An illustrated history of north Idaho : embracing Nez Perces, Idaho, Latah, Kootenai and Shoshone counties, state of Idaho, Part 16

Author:
Publication date: 1903
Publisher: [S.l.] : Western Historical Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 1524

USA > Idaho > Kootenai County > An illustrated history of north Idaho : embracing Nez Perces, Idaho, Latah, Kootenai and Shoshone counties, state of Idaho > Part 16
USA > Idaho > Nez Perce County > An illustrated history of north Idaho : embracing Nez Perces, Idaho, Latah, Kootenai and Shoshone counties, state of Idaho > Part 16
USA > Idaho > Shoshone County > An illustrated history of north Idaho : embracing Nez Perces, Idaho, Latah, Kootenai and Shoshone counties, state of Idaho > Part 16
USA > Idaho > Latah County > An illustrated history of north Idaho : embracing Nez Perces, Idaho, Latah, Kootenai and Shoshone counties, state of Idaho > Part 16

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HISTORY OF NORTH IDAHO.

ment. On the 3d of May the first talk was held at Fort Lapwai, Agent Monteith, P. B. Whitman, official interpreter, Joseph, Ollicut and about fifty of Joseph's band being present. Two days of council, during which the demand of the government that the Indians go upon some reservation was unequivocally and em- phatically made, then a recess until May 7th. Mean- while there are many accessions to the numbers of the red men from all directions. On the 7th a somewhat stormy council is held in which Toohulhulsote be- comes insolent. refuses to go upon the reservation and is arrested by Howard. "My conduct," says the gen- eral. "was stimmary, it is true, but I knew it was hopeless to get the Indians to agree to anything so long as they could keep this old dreamer on the lead and defy the agents of the government, and I believe that the Modoc massacre would very soon be repeated if I gave time for concert of action. In fact, in deal- ing with Indians, my conviction is strong that the true policy is to demand obedience to the requirements of the government of the United States. The crisis had come, when either this demand must be made, or these wild Indians be allowed all the latitude and leisure that their hearts desired."

When Toohulhulsote's evil influence was gone the Indians readily agreed to go next day to examine the Lapwai valley, and later the Clearwater country to see how they would like them for homes. They did so, giving all the time evidences of benevolent intentions. Soon word came that they had determined to go upon the reserve, they even designating what parts each band desired. On May 14th all came together again at Lap- wai for a final conference. At this it was agreed that the Indians should be upon the reservation in one month, or by June 14th, except Hushhushcute, who was given thirty-five days : the object of the council seemed to have been satisfactorily accomplished and there was rejoicing in consequence.

All the traditions and history of the Nez Perces tribe favored the assumption that the non-treaties would do just as they agreed and that there would be no more trouble. The agents of the government occupied the intervening thirty days in gathering in other bands to the Yakima reservation, so as to weaken the power of Joseph in case he should meditate treachery, though this was considered a very remote possibility. To one looking backward it would seem that the wiser course would have been to put in practice the European max- im, "In time of peace prepare for war." Had a suffi- cient force been concentrated in the storm center. it it probable that the malcontent Indians would have gone on the reserve without resistance, but in endeavoring to win the Indians by smiles, rather than subdue them by a show of force, the agents of the government were acting in consistency with the general peace policy of the government,-the policy which has resulted in much unnecessary bloodshed. That policy has been fostered by many eastern would-be philanthropists, whose knowledge of Indian character comes from the imaginings of the romance writer, and to whose super- fine sensibilities a vigorous demand of the government that the Indians obey its laws as white men have to,

a determined purpose to compel them to do so at what- ever cost. is an unthinkable cruelty. But the conduct of the various malcontent bands during the thirty days of grace certainly looked much like peace ; the gather- ing of Indians on the borders of the Nez Perces reserva- tion was naturally interpreted as a step in compliance with their agreement of May 14, and the burst of war came, therefore, as a thunderbolt out of a clear sky. Even the settlers in the immediate vicinity of the reserve were deceived, though there were some signs of the ap- proaching storm had they been interpreted aright.

