USA > Iowa > Des Moines County > The history of Des Moines county, Iowa, containing a history of the country, its cities, towns, &c., a biographical directory of citizens, war record of its volunteers > Part 50
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53 | Part 54 | Part 55 | Part 56 | Part 57 | Part 58 | Part 59 | Part 60 | Part 61 | Part 62 | Part 63 | Part 64 | Part 65 | Part 66 | Part 67 | Part 68 | Part 69 | Part 70 | Part 71 | Part 72 | Part 73 | Part 74 | Part 75 | Part 76 | Part 77 | Part 78 | Part 79 | Part 80 | Part 81 | Part 82 | Part 83 | Part 84 | Part 85 | Part 86 | Part 87 | Part 88 | Part 89 | Part 90 | Part 91 | Part 92 | Part 93
When the Democrats saw how the "'Possums " were playing a game that was corroborative of their title, they instituted a series of petty diversions from the regular business, by repeated adjournments, and thereby prevented a re-as- sembling of the Joint Convention. Week after week elapsed without any change in the feeling of the parties, and ultimate adjournment of the Legisla- ture arrived before a choice had been made.
The result of these complications was a total failure to elect Senators, and the first Legislature adjourned without performing its most important task. Thus it transpired that Iowa, although justly entitled to Senatorial representa- tion in the last session of the Twenty-ninth Congress, and the first session of the Thirtieth, does not appear as having a full delegation in the national body.
On December 4, 1848, the Second Assembly convened at Iowa City. On the 7th of that month, Hon. Augustus C. Dodge, of Burlington, and Hon. George W. Jones, of Dubuque, were agreed upon as Senators. This election filled the delegation from Iowa during the winter of 1848-49. The Represent- atives from Iowa during the Thirtieth Congress were Hon. William Thompson, of Mount Pleasant, and Hon. Shepherd Leffler, of Burlington.
Senator Jones drew the slip assigning him to the term expiring with the Thirty-second Congress, which ended in 1853, while Senator Dodge drew the short term, which lasted but the single session of the Thirtieth Congress, in 1849. He was, however, re-elected January 10, 1849, for a term of six years, and retired from the seat at the close of the Thirty-third Congress, in 1855. Senator Jones was re-elected December 21, 1852, and served until the close of the Thirty-fifth Congress, in 1859.
The vacancy caused by the expiration of Senator Dodge's term, created a profound excitement in political circles, because of the changed condition of State politics. The Whig party was fast gaining ascendency over the old-estah- lished Democratic organization. The Legislature was composed, in 1854, of a Senate which was Democratic by but one majority, while the House had a clear Whig majority.
It is a well-known fact that the law governing Senatorial elections provides for a preliminary ballot in each House, when, if the two divisions are found to have voted for different men, a joint convention is authorized, consisting of both branches of the Legislature, assembled in either of the halls devoted to legisla- tive business, and presided over by the President of the Senate, with the Speaker of the House sitting by his side. The Secretary of the Senate acts as Secretary of the Joint Convention, and the Chief Clerk of the House serves as Assistant Secretary. Thus organized, the Convention proceeds to vote for United States Senator, by roll-call. If a clear majority of the Convention does not then agree upon a man, an adjournment is made, from time to time, until
428
HISTORY OF DES MOINES COUNTY.
a decision is reached. This plan presupposes the formal organizations of the two Houses, and during the interval between the sessions of the Convention the regular legislative business is duly proceeded with. However, when the time for the assembling of the Joint Convention arrives, the Clerk or Secretary of the branch in whose room the Convention meets, formally notifies the other branch of the arrival of the hour at which the Convention is to assemble. This notice has to be given by one body to the other during the formal organization of the branch receiving such notification.
