Isbell as associate justice. James Harlan was the most radical anti-slavery ad- herent we have ever had in Congress and in fact, until his election and that of James Thorington as representative, no voice had ever been raised in protest against the extension of slavery, from any Iowa senator or representative. The territory and state had been controlled by the demoerats, and its vote in Congress had with one exception (that was Daniel F. Miller, whig member of Congress in 1849-51) been uniformly against the anti-slavery or free soil movement which was rapidly growing in Towa and all the northern states. Governor Grimes re-
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marked when Harlan was elected, "Our southern friends have regarded fowa their northern stronghold. I thank God it is conquered." In 1855 was the last contest between the democrats and whigs in Iowa-at this election the whigs were victorious.
Before the next election, the whig party had been absorbed by the new repub- lican party. In 1856, our State Legislature passed joint resolutions strongly opposing the extension of slavery and these resolutions were sent to the Iowa members of Congress. No more democrats were elected to Congress from lowa until after slavery had ceased to exist and although the democratic party here never opposed the extension of slavery, thousands of its members were strongly against it and left the ranks, uniting with the free soil movement and finally the republican party. With such men as Grimes for governor, Harlan as senator and Thorington as representative, the anti-slavery movement had strong backing. The thing that rankled and inflamed the northern people and united and solidi- fied their interest into one cause was, not so much the opposition to slavery in the South as to its enforced extension in the North; it was eneroaching on all new territory, and forced the situation to its ultimate climax. In all probability if the South had been content to let the new states and territories settle the slavery question for themselves, the elimax would not have been precipitated for several years. Lincoln further said, "Slavery will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed."
No people can long remain passive and noneommittal when subjected to such outrages as were perpetrated upon these new western states and territories. They must either submit and themselves become slaves or revolt and strike for liberty and freedom. As Lincoln said, "No nation can long endure half free and half slave." "A house divided against itself cannot stand. I do not expert the Union to be dissolved, I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided."
Iowa had long been impassive and insensible to the terrible condition of affairs concerning slavery in the South, but when she saw her sister states being coerced and despoiled, she aronsed from her lethargy and at the first shot fired in defiance to the Union, threatening its dissolution, Jowa rose unanimously, and consecrated herself to its cause. Ilenceforth, there was no wavering allegiance to the Government, no divided sentiment for the Republic but only the conse- erated love and devotion and sacrifice of all that life holds dear to that one eom- pelling and concentrated issue, "the preserving of the Union." The proud boast of the early settlers that Iowa was second to no state in the Union in patriotism and loyalty to the old flag. undoubtedly is true and seems to be justified in the records and publie documents on file pertaining to the Civil war, but nevertheless the foregoing statistics show another phase of that question.
We have given this review of early conditions in the state for the purpose of correcting any false impression among future generations, that our state was always a veritable cradle of patriotism and loyalty to the Union, a state of the highest ideals and sentiments, people who were foremost in advocating justice and freedom. We Iowans have, by the processes of education, environment, and location developed all those finer attributes, but it has taken years to do it. We should be reminded of these grosser beginnings so that we shall not become too Vol. I-S
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self-righteous and arrogant. "Lord God of Hosts, be with us yet, Lest we forget, Lest we forget."
We should be most lenient and magnanimous to those whom we can now safely declare were in the wrong and misguided in their judgment of right and wrong. They pursued their cause and their ideas of justice and principle just as valiantly as did the northerners; were just as conscientious, honest, loyal, self- sacrificing, and brave as any hero who ever fought, bled, and died for principle, and today we recognize these noble traits and honor them for their unswerving faithfulness to duty.
The conditions in Buchanan County just preceding the war were about as they were every place through the northern half of lowa. Of course there were some southern sympathizers (Copperheads, as they were called) but the great majority were loyal Unionists and Abolitionists and responded with alaerity to the first call for enlistments. To briefly smnmarize those last and culminating events which led up to President Lincohi's call for troops: On the 12th of April. 1861, a cannonade from Fort Moultrie, and the batteries erected and con- trolled by the Confederates in Charleston Harbor, was begun upon Fort Sumter, that being a Federal stronghold, and under the command of Major Robert An- derson. The cannonading continued for two days and finally on Sunday, the 14th, the fort was surrendered. There was no longer room to doubt the inten- tions of the South. She was in open rebellion, and South Carolina was the first state to secede from the Union. The United States Government proceeded to act at once and President Lincoln under authority of the law of 1795 giving the President power to call out the militia in case of insurrection immediately issued a call for 75,000 men for three months' service. That call secured the direet promise of 92,000 men from the different states, and six days after it was made Massachusetts troops were in Washington.