There were four distinct bands of non-treaty In- dians : Joseph's, who made their home in the Wallowa and Imnaha valieys ; White Bird's, or the Salmon river Indians : Looking Glass's, whose home was on Clear creek, a branch of the Middle Fork of the Clearwater ; and a small band under Toohulhulsote, the "Dreamer." who remained on the Snake river most of the year. Of the friendly chiefs who were in close proximity to Camas prairie we may mention Kooskoos-Nela, Cap- tain John, Eagle-of-the-Light and Blacktail. Of course there was more or less intercourse continually among these Indians and between the Indians and the settlers around them. For years the whites on Camas prairie and their dark skinned neighbors had lived at peace with each other, save that now and then some alter- cation of minor importance might occur. They had traded together, herded stock together and been very neighborly. No serious animosities existed between them.

Down on the Salmon, however, the feeling between the two races was not as fraternal as it should have been. There, many serious quarrels had arisen over the possession of land and over other important mat- ters. Many of the whites had settled upon choice tracts of land, which, although not included in the reservation, the Indians considered as still theirs by reason of the fact that they had never relinquished their title to it to the United States. The case was parallel to that existing in the Wallowa valley. The whites considered that the land was public domain and acted accordingly without consulting the desires of the In- dians. Then, too, two or three traders on the Salmon frequently supplied the redskins with liquor and in one instance this practice led to an open fight between the proprietor of the establishment and the Indians, in the course of which one of the Indians was seriously wounded. This white, too, was remembered by the revengeful hostiles and when war broke out he lost his life among the very first. Some of the settlers here considered these and all other Indians as wholly bad and treated them accordingly, all of which fostered the enmity slowly rising. The remainder of the settlers, those who were on friendly terms with the Indians, were generally well treated by the latter until hostili- ties had commenced when the universal Indian trait of indiscrimination asserted itself.

This was the status of affairs when, a short time before the council, a petition was circulated among the residents of Idaho county praying the government to remove the non-treaty Indians onto the reservation. Some signed the petition ; some refused, in the belief

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HISTORY OF NORTH IDAHO.

that these Indians could be more easily handled by not confining them too closely. This latter class were also wise enough to see that the enforcement of this order would lead to immediate trouble, which they wished to avoid as long as possible. The crisis came as soon as the government attempted to carry out the wish of these petitioners and it is worth noting that the blow fell most heavily on those whom the Indians found had signed the document.

Sometime in April, 1877, friendly Salmon River Indians came to the house of Charles Cone on the Sal- mon and told him that the Indians were surely going to fight : that they would never go on the reservation ; and that the Indians expected to settle some old scores, naming their intended victims. They warned the set- tlers of what was coming, but few believed that the Indians were really in earnest. The Cones, Woods, and Joshua Fockler, however, organized for protection, preparing their weapons and replenishing their supply of ammunition and for one night, stood guard.

On Camas prairie the Indians were slowly gather- ing all through the month of May and preparing for the conflict. From time to time they warned their white friends that trouble was coming and to them they reiterated their intention of refusing to go upon the reservation. The redskins visited Grangeville and Mount Idaho in large numbers and purchased all the ammunition and weapons they could secure, conceal- ing their hostile motives of course. They gathered their hundreds of ponies, hought cattle or obtained them by trade, purchased and by other means secured all the provisions and supplies possible, and in differ- ent ways prepared for the coming conflict. From out- side appearances they might have been preparing to go on the reservation and in fact this was the inter- pretation placed upon their actions by a majority of the settlers on the prairie.

The Indians' rendezvous was at the head of Rocky canyon. one of the eastern arms of the Salmon river canyon, lying eight miles west of Grangeville. The smaller canyon derives its name from its rocky appear- ance. It cuts a furrow hundreds of feet deep and four miles in length through basalt, forming a region un- excelled for the Indians' purposes. Here they herded their stock. killed beef cattle and "jerked" the meat, stored their supplies in a wonderful cave, and pre- pared to sell their lives as dearly as possible in defense of their liberty. At the head of the south fork of this canyon were two beautiful, crystal lakes whose waters came from the timbered mountain a few miles south- ward and finally found their way through the narrow canyou to the rushing river hundreds of feet below. Around these lakes the Indians erected their tepees. During the early days of June the non-treaties, with the exception of Looking-glass's band, assembled in larger numbers than ever at this delightful camping ground, holding councils and drills during the day time and dances at night. Regular picket lines were established which apprised the plotting redskins of the approach of whites and in some cases warned them off the grounds. Here they argued for and against war, a large number protesting against such a radical

step. Subsequently it was learned that the Indians were about evenly divided on the question of submit- ting peaceably to the inevitable or going to war.