As has already been remarked, the House was Whig in politics, and the Legislature was also Whig on joint ballot; but the Senate had a Democratic presiding officer and official organization, because of its majority of one on sep- arate ballot. When the time arrived for the election of a Senator, which is always the first business on those years when a Senator is chosen, after the legal organization of the Legislature-a separate ballot was taken. The men- bers had followed the usual preliminary custom of "going into caucus," for the purpose of making nominations, and the Democrats had selected Hon. A. C. Dodge as their candidate. The Whigs were supposed to favor Hon. Fitz Henry Warren, and on this account the delegation from Lee County refused to join the caucus. This delegation numbered nine members, and literally held " the balance of power." It proved, however, that the Whigs foresaw the inev- itableness of defeat if they persisted in retaining the name of Mr. Warren, and prudently withdrew him from the caucus. In his place, they named the Hon. James Harlan, of Mount Pleasant. When the first ballot was cast, in separate session, the Lee delegation naturally felt obliged to maintain its attitude toward the caucus nominee, although the gentleman proved to be one whom they could heartily indorse. were it not for a certain sense of pride engendered by their hasty determination to " fight the caucus." The result of the first ballot, con- sequently, was a failure to elect a Senator. The next proceeding was to assemble in joint convention and ballot on a more extended plan. This requirement of the law was duly complied with, but without the achievement of success for either faction. The disaffected members were obdurate, and the two partisan divisions adhered, with commendable tenacity, to their favorite candi- dates.
Thus, the meetings were held, ballots taken, and adjournments ordered from day to day and week to week. At last, overtures were made to the Lee delegation, which were honorable, and which were such as could be entertained by men of high character. They consisted of nothing more than slight con- cessions on the part of both wings of the Whig party, being an agreement to meet informally and discuss the merits of the regular nominee. This social way of obviating the terrors of " King Caucus " was consented to by those who really admired the candidate and opposed him simply because they felt called upon to sustain their dignity.
A reconciliation was effected, and the Lee County men agreed to support Mr. Harlan. The proceedings of this meeting, although informal, were designed to be of a secret nature. At all events, one would naturally suppose that polit- ical diplomacy would teach parties to such an agreement to retain inviolate their compact until the moment came for action. It proved otherwise in this instanee, however, and through some one of the members, who was more voluble than discreet, the Democrats learned of the contemplated union of forces. The consultation meeting was held Friday evening, January 5, 1855, and the adjourned session of the Joint Convention was appointed for Saturday morning following, at 10 o'clock.
429
HISTORY OF DES MOINES COUNTY.
In the case under consideration, the Senate used to meet with the House in the Hall of Representatives, because of greater convenience, and it therefore devolved upon the Chief Clerk of the House to notify the Senate of the arrival of the hour for convening. On the morning of Saturday, January 6, the Clerk proceeded on his mission, and found, to his surprise, that the Senate had adjourned until the following Monday. The members were all in the Senate- chamber, but the Senate, as a legal body, had no existence for the time being. The Clerk read the formal notice required by law, and repaired to the hall to report upon the condition of affairs.
It subsequently transpired that the intended action of the Whigs had been made known to the Democrats of the Senate, and they, to thwart the purpose of their opponents, had adjourned just before 10 o'clock. They expected that this bit of diplomacy would defeat the selection of a Senator that day, and pos- sibly open an opportunity for a Democratic victory by compromise.
The Whigs were not dismayed at the outlook ; but, being under the guid- ance of Whigs in the House, proceeded to ballot for Senator. There were present the Whigs of both branches of the Legislature, who formed a majority of the entire body on joint ballot. These members elected Mr. Harlan, and the Convention announced its result, and adjourned.
Gov. James W. Grimes was then in the Executive Chair of the State. From the Governor, Mr. Harlan obtained a certificate of election to the Senate, and duly presented his credentials at the opening of the Thirty-Fourth Con- gress, in 1855, or as soon thereafter as he could reach Washington, when he was sworn in and took his seat.
The Democrats of the Iowa Legislature at once drafted a resolution of pro- test against the admission of Senator Harlan, on the ground of his election being illegal. The matter did not come up in that body, however, during the first session, and the Senator filled the seat undisturbed.
At the beginning of the second session, in December, 1856, Senator Jones called the attention of the Senate to the protest, and apologized for his own neglect in having failed to take earlier cognizance of the document. Upon his motion, the protest was referred to the Senate Committee on the Judiciary, with instructions to investigate the subject and report as speedily as possible.
