USA > Iowa > Linn County > History of Linn County Iowa : from its earliest settlement to the present time, Volume I > Part 43
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53 | Part 54 | Part 55 | Part 56 | Part 57 | Part 58 | Part 59 | Part 60 | Part 61 | Part 62 | Part 63 | Part 64 | Part 65 | Part 66 | Part 67 | Part 68 | Part 69 | Part 70 | Part 71
CHAPTER XXXV
County and District Politics
It has been stated that the first election in the county was held at Westport in 1838 when thirty-two votes were east in the county. This is said to have been the most quiet election on record. Gradually the people located elaims, as more lands were thrown open to settlement, and polities began to cut a figure at an early date. While many of the settlers came from the south, a majority. however, came from Ohio, from the middle states, and from New England. Thus it would appear that the population of Iowa was a part of the free state move- ment which had peopled the eentral states. The foreign population did not eome to lowa until the early '50s, when the Germans, Scandinavians, Seotel, and Irish came in large numbers to take up the cheap lands which were offered to the settlers.
The early settlers were for the most part demoerats, with a sprinkling of whigs and abolitionists. Some of these voted for Taylor for president in 1844, nearly all of whom supported Fremont later.
Thus in Brown township Ed Crow, Horace Brown. and the Butlers were dem- oerats, while the Plummers. Yocums, Hamptons, Stanleys, and Dewees families were originally whigs, who joined the republican party in 1856. In Franklin township the members of the United Brethren church in and around Lisbon, and the Methodists around Mount Vernon were stanch abolitionists, joining the republican party when that was formed. Around Bertram a large number affiliated with the democratic party, which was true of the settlers in and around Center Point. In the northern part of the county. James Nugent, A. C. Coquil- lette, Joe Whitney, Peter Henderson, and many others were republicans, or joined the party later. In Maine township the Jordan families were divided in polities, some belonging to one party, others to another. These men were a sturdy lot of pioneers and did mueh in a political and finaneial way to build up the county.
In Rapids township and Cedar Rapids, many of the old settlers were dem- oerats, such as N. B. Brown, D. M. MeIntosh, the Bryan boys, E. R. Derby, William Harper, the Weares, J. J. Snouffer, Hart brothers, and many others. Judge Greene was one of the most prominent demoerats who joined the republican ranks in the Greeley campaign. The Weares joined the republican party during the Civil war period. Some of the prominent republicans of an early day were E. N. Bates, the Carrolls, Elys, Leaches, IFigleys, J. S. and T. Z. Cook, Isaac Cook, Dr. S. D. Carpenter. Dr. E. L. Mansfield, Gabriel Carpenter.
In Marion township, which was then and for many years afterwards the politieal eenter of the county, the whigs, who later became republicans, were sueh men as N. M. Hubbard, R. D. Stephens, Joseph Young. William Cook, William G. Thompson, James E. Bromwell, William Smythe, Robert Smythe, Robert Holmes, the Herveys, and the Daniels family.
Among the demoerats were sueh prominent men as Colonel I. M. Preston, S. II. Tryon, S. W. Durham. H. W. Gray, Dr. T. S. Bardwell, T. J. MeKean, J. C. Barry, James Green, L. M. Strong, C. T. Williams, and James Brown.
During the territorial days Robert Lneas was a demoerat, while John Chan- bers was a whig, sueceeded by James Clarke, another democrat. During these early territorial days Linn county eut very little figure in the affairs of the newly organized territory, as the river counties had most of the settlers and otherwise
299
COUNTY AND DISTRICT POLITICS
eontrolled political affairs in general. In the first assembly which met at Bur- lington, November 11, 1838, this eounty was represented by Charles Whittelsy in the eouneil, and by Robert G. Roberts in the house. The district then was com- posed of Cedar, Johnson, Jones, and Linn counties.
The second assembly met at the same place November 4, 1839, this distriet being represented in the council by Charles Whittelsy, and by George II. Wal- worth in the house. The district this year was composed of Cedar, Jones, and Linn counties.
The third assembly convened at Burlington November 2, 1840, and now, for the first time, Linn county was represented in the eouneil by a resident of the county, in the person of George Greene. In the house sat George H. Walworth and H. Van Antwerp.
The fourth assembly convened at the newly selected capitol at Iowa City, and in the couneil or upper house sat again George Greene, and in the house were Thomas Higginson and Thomas Denson.