Hon. Frank A. Fenn says that word was sent to the commander at Fort Lapwai by L. P. Brown nearly ten days previous to the outbreak, notifying that officer of the alarming condition of affairs on the prairie and suggesting that it would be well to watch them closely. On the 13th, Mr. Fenn says Tucallacasena, a brother of Looking-glass, notified Ad. Chapman and M. H. Rice that the Indians were practically on the war path and warned the whites that they must be on their guard.

General Howard says that the first slight inkling of something wrong came to Fort Lapwai in the shape of a letter, bearing date of June 14th, from L. P. Brown, of Mount Idaho, stating that Mr. Overman from the head of Rocky canyon had come in with his friends, very much alarmed at the actions of the In- dians, who, they said, were insolent, taciturn in their communications with the whites, and hostile in their general demeanor. "Yesterday," continues the letter, "they had a grand parade. About a hundred were mounted, and well armed and went through the man- euvers of a fight-were thus engaged for about two hours. They say, openly, that they are going to fight the soldiers when they come to put them on the reser- vation, and I understand that they expect them up on Friday next. A good many were in town today, and were trying to obtain powder and other ammunition. * I do not feel any alarm, but thought it well to inform you of what was going on among them. *

* I believe it would be well for you to send up, as soon as you can, a sufficient force to handle them without gloves, should they be disposed to resist. Sharp and prompt action will bring them to understand that they must comply with the orders of the government. We trust such action will be taken by you, so as to remove them from the neighborhood and quiet the feelings of the people."

This was followed up next day by two communi- cations of a much more startling nature which follow :

MOUNT IDAHO, 7A. M., Friday, June 15, '77.

COMMANDING OFFICER FORT LAPWAI.

Last night we started a messenger to you, who reached Cottonwood House, where he was wounded and driven back hy the Indians. The people of Cottonwood undertook to come here during the night; were interrupted, all wounded or killed. Parties this morning found some of them on the prairie. The wounded will be here shortly, when we will get full particulars. The whites are engaged, about forty of them, in getting in the wounded. One thing is certain; we are in the midst of an Indian war, Every family is here, and we have taken all the precautions we can, but are poorly armed. We want arms and ammunition and help at once. Don't delay a moment. We have a report that some whites were killed yesterday on the Salmon river. No later word from them; fear that the people are all killed, as a party of Indians were seen going that way last night. Send to Lewis- ton, and hasten up. You cannot imagine the people in a worse condition than they are here. Mr. West has volun- teered to go to Lapwai; rely on his statements.

Yours truly,

L. P. BROWN.

HISTORY OF NORTH IDAHO.

MOUNT IDAHO, 8 A. M., June 15, 77.

COMMANDING OFFICER FORT LAPWAL.

I have just sent a dispatch by Mr. West, half-breed. Since that was written the wounded have come in-Mr. Day, mor- tally; Mrs. Norton with both legs broken; Moore shot through the hip; Norton killed and left in the road, six miles from here. Teams were attacked on the road and abandoned. The Indians have possession of the prairie, and threaten Mount Idaho. All the people are here, and we will do the best we can. Lose no time in getting up with a force. Stop the stage and all "through travelers." Give us relief, arms and ammunition. Chapman has got this Indian, Look- ing-glass's brother, (Tucullacasena) hoping he may get through I fear the people on Salmon have all been killed, as a party was seen going that way last night. We had a report last night that seven whites had been killed on Sal- mon. Notify the people of Lewiston. Hurry up; hurry ! Rely on this Indian's statements; I have known him for a long time; he is with us. L. P. BROWN. P. S .- Send a despatch to town for the express not to start up unless heavily escorted. Give the bearer a fresh horse, and send him back. CHAPMAN.

Howard sent a brief reply to Mr. Brown, announc- ing the despatch of two companies of cavalry and en- joining upon him to "cheer the people." Meanwhile all was bustle at Fort Lapwai. Colonel Perry was despatched forthwith to the scene of the trouble with ninety men, all that could be spared from the fort. Captain Wilkinson and Lieutenant Bomus were sent post haste to Walla Walla with messages for more troops from Wallowa, Walla Walla and Portland, with a request for supplies from the last named point, also for twenty-five scouts from General McDowell at San Francisco.