The Senate was, at that time, Democratic. The Committee reported adversely to the seating of Senator Harlan, and the body voted, January 12, 1857, to sustain the report. The Senator at once returned to Iowa. The Leg- islature was then in session, at Iowa City; but local elections subsequent to 1854, had so changed the character of that body as to give it a Whig majority in both branches. The Republican party was just coming upon the scene, and it may be termed a Republican majority instead of Whig. At all events, the body was opposed to Democracy; and when Senator Harlan laid his case before the Legislature, with certified transcripts of the United States Senate journal, he met with hearty and instant support. On the 17th day of January, 1857, or just five days after the Senate had voted to oust him, Senator Harlan held in his hands indisputable credentials of his legal election. He returned to Washington, and was admitted to the councils of the nation.
The action of the Senate in refusing to admit Senator Harlan was very dif- ferent from the formal adjudication of a knotty problem by the Supreme Court. When a case is carried before such a tribunal, the parties thereto are admitted to a full discussion of its merits, and the Court is obliged to express not only its findings, but the processes by which its conclusions were reached. The privileges of the Senate exceed those of the Supreme Court, so far as the
430
HISTORY OF DES MOINES COUNTY.
methods of its decisions are concerned. A committee is not required to render account of why it does thus and so; and a report is generally adopted without much debate. Discussion is permissible, to be sure; but so important a com- mittee as that upon the Judiciary is almost always selected with an eye to pos- sible partisan exigencies. When a report is made by it on any question touch- ing party strength, the ruling power is thrown in support of the report.
For these reasons, one is at no loss to determine why Senator Harlan was unseated, and Senators Bright and Fitch, of Indiana, were snugly lodged in the Senate, the very next session. The Indiana election was far more ques- tionable than the Iowa : but the action of the Senate was in favor of the former, while it condemned the latter. The spirit is manifested by an anecdote told at the expense of a prominent Democratic member.
It is said that a friend of Senator Harlan's, who had watched the Democrat during both contests, and noticed that he voted against Senator Harlan, while he voted for the Indiana representatives, asked the Democrat why he did so, and how he could reconcile those diametrically antagonistic votes.
" Why," responded the gentleman, " you see, I aimed to observe a strictly honorable and consistent course. When Harlan's case came from the commit- tee, I had never considered it ; but I knew that the committee had done so, and with every possible means of ascertaining its real merits. For that reason, I accepted the report, and voted merely to sustain the committee. And so it was with the Bright-Fitch case. I knew nothing of its merits, and the committee did. I voted neither for nor against those gentlemen, but simply to sustain the committee ! "
That "sustaining the committee " idea is a very good one for men of tender sensibilities.
But the real merits of the Harlan case probably may be summed up in this manner : The Constitution of the United States provides that the Senate thereof shall consist of two members from each State, and these members shall be elected at certain times and in certain manner, as is specified, " by the Leg- islature " of each State.
The question turns upon the meaning of the word " Legislature." That is defined in the State Constitution to mean "a Senate and a House of Represent- atives," chosen by the people.
It will be observed in the foregoing pages that the Senate was not in session, ¿. e., had no existence for the time being, when Senator Harlan was elected at the so-called Joint Convention. That Convention could legally exist only when composed of the Senate and House, which left their regular session, without adjournment as a Senate and a House, and united as a joint committee of the whole. There can be no doubt but that the Judiciary Committee reported aright ; for it would be establishing a dangerous precedent to recognize in- formal elections by State Legislatures. The fact that the same Committee stultified itself by reversing its decision for partisan motives; or, even, that it reported as it did on the Harlan case purely with malignant intent (which we do not claim that it did, but cite that possibility for sake of establishing a point), in no way affects the merits of this case. Two wrongs never make one right.
The case is an historic one of great value, since it has established a prece- dent for the government of future Senates.
January 26. 1858. Gov. James W. Grimes was chosen to succeed Senator Jones. Senator Harlan was re-elected January 11, 1860, for six years. Sen- ator Grimes was re-elected for a term of six years in 1865.
431
HISTORY OF DES MOINES COUNTY.
Senator Harlan was appointed Secretary of the Interior by President Lin- coln, and his appointment was confirmed by the Senate just before the assassina- tion of Mr. Lincoln, in the spring of 1865. Mr. Harlan accepted the port- folio on the 1st of May, of that year, and, consequently, resigned his seat in the Senate. As there was no impending session of Congress, and as the Leg- islature would meet in regular session in the following January, Gov. William M. Stone, then in the Executive office of the State, did not appoint a successor to fill the unexpired term, which ended March 4, 1867. The Legislature, when it met in January, 1866, was therefore called upon to elect two Senators, one for the short term, and one for the regular term, beginning March 4, 1867.