In the fifth assembly sat J. P. Cook in the council and George H. Walworth and J. C. Barry in the house, the latter being a resident of Linn eounty.
In the sixth assembly sat J. P. Cook in the council, George H. Walworth and Robert Smythe in the house, Smythe being a resident of the eounty. For many years he was a prominent politician in Iowa, and sat in the lower and upper houses for many years.
In the seventh assembly, which convened at Iowa City in May, 1845, sat William Abbe in the eouneil, and Joe K. Snyder and John Taylor in the house. William Abbe was the first actual settler in the county and one of the best known persons in eastern Iowa in early days. Mr. Abbe also sat in the assembly which met at Iowa City in December, 1845.
Linn county was also represented by able men in the constitutional conven- tions, and no doubt the members from this eounty did mueh in the adoption of our constitution. In the first constitutional convention which convened October 7, 1844, there sat as members from this eounty the following persons: T. J. MeKean, L. M. Strong, and S. W. Durham, all demoerats. This convention numbered fifty-three democrats and seventeen whigs. In the second eonstitu- tional convention, which met at the seat of government May 4, 1856, Linn and Benton counties were represented by Socrates H. Tryon, of Marion. In this convention, which was smaller than the first, the party vote stood twenty dem- oerats and ten whigs.
In the third constitutional convention, which met January 19, 1857, there sat HI. W. Gray, of Marion, as a member of the convention, and Ellsworth N. Bates, of Cedar Rapids, as assistant secretary, a young man of brilliant parts.
The first governor of the newly made state, Ansel Briggs, was a democrat, as was Stephen Hempstead, his successor. James W. Grimes, who had located at Burlington in 1836, was nominated for the office of governor at the whig con- vention in 1854, and made a memorable canvass. His well known anti-slavery views rendered him aeeeptable to all who were opposed to the extension of that institution. While many conservative whigs agreed with the democrats on the slavery issue, still all classes who favored free soil united in the support of Grimes, who was favorably known and had been a member of the legislature, and who had made a favorable impression upon the new settlers who had come into the state to find homes. Grimes was elected, and this was the first defeat of the demoerats since Iowa was organized as a territory.
In January, 1856, Governor Grimes wrote the eall for the convention, which met at Iowa City on February 22d, which founded the republican party. In this convention there sat a number of Linn county persons who later became noted men in the party, and well known in the state.
300
HISTORY OF LINN COUNTY
The first presidential vote in Iowa was in the election in 1848, when Cass, the regular democratie nominee, received 12,083 votes, Taylor, whig. 11,084 votes, and Martin Van Buren, free soil democrat, 1,126 votes. In the election of 1852, which was quite exciting all over the country, and not least in Iowa, the popular votes for president were as follows: Franklin Pierce, democrat, 17,763, Winfield Scott, whig, 15,856, John P. Hale, frec democracy, 1,704 votes. This vote would indicate that the democratic party still held the balance of power in the state, but the change in old party lines was apparent.
During the years up to 1856, a large number of pioneers had come into the state from Ohio, Pennsylvania, Illinois, and Michigan, as well as from the New England states, and bitter party feeling ran high. Many of the party leaders took the stump, and speeches were made in nearly all these settlements. News- papers were established and an active campaign brought about. Polities was the topic of conversation at the country store, at the grist-mill, and at the country postoffices, and everyone felt that a change along party lines would be apparent. The vote in Iowa for president in 1856 was: John C. Fremont, republican, 43,954, James Buchanan, democrat, 36,170, Millard Fillmore, American party, 9,180. James W. Grimes, the candidate for governor on the Fremont ticket, was re-elected.