When Governor Kirkwood, our War Governor, received the telegram an- nonneing the "first call" for a regiment, he immediately hastened to Davenport, where the telegraph office was (that being the only place where it was in opera- tion ). in order to get the dispatches of the President and act upon them without loss of time. He was sick and had left Des Moines, the new Capital, which was then without any railroad communication and gone to his farm near Iowa City to recuperate. Called From a siek bed, as he stated to an enthusiastic meeting in Davenport, he employed the most energetic means for the raising and equip- ment of troops. "Why, the President wants a whole regiment, Mr. Vandever. Can I raise so many ?" said the astonished governor to the gentleman who brought the telegram. That regiment was raised before their equipment could be pre- pared and ten regiments were soon offered the Government. "Ten days ago," wrote the governor to President Lincoln, "there were two parties in Iowa, now there is only one, and that one for the Constitution and the Union, uncondi- tionally." Money must be had to reach these emergencies and the next morning after Sunter was fired upon, the Graves Brothers of Dubuque said, "Draw on us for $30,000." W. T. Smith, a leading democrat of Oskaloosa. Ezekial Clark, Governor Kirkwood himself and many other patriotic citizens practically turned their pockets wrong side out for the benefit of the state. The young Dutch colony at Amana sent the governor $1,000. Cloth for uniforms was bought and the women, as loyal and true hearted as the men, made them np in short
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order. The women of Burlington, headed by Mrs. Grimes, wife of the former governor, made three hundred soldiers' eoats and haversaeks in six days.
This out-flow of men and money was all the more remarkable since the state was only just beginning to recover from the panie of 1857 and 1858, which had so erippled both private and public interests, but nevertheless she did her full duty. Soldiers were drafted in certain sections but this was owing to an error in our military credits. The real seriousness and extent of the war was not even remotely realized mmtil the fearful disaster at Bull Run on July 9th, and a few days later Congress authorized the enlistment of 500,000 men, half a million heroes called from the fields, the workshops, stores, and offiees, from every avenne and walk of life to the battlefield, the hospital and the soldier's grave. Not a soldier from lowa was at Bull Run, but this disastrous defeat of the Federal troops just incited and urged them to wilder enthusiasm and more determined resolve. The effect of these events was electrical and patriotism was kindled into raging flame in an instant. The different papers in the county gave utterance to the most vehement and patriotic sentiments, such as Mr. Rich, editor of the Buchanan County Guardian, gave voice to, in an editorial in the number following the announcement of the fall of Fort Sumter. Those fervid sentiments, written at a time of intense and burning patriotic ardor, give a vivid impression of that true and noble heroism which animated the loyal people of the North to support their country, and espouse the cause of Liberty and Union. Now and Forever, and are so eloquent and so prophetic that we con- sider it pertinent with this topie to print them. They were the universal senti- ments of the people without respect to party; democrats and republicans vied with each other in expressions of loyalty and devotion to the Government and were unanimous in their impreeations against the traitors who had plunged the country into a eivil war.
Such fine and lofty expressions serve as an incentive to future generations to valiantly guard and protect that flag which was first purchased at so great a cost and again redeemed from insult and stain with such awful sacrifiee. Whenever the call to duty has come. the spirit of patriotism has not been wanting but has prompted and sustained our brave soldiers to noble and heroie deeds.
At the outbreak, the citizens not only of Independence, but of all portions of the county, arose to the occasion, earnest, loyal, patriotie and united. The first manifestation of any real organized effort was an impromptu gathering at the courthouse on Saturday evening, April 20th, and was pervaded with such unanimity and concord of opinion that it must perforce eulminate in some con- rentrated and effective service.
Party spirit was completely superseded with loftier motives. In order to obtain a fuller expression of feeling and definiteness of action a meeting was ealled for the following Monday evening and at the time appointed, with nothing but a verbal notice, the courthouse was again crowded with a ealm. earnest, determined body of citizens, many ladies being present. Alfred Ingalls, Esq., was elected to the chair and Messrs. Rich, editor of the Guardian, and Warren Barnhart, editor of the Civilian, were appointed secretaries.
On motion of Mr. Charles Lathrop a committee of five consisting of the fol- lowing gentlemen, C. E. Lathrop, W. S. Marshall, Edward Brewer, D. T. Ran- dall, and Lyman Hathaway, all men of some prominence in the affairs of Inde-
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pendence, was appointed to prepare resolutions. When the committee had retired to prepare the resolutions, Messrs. J. M. Hord and D. S. Lee were called upon and made strong earnest Union speeches, urging the claims of the Government upon all loyal citizens, and the necessity of punishing treason by the overthrow of the traitors.
The following resolutions were reported and unanimously adopted : "Where- as, The faet has been annonneed by proclamation of the President of the United States, that rebellion exists in a portion of our country, and that the flag of our Union has been fired upon by the constituted anthorities of the so-called Southern Confederacy ; and
Whereas, The President has called upon the loyal states for troops to put down said rebellion and assert the supremacy of the laws, therefore
Resolved, That we, the citizens of Independence, without respect to party distinction, will rally as one man to the support of our rightfully constituted Government, and pledge ourselves to respond to any call that may be made upon us, either for men or money, to the full extent of our ability.