The Legislature was Republican in sentiment, and, consequently, chose the distinguished War-Governor, Samuel J. Kirkwood, for the short term, and honored Secretary Harlan by returning him to the Senate for the full term.
Senator Grimes died in 1869, and the vacancy was filled by Hon. J. B. Howell, of Keokuk. Senator Howell was succeeded by Senator George G. Wright, whose term expired March 4, 1877, and who was, in turn, succeeded by Senator Samuel J. Kirkwood, whose term will end March 4, 1883. Senator Harlan was succeeded, March 4, 1873, by Senator William B. Allison, whose term will expire March 4, 1879, and who has been chosen to succeed himself in the Senate for the term ending March 4, 1885.
HON. JAMES W. GRIMES.
Among the long list of eminent men, who claim Des Moines as the county of adoption or birth, the name of James W. Grimes stands forth with peculiar distinctness. He was not only a great man in the limited region of Des Moines, but he was a great man in the State and nation. If one were to ask a resident of some distant point to name a representative man from Iowa, we do not hesitate to affirm that the one which would spring forth spontaneously is James W. Grimes.
The delicate task of preparing an historical work during the early years of a county's existence is heightened by the living presence of many prominent actors; and it is realized by the writer, that not until the lapse of time has removed the first generation, or even the second, can impartial history be trans- cribed. Data may be preserved for the benefit of a future historian, but the full meed of credit due so many participants in early events sounds like fulsome flattery while yet the actors live. Justice cannot be done the faulty, nor can honor be accorded the deserving. A cautious hand must lift the veil of the past, disclosing only that which may be safely told.
When a man enters the arena of public life, he voluntarily accepts the hazard of criticism. If he fails in the performance of his full duty, there are those stand- ing by to prod him with the heated iron of censure; if he differs from those who surround him, as perforce he oftentimes must, his acts are spoken of only with words of condemnation.
When a man dies, the personal animosities his individuality has created are forgotten, and his deeds are weighed by the effect they have had upon events. In spite of the poet, one is forced to admit that the good, as well as the evil deeds, live after them.
Senator Grimes possessed the elements which compose human greatness. Born of honorable and independent ancestry, who thought for themselves, and believed in the essential doctrines of personal and religious liberty, the son inherited the tendencies to leadership which made him famous. He was born in the town of Deering, Hillsborough County, N. H., October 20,
432
HISTORY OF DES MOINES COUNTY.
1816. He entered Darmonth College in August, 1832, when but 16 years of age. In the spring of 1836, he came West, and landed at Burlington May 15. His life became an active one in politics, as in his profession ; for the people recognized the power of the man.
It is impossible for us to fairly represent the life and services of Mr. Grimes, in this brief paper. A volume has been devoted to his letters to per- sonal friends, merely to show, by inference, his character. His friend and ad- mirer, Rev. William Salter, has done the public a noble service in preparing a semi-autobiographical work, entitled " Life of James W. Grimes, Governor of Iowa, 1854-1858 : a Senator of the United States, 1859-1869." Therein are preserved the materials for the student and writer of history.
These brief lines are penned by one who recognizes the breadth of char- acter, the force of intellect, and the quality of mind of one who made Iowa's name a power in the Senate. We pay a passing tribute to his worth.
THE MILLER-THOMPSON CONTESTED ELECTION.
The most noted contest over an election to Congress which appears in the annals of this State is that known as the Miller-Thompson case, which trans- pired in 1848, in the then First District. From the date of the admission of Iowa into the Union as a State until the assembling of the Thirty-eighth Con- gress, in 1863, the State was divided into but two Congressional Districts, with an equal number of Representatives. The first delegation sent to the Lower House, in 1846, consisted of Hon. S. Clinton Hastings, of Muscatine, from the northern half of the State; and of Hon. Shepherd Leffler, of Burlington, from the southern half. At that time the State was not designated as distinct districts. At the succeeding election for the Thirtieth Congress, which began in 1847. a formal districting was observed. The influence of locality was apparent in the choice of candidates at this period; for while Hon. William Thompson, of Mount Pleasant, was elected from the newly-created First District, Burlington was also represented by the selection of Hon. Shepherd Leffler, of that place, ostensibly as the member from the Second District. This uneven distribution of honor as between the original settlements in the old Dubuque and Des Moines Counties, continued until 1851, when Dubuque asserted its rights by sending Hon. Lincoln Clark to the House. Thereafter the two districts were marked as north and south sections, rather than as river and interior counties, as at the time of the contest hereafter described. When this struggle occurred, the issue was apparently between the west and east.