In this campaign the question of slavery was the main issue, and on this ground the newly organized republican party carried the day in Iowa. Iowa from this time was lost to the democrats, and they were unable to regain the lost ground by attempting to get away from the slavery issue. During the summer and fall of 1860 the campaign surpassed even the excitable campaign of four years previous. At the fall election Lincoln received 70,409 votes, S. A. Doug- las, democrat, 55,111 votes, John Bell, 17,763 votes. J. C. Breckenridge, the regular democratic nominee, who aimed to carry slavery into the territory at any cost, received in this state only 1,048. The Douglas wing of the party "aimed to throw the responsibility of the slavery question upon the supreme court or upon the territories, or anywhere else, except upon the democratic party." Douglas had many admirers in this county, and he visited, in this campaign, Marion and Cedar Rapids, where people flocked to hear him, many of whom admired him, but there were few who could support his visionary schemes and many who doubted the outcome of his dubious platform. This year the republi- can state ticket received on an average a plurality of 13,670 votes. In this election the state had become one of the solid republican states, and has so continued. In the state campaign of 1861 S. J. Kirkwood carried the state in an exciting campaign over William HI. Merritt, the regular democratie nominee. Mr. Merritt had become a resident of this county, and hence received a large vote in his old home. Kirkwood had won over A. C. Dodge by a majority of 3,000 two years before, and was a popular candidate, a man of many strong traits of character. The Civil war was on and the people felt that they must sustain the policies of the party in power, and hence, perhaps, the popularity of the prospect- ive candidates eut but little figure.
During one of these campaigns as Perry Oxley and Ambrose Harlan were seated discussing polities at the county seat one day, Harlan in his wrath accused Oxley of being a traitor to the government. This was too much for the irate Kentneky-born democrat, and he knocked Harlan down with a savage blow aimed at the fellow's head. There was a trial for assanlt and battery, to which Oxley pleaded guilty, and later Harlan brought an action for damages in the district court, which damages were paid pro-rata by the democrats over the county. Col. I. M. Preston defended Oxley and the ontcome of the verdict in fact made the issues for the next campaign.
At commencement exercises at Mt. Vernon a general free-for-all fight occurred on account of some girls wearing copper-head pins. This matter also came into
1
PHOTOS COMPRIENTRO BY W.CAN BANRIS
PUBLIC AND COMMERCIAL BUILDINGS IN CEDAR RAPIDS, 1910
St. Luke's Hospital Security Savings Bank Mercy Hospital Interior Library
Masonic Temple Masonic Library and Annex Second Avenue Bridge High School Public Library
301
COUNTY AND DISTRICT POLITICS
the courts, and county politics at least changed conditions, as party feelings ran high, and perhaps the ultimate motives of party politics were lost sight of, in these hand to hand contests waged near at home.
During the early days Joel Leverich was a prominent political character in Linn county. He was called the "Bogus Coon," as it was claimed that he belonged to a gang of counterfeiters. However true that may be, no one knows, as he called himself a fellow who could make counterfeit money which would pass muster even in the land office. Leverich was a bright and intelligent person and wielded a great deal of influence as a sort of ward heeler before wards were organized in an early day, and it was frequently stated "that as Joel Leverich went, so went the county." Joel was not perhaps as interested in the political views of the candidates as he was in getting pay for his services and in having a promise of a pull with the officers if elected.
Bill Brody also wielded more or less influence in an early day in the county, and sometimes lined up with one party and sometimes with another. It was generally true, that if Leverich and his followers were all on one side, Brody and his companions would generally be opposed, and it was very seldom that both gangs were enlisted to work for the same political party in any one campaign.
At one time just preceding a county election, members of the two gangs met at the Joshua Glover saloon in Marion. All had been drinking, and it was not long until the street was full of people, there being fifteen to twenty on a side all engaged in a general free-for-all fight. No one tried to interfere, and blood flowed freely. While Bill Brody was the leader and perhaps the most active, his chum and follower, Barry Way, was the most powerful fighter, and is said to have cleaned out the entire gang and won the day. His political party was in power for a day at least.
While there was much disorder, and trouble arose on account of lack of en- forcement of law and order, it would be apparent that if men were elected to office by the assistance and help of men of this type it was not surprising to hear that officials could not, or would not always carry out the provisions of the law. Ambrose Harlan, well known in an early day as a person who had nerve and considerable fight in him, came out as a candidate for sheriff on a platform all his own, claiming that "he would catch horse thieves, and would even serve a warrant on Bill Brody himself, leader of the notorious gang," referred to in these pages.
Harlan became an imaginary hero in the eyes of the people, and was elected by a large majority. For a long time after he had assumed the duties of his office there did not seem to be anything doing in his particular line. In fact the sheriff's office was the most deserted place at the county seat. It resembled a summer resort in winter time, and Harlan was ahout to resign for want of anything to do, for if there was anything Harlan loved it was a fight to a finish or a wordy contest with a political opponent. As sheriff there was nothing to do in either line, for people seemed for once to mind their own business.