Resolved, That we regard all who refuse to stand by the Government in the present crisis as unworthy of the name of American citizens, and as enemies of the liberties of mankind.
Resolved, That, come what may, we will never give up that noble sentiment of the patriot Jackson : "The American Union-it must and shall be preserved."
Resolved, That we approve of the policy of the national administration in the present erisis, believing that the President has acted toward the southern rebels in a just, magnanimous and conciliatory manner, and has afforded, by his conduet, no pretext for their recent warlike preparation and action; and we will stand by our President while he continues to aet in the strict lines of his con- stitutional duty."
This was in fact a most saered pledge to support the Union and fairly equiva- lent to an actual enrollment, and undoubtedly these calm, resolute, earnest men considered it as such, when they took upon themselves so serious an obligation. This was an occasion for deep and serions thought, a time when the brain and heart were wrenched and torn with feelings: eloquent speeches fraught with in- tensely patriotic sentiments, glowing tributes, and fervid devotion to the Gov- ermmmment and the maintenance of its authority followed the adoption of the resolutions from Messrs. W. G. Donnan, W. S. Marshall, Jed Lake, W. A. Jones, E. J. Pratt. D. T. Randall, Horatio Bryant, Sampson and Abbott. A Mr. Henry of St. Louis, who was called upon at the suggestion of a friend, received most hearty applause when he said that "he was with the people of lowa for the Union ;" but when he proceeded to say that "he and the Union men of the border states would stand as a wall between the contending forces, saying to the Goverment you shall not eross our territory to attack the South, and to the South, you shall not eross our boundaries to attack the North," his prestige was gone. He had questioned the prerogatives and indefeasable rights and privileges of goverments to command their subjects and chastise them into obedienee. His loyalty and sincerity to the Union was doubted and after some sharp cate- chising, which showed the speaker the displeasure of the audienee with his re- marks and that he could not in any way regain their favor, he subsided, although the hollowness of such Union sentiments had only a few days before been exem-
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plified in the killing of Federal soldiers in Baltimore on their way to defend the Capital. There was only one other discordant utterance from a eitizen to mar the complete harmony and unity of this patriotie gathering, which, in its manly ontspoken loyalty, conferred a lasting honor on Buchanan County. One of the speakers called upon took a narrow, partisan view of the situation, and spoke of the call of the President for troops as an appeal from the republicans for assistance, from the opposing political party; and though he favored such assistanee it was only upon the grounds that by that means alone could they gain political aseendaney in the future. It is perhaps needless to say that these sentiments had few adherents at that meeting. Some of the most prominent citizens in the county were southern sympathizers and at least in the beginning of the great struggle thought it but a political ruse and that they were being duped, but time has proved that they were unequivocally mistaken, and undoubt- edly realized that fact. The editor of the Guardian expressed a very charitable opinion of this affair, when he said "that the speaker had done himself great injustice, his patriotism being infinitely deeper and broader than his party feel- ing," and this kindness of the editor prompted the former Buchanan County Ilistorian to the added charity of withholding his name from the record of those proceedings and from those who valiantly supported the Union; so we are com- pelled to do likewise, although our opinions both of history and that man's expres- sions are different than those of the previous writer.
We maintain that history is history and that it should be chronicled just as it happened without distinction of social standing, party or creed, and without prejudiee or partiality to the individual concerned, and furthermore we believe every man is entitled to his own opinions and that he alone is entirely responsible for those opinions, he they right or wrong. On the principles of freedom of speech and thought was our Government founded. But it is not astonishing that during that heated period men ran the risk of all sorts of abuse and even life itself, to express opinions differing from the majority of people in the community where they lived, and for years afterwards both speech and thought had to be jealously guarded. Even here in Independence there were many fiery altercations and a few more serious troubles that eventually led to real pugilistic encounters.
One citizen of Buchanan County, who was a teacher in Benton County and a southern sympathizer, and strongly opposed to the northern measures, whose name we withhold because he was a grandfather of the authoress, wrote in a copy book for a pupil "Jefferson Davis was a loyal citizen of the United States." The boy for whom the copy was made changed the verb from the past to the present tense and by so doing changed the whole complexion of the sentence. This copy was passed around to all the directors and patrons of the school and cansed intense and bitter feeling. The school master was forced to resign and a lynching party was organized to hang him. For two weeks both night and day his good neighbors guarded his home, and finally the agitation wore itself out. The school directors refused to pay him his salary, although he had a contract to teach, so he sued them and the court sustained his ease. Now, we personally know this man to have been a most ardent patriot and an enthusiastic supporter of the government, but his views upon the war questions differed greatly from the majority of the northerners' opinion. He vehemently condemned slavery
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