In 1848, the dominant party in Iowa found itself confronted by a foe of no insignificant proportions. The politicians who had for years held the reins of power found it necessary to exert themselves if they would retain possession of the offices, or continue to dictate the policy of the infant commonwealth. A new faction had made not only an appearance on the scene, but it had gained so firm a foothold in the estimation of the people that it asserted its presence with alarming boldness. The Democrats realized the necessity of retaining an unbroken delegation in Congress, and made speedy preparation to repel the un- welcome party. But in a new region, where voters are numbered by scores, instead of by thousands, it is far easier to plan or desire than it is to accomplish marked changes in the popular will. New counties were being formed and new settlements made each year, and what was appalling to the Democrats was the fact that many of those additions to the population were strongly tinctured with
433
HISTORY OF DES MOINRS COUNTY.
Whig sentiments. It became evident that something must be done to offset the Whig influx. At this critical moment a scheme for the relief of the old party was presented. It is impossible to say just who was the father of the idea, but it undoubtedly had its origin in one of the several able and fertile brains of the leaders who dwelt in Burlington or Mount Pleasant. The plan'was none other than that of securing the vote of the hundreds of Mormon refugees who were then resting for a time on the east bank of the Missouri River, where Council Bluffs now stands.
The combination of events which placed the Mormons within the boundaries of Iowa long enough to legalize them as voters is a part of this record possess- ing no slight interest. In the winter of 1846, the Latter-day Saints suffered overthrow in their stronghold at Nauvoo, Ill. Their leader, Joseph Smith, was assassinated by a mob, and the vacancy caused by this violent deed had been filled by Brigham Young. President Young ordered his followers to prepare for flight across the continent to Utah, where he had divine commands to erect an empire beyond the reach of temporal powers. The Mormons obeyed the man- dates of their ruler, but accepted their fate with great bitterness of spirit, blaming the United States Government for the harshness they had experienced at the hands of the authorities, and manifesting the usual perversity of ignorant wrong-doers against an outraged law. Young hastened on to Utah, but his fol- lowers were too destitute to press forward with equal speed. To overcome the obstacles of a concerted movement, Young decreed that his people should start out in numerous bands, by different routes, and thereby economize the forage upon which they must subsist. The objective point of all the parties was the present site of Council Bluffs ; and that place was to be reached by circuitous ways through the best sections of the State. The Mormons were dependent upon such game as they could kill, and upon whatever food nature placed in their paths. This exodus was not, like the Israelites, from choice, but was compulsory. The Government had commanded them to relinquish their immoral beliefs, or suffer as violators of the law. Young had interpreted this order to mean a curtailment of personal liberties, and had instilled into the minds of his weak flock the belief that they were an oppressed people. Hence it was that the Mormons saw their homes despoiled and themselves driven out of the land at the point of the bayonet. It is not strange that such a class was blinded to its own wickedness, and accepted the words of its prophet as highest authority.
The exodus of the Latter-day Saints began in the year 1846. Iowa was the scene of unwonted activity, occasioned by the flight of the refugees from the law. Some bands moved through the State on the line of the forty-second parallel ; some went through the southern tier of counties, and some passed over the territory now composing the range in which Monroe County is located. Many of the Mormons did not reach the river in 1846, nor even in 1847. Hun- dreds camped in Marshall County during that year, and scores of the poor wretches died from actual starvation. Those who passed through the second tier of counties reached Lucas County in the winter of 1846-47, and located a few miles southeast of the present town of Chariton. There rude huts were erected, and a party sojourned for several months. Subsequently, these passed on to the Missouri River, where they also tarried for a time. A portion of the band did not remain in Lucas that year, but pushed westward in hopes of gain- ing the place of rendezvous designated by Young. Their hopes were blighted, however, for the weather was so inclement that they could not proceed. They did not reach a point beyond Clarke County. Three men, John Conyer, James and
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.