At last, one morning a warrant was brought to the sheriff to be served on Brody, who had been charged with grand larceny of a team of horses. Harlan's moment had come, and he prided himself on the fact that he would lodge Brody in jail before the next sun set. A few inquiries were made, and Brody was lo- cated in the Way cabin, some five or six miles east of Vinton. At Vinton Harlan organized a posse and started early next morning to catch the culprit before he would leave for the day.
They surrounded the cabin, Harlan fearing that the fellows had already es- caped, but he ascertained that the smoke issuing from the cabin was only an indication that Mrs. Way was getting breakfast ready. He found Bill Brody and his chum Barry Way in bed. He was not long in making his errand known, and Brody replied, "Do you want me naked or will you give me time to put on
302
HISTORY OF LINN COUNTY
my duds ?" To which Harlan replied that as it was still carly and he had all day, he would wait till the fellows dressed. The men took considerable time in arranging their morning toilet, saying to one another that it might be a long time before they would get back, and that the trial court could do nothing without their presence, so there was no hurry. Harlan sat on a home-made riekety chair in one corner of the room, with a gun in his left hand and a hickory stick in the other, watching the two culprits, and recalling the old refrain, "Weep no mo' ine lady," as he watched the poor mother Way walking about the room with tears in her eyes, wondering what her wayward son had been up to this time. Harlan kept special watch on Way, who was the athlete, not fearing Brody, who was a small person. As Harlan looked out at the tiny window to detect a certain noise he heard, Brody, nimble as a cat, was at his side in an instant. He wrung the hickory sapling out of the sheriff's hands and struck him a savage blow on the head so that the Linn county official was "dead to the world" for at least thirty minutes. The crowd outside were in hiding near a straw stack, and when they saw the two desperadoes come out of the cabin alone without any sheriff following, they took to their horses and rode away as fast as they could, never looking around till the town of Vinton was in sight.
When the sheriff realized what had happened, he was invited to breakfast by Mrs. Way, who said it might be a long time before her boarders would return. The sheriff would not accept the invitation, but asked instead for bandages for his head.
Harlan was asked on his return to the county seat, minus his prisoner, "Why didn't you take Bill when you had him ?" Harlan replied, "How could I, when I had a gun in one hand and a hickory stick in the other, which he took away and rapped me over the head with, and when I came to my senses he wasn't there."
It was needless to say, that at the next election no one cared to enter the race on a strictly horse thief catching platform.
One of the most remarkable political contests ever waged in the county was that of N. M. Hubbard and William Smythe for congress in 1868. Hubbard had been a sort of political dictator since the organization of the republican party. He had held the office of county judge for a short time, and had been appointed attorney for the Northwestern railway, and for this reason was a powerful factor in financial as well as in political cireles. Hubbard was quarrelsome, imperti- nent. and out-spoken, and used to say, that he "loved a nigger more than he did a democrat." In his aspirations for office he was backed by many friends and admirers, such as the Weares, Elys, Carrolls, and Iligleys in Cedar Rapids, and by most of the prominent Marion men, such as the Herveys, the Daniels families. Captain Rathbun, Major Thompson, and Bob Holmes.
The people of Marion were bitter against Hubbard, especially R. D. Steph- ons, who had been Hubbard's partner for some time, which partnership ended in a row. the last formal dissolution of the partnership being to the effect that Hubbard said to Stephens that "he would not attend his funeral." to which the partner replied, "neither will I attend yours or ever darken your threshhold in any capacity.'
Stephens by this time was a financial factor in the county and had many friends. It was thought that he should make the run against Hubbard, who had removed to Cedar Rapids, but the leaders of this faction of the party thought that a candidate must be selected who had been in the war, and thus the oppon- ents of Hubbard selected William Smythe, who was a brother-in-law of Stephens, as the logical candidate to make the race. Smythe was an Irishman who had been an officer in the Civil war; was an eminent lawyer, a most affable gentleman, who had made a reputation for himself as a conservative and safe political leader.
In this canvass Smythe was also backed by Robert Smythe, an older brother, who had been in the legislature, and was favorably known throughout the county.