But before proceeding further in the account of the military operations, we must turn back to the evening of June 13th in order to find out more definitely the cause of all this bustle and excitement. During the day several Indians came down from the prairie to the Manuel ranch on White Bird creek, where they utilized Mr. Manuel's grindstone in sharpening their knives and other edged weapons. They acted very friendly and aroused no suspicions in the minds of the doomed family who watched the operations. Farther up the Salmon at early dusk three young Indians drew up their ponies at the Cone ranch and dismounting, en- tered the house. None of them was over twenty-one years old and two of them, Tipulahna-Caps-Caps (Strong Eagle) and Sopsis-Ilp-Ilp (Red Leggins), Salmon Rivers, were old friends of the Cone family. The other Indian was a member of Joseph's band. They asked for bread for themselves and bullets for their weapon, a 44-calibre Colt's cap and ball revolver. The Indians were given the bread, and Charles, one of the sons, would have supplied the ammunition asked for as he and the Indians were good friends and had often hunted together, but for the fact that the amount he had on hand was very limited. The Indians ex- plained that they were on a hunting expedition and after exchanging a few more words again mounted their animals and pushed on up the river. That night they camped as is supposed in the brush near Richard Divine's place.

Richard Divine was an old, retired English sailor living alone on his ranch on the Salmon six miles above

John Day creek. So far as known he had never wronged the Indians nor had he ever had any trouble with them. But he did possess a new, improved rifle, fitted with hair sights, and reputed to be one of the finest in this section. The possession of this weapon proved the cause of his death. As the old man came out of the house some time that night or the next morning, a pistol shot rang out and he fell. Whether his wound was instantly fatal or not is unknown, but he was dead when found, though his body was still warm.

Securing the coveted rifle the three young murder- ers took the trail down the river. Arriving at the Elfers ranch at the mouth of John Day creek, they be- came the chief actors in another tragedy. Mrs. Elfers, now Mrs. C. M. Cleary, is our authority for the story of this terrible event. She says she saw the Indians pass her home on their way up to Divine's place on the evening of June 13th, and that they stopped at the stock corral to talk with Mr. Elfers and the other men. On the morning of the 1.4th, (she is positive as to the date ) her husband, Robert Bland and "Harry" Beck- roge were killed by them. The real name of the last mentioned individual was Burn Beckroge, but he was universally named Harry after a brother of his who had been a resident of the Salmon river and had died previous to Burn's coming. On the morning of the fatal day Beckroge and Bland went up to the bench land south of and above the house to get the horses. The men were engaged in hay making at the time.

Mr. Elfers remained at the house, attending to the cows. He had just gone into a room of the house and was putting on a pair of moccasins, when two of the In- dians came up and entered the office, apparently look- ing for him. Mrs. Elfers came out of the milk house just in time to see them and one of them spoke to her. She passed around the further end of the house to enter the kitchen by the back door. The Indian was standing at the entrance of the office when he spoke. Soon the Indians disappeared and Mrs. Elfers believed they had left the place entirely. When Mr. Elfers finished putting on his moccasins, he started up the hill to the field, and his wife followed him with her eyes some distance. That was the last time she saw him alive. The Indians shot him immediately after he reached the edge of the plateau above. It appears that they had already killed Bland and Beckroge and that one of their number had been left on guard in the field while the two others came to the house to look for Elfers. Mrs. Elfers did not hear the shots, the noise of the guns having been drowned by that of the stream, but Victor, a Frenchman living further down John Day creek, saw the smoke of the guns and became sus- picious that something was wrong. He communicated his fears to some of the other miners, who came up to investigate. An invalid named Whitfield, who had been out hunting mountain sheep, had returned and discovered the remains of Elfers, Bland and Beckroge. He notified Norman Gould and his hired man at the saw mill and the two accompanied him to the scene of the murder, bringing their guns. Mrs. Elfers saw the Indians return to the house after they had killed the

The Ranch where H. Elfers, Henry Beckroge and R. S. Bland were Killed by the Indians, June 13, 1877.

HISTORY OF NORTH IDAHO.

three men. They entered the office, but soon came out again passed by her at the milk house, mounted the horses and rode away. Mrs. Elfers did not notice that they were riding her husband's animals, though it was later ascertained that they had exchanged their ponies for three of their victim's horses. They also secured Mr. Elfers' rifle without her knowing of it. The horses stolen were considered very fine animals, one being a trained race horse. The Indians did not tarry long at the Elfers place, fearing the return of Whit- field, who they knew was armed and out hunting mountain sheep.

Having departed from the Elfers ranch, the three Indians passed on down the river avoiding the Cone house by leaving the trail. A mile and a half below the Cone ranch, Charles Cone, Sr., was at his placer mine. When the redskins came in sight of him they rushed down upon him in a threatening manner and demanded if he knew their horses. Cone had of course immediately recognized the horses and detected that something was wrong, but with admirable presence of mind he answered in the negative. The Indians told him to go home and stay there; that they were very mad and would fight. Glad of the change to escape so easily, Mr. Cone obeyed their command.

Not far below the mine, on the opposite side of the river, Joe Amera, a friendly California Indian lived. Opposite his place the three hostiles stopped and sought to entice him across the river. Whether they wished to kill him or simply wanted him to join their crowd is not known, but at all events Joe simply par- leyed with them without yielding to their wishes and at last they retired.

Probably being well aware that Harry Mason and William Osborne were well armed and the former was an experienced Indian fighter, the Indians avoided an encounter at the Mason place. Near the mouth of White Bird they met Samuel Benedict, who was out looking after stock, and wounded him, the bullet taking effect in his legs. Although seriously injured he man- aged to make his way home, where he gave his wife his valuable papers and some gold dust and urged her to flee to the woods. This the brave woman refused to do, preferring to remain with and care for her wounded husband. A number of Indians had a quarrel with Benedict shortly before the outbreak of the war, dur- ing which one named Nosenocope had received a charge of fine shot, and the shooting of Benedict is thought hy some to have been in revenge for this in- jurv.

After the attack on Benedict the young warriors turned their horses up White Bird creek and during the afternoon rejoined their fellows at the head of Rocky canyon. On arriving here they announced, "Now you have to fight," and appeared to be in high glee over the part they had taken. It was true that the Rubicon had been crossed ; the war party was so strong that it would never permit the murderers to be arrested and now that the breach had been opened, the In- dians voted to commence general hostilities. Here the three secured about fifteen recruits and under the

leadership of Mox Mox (Yellow Bull) immediately returned to the Salmon river.

Meanwhile, James Baker, a man seventy-four years old living on White Bird creek, and Patrick Price (or Brice) had become aware of the attack on Benedict and had warned the Manuels of their danger. They decided to seek a place of greater safety at once. Mrs. Manuel and her baby were placed on one horse. Mr. Manuel and his seven year old daughter Maggie mounted another and Mr. Baker rode a third. Mrs. Manuel's father. George Popham, and Pat Price re- mained in the brush near the house to await develop- ments. The Manuels and Baker started for the latter's stone cellar. where they purposed to defend themselves. Hardly had they started, however, before Mox Mox and his band were upon them. Manuel and his daugh- ter were wounded and fell from the horse they were riding, Mrs. Manuel and her baby were thrown from their horse, and Baker fell to the ground, pierced by arrows. Manuel, wounded, ultimately escaped to the settlements after wandering in the brush and woods for thirteen days, while Maggie was carried to the fort at Mount Idaho by Pat Price. The Indians carried Mrs. Mannel and her baby back to the house and forced her to give up the ammunition left there. After securing this they again took the trail down the creek, passing the Masons and Osbornes and William George, but this party kept in the brush and the In- dians appear to have been afraid to go in after them. In the exchange of shots which followed the meeting George was wounded in the thumb. That night he left the rest of the party and proceeded to Mount Idaho, where he gave the first authentic news of the Salmon river murders.

At the mouth of White Bird creek the Indians found Benedict in his store and saloon and killed him. A Frenchman named August Bacon who was with Benedict was also killed here. Indians state that they offered Bacon his life of he would come out, leaving Benedict, but he refused to desert his wounded com- panion.

From the mouth of the creek the Indians went down the river a mile to H. C. Brown's store. Brown saw them coming and together with his wife and brother- in-law, Andrew Bensching, escaped across the Sal- mon in a boat, though Brown was slightly wounded. All took refuge in the woods. Several days later Bensching came to Mount Idaho and subsequently Brown and his wife were rescued near Cottonwood by a party under Henry C. Johnson. The night of the 14th the Indians spent in debauchery at Brown's store, which they looted, helping themselves freely to the goods and liquors on the shelves. They remained un- til morning, when they started for the Mason ranch.

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An illustrated history of north Idaho : embracing Nez Perces, Idaho, Latah, Kootenai and Shoshone counties, state of Idaho, Part 16

Author: Publication date: 1903 Publisher: [S.l.] : Western Historical Pub. Co. Number of Pages: 1524

Author:
Publication date: 1903
Publisher: [S.l.] : Western Historical Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 1524