303
COUNTY AND DISTRICT POLITICS
Stephens was the financial backer and the organizer of the Smythe faction. He was far-sighted, wielded considerable political and social influence, and used his money freely in this campaign to get even with Hubbard, if for no other reason. In this fight Stephens enlisted the service of a number of prominent democrats who were unfriendly to Hubbard. Everyone expected that Hubbard would win hands down, and carry Cedar Rapids and many of the county pre- cincts. Smythe enlisted in his cause such men as Colonel Preston, Dr. Thos. Bardwell, J. H. Preston, S. W. Durham, James Brown, and many other demo- crats who were on the inside of this movement to dethrone the republican county boss. Smythe carried Marion township much to the surprise of the local leaders who had thought up to that time that everything was cocked and primed for Hubbard.
The county went about half and half; both parties, of course, had expected a small majority. When the officers were selected and a contest came up to a show of hands, the convention stood a tie. The old court house was filled to over- flowing, and many wordy contests took place outside as well as inside of the old dingy court room.
The afternoon passed and neither side got ahead. Stephens was the active leader on the floor of the convention and knew more about parliamentary rules than anyone else. Still there were others in the convention on the Hubbard side who were no novices at the business of packing a convention.
An agreement had been made that the winner should select his own delegates, and it was conceded that whoever carried the county would carry the district. Neither faction dared to adjourn, and so the fight was kept up on motions of one kind and another with voting now and then to ascertain if the members had changed. They all "stood pat," and it has since been suggested that this must have been the first time the word standpatter was used in a political sense.
In the evening Dr. Thomas S. Bardwell moved about in the convention hall shaking hands with his professional brethren and others. He invited a stanch supporter of Hubbard from up the county, and a professional brother, into his postoffice and into a back room where he lived. They got into conversation and Bardwell knew that the man wanted a little for his stomach's sake; for he had traveled a long ways that morning and had had nothing to eat all day. Bardwell fully agreed with the country doctor that the air of a dingy court room was bad for the lungs, and that a life of that kind would certainly ruin the health of any man, however strong he might otherwise be. The country doctor took one and then another drink from the city man's private supply, and the Marion man was not one of the kind that refused even to take a drink with his country friend. The conversation moved much easier and more pleasant after the first few drinks, and Bardwell, to show that he was a good fellow, brought out a variety of liquor, such as would have made the mouth of a true Kentnekian smack in anticipation. It was not long till the country practitioner forgot all about the convention and was "dead to the world." He was placed in the doctor's bed, the doors locked, and Bardwell hurried back to the court house, sending a note to Stephens to the effect that he must put the vote at once. Stephens did not know whether Bardwell was putting up a scheme on him or not, but he was about at the end with his objections and thought he would try just another vote and risk everything on a democrat's advice. Stephens withdrew his motion then pending and called for a vote by ballot. The Hubbard faction was glad of this opportunity, and as there were no objections the seesaw affair of balloting once more began.
When the votes were counted it was found that the Hubbard faction was one short. They counted and re-counted, and made the air blue with dire threats, wondering who had sold out, but no "Judas" could be found. Finally it was discovered that the country delegate aforesaid was missing. It was thought that he had gone home or had been called away on professional business, but such was
304
HISTORY OF LINN COUNTY
not the case. The aforesaid country delegate was not made aware of the real condition of things till the next morning when he awoke in the back room of the doctor's office wondering how he had gotten such fine quarters without any assist- ance from either side, as far as he knew.
The convention went wild over Smythe's vietory and the city of Marion, regardless of party, was caught in this wave of enthusiasm, and the only topic of conversation for a long time afterwards was "how William Smythe won the fight."
The newspaper which gave the best write-up of this political contest, and the paper which did more for Smythe than any other political organ in the county, was the Linn County Signal, edited by a nephew of S. W. Durham, by the name of Williams. The editorial writers, however, were such men as Dr. Thos. Bard- well, James Brown, S. W. Durham, Colonel I. M. Preston, and Judge J. H. Pres- ton, who was just then beginning to learn the inside workings of politics. A tramp printer by the name of Tompkins came along some time before the con- vention occurred, out of money and out of work, and was employed on the paper. Tompkins looked and acted like a fool, but was in faet a genius. He could write better than the best of them, and knew shorthand as well. He reported the proceedings of this unique convention, and it is stated by all, regardless of party affiliations, that this write-up was the best of any politieal write-up of any convention before or sinec.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.