USA > Illinois > Johnson County > A history of Johnson County, Illinois > Part 19
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The following is an extract from an account given in the same paper and dated from "Hell's Neck," an appella- tion given a section of the county directly west of Vienna
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and supposed to be a rough neighborhood. The writer says, referring to the convention: "On last Saturday there was an immense gathering of the "wool' (Oh, dear, what a mis- take I have made) woolly heads is what I intended. Early in the morning the roads and streets leading to the court house were dotted with the numbers that wanted to say and hear said all things that pertain to the advancement of the niggers and the killing of S. A. Douglas. About one o'clock Mr. Kirkham was requested to inform the public that the convention was going to convene, which he did after this style; Oh, yes, all you that want to hear a black Republican speech and a few lies told on the Democratic party, come up. After a little delay, until the wool settled, the meeting was called to order by Mr. Ridenhower of the woolly headed central committee. He then refers to the appointment of permanent officers and committees and discusses Terrell's speech as follows: "Mr. Terrell went on at some length to illuminate the house with one of his odiferous batches of black wool, which has been soaking in grease for about two years according to his admission. He told the good brethern that he had been insulted before his back and behind his face by being called a "damned" Black Republican and abolitionist," but that he was glad, yes exceedingly glad that the time had come that he was not ashamed nor afraid to tell to all the world and his nine black Republican brethern that he was down on Douglas like a darkey on a roasted possum. He went on to say that Washington, Jeff- erson and Monroe were all advocates of the same doctrine that the black Republicans are at the present day and that Douglas instead of being a friend to his country was only assisting with all his mind and power to dissolve the union or at least that was the substance of his remarks. After demolishing Douglas he gave us a touch of the "Homestead Bill' and wanted Congress to give all the black Republicans of the north a home in the west, forgetting the injustice that it would be doing the hardy pioneer who had subdued these wilds and paid his money for a homestead, but he wants Congress to send a lot of negro worshippers among them to contaminate their good morals with negro equality. Does not any man with half an eye see the drift of the Homestead Bill as gotten up by the northern negro wor- shippers ?" The writer of the article then rails against the Homestead bill and goes on to say" Mr. Terrell charges all
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the blood shed in Kansas to Douglas and all the things that have happened in the last ten years to the Democrats and on whose head grows the longest wool. He then sat down amid shouts of applause that could be heard in the remotest corners of the court house. The committee then rose up from behind a bench and presented some kind of a "revela- tion" which was adopted. There was something in it about one living Bumble Bull or Tumble Bull, I don't know which, but they indorsed his course at Washington. They found no good in Abraham's bosom, so they let him slide. The convention then proceeded to select delegates to the great wool gathering at Decatur. He said that the ones selected had more wool on them than any of the nine brethern pres- ent, Signed D. S. N.
From this article one would get the idea that there were but nine Republicans at this first convention.
John C. Freemont was the first presidential candidate on the Republican platform of 1856, which was avowedly against the spreading of slavery. It is said there were only two men in Johnson County who voted for Freemont in 1856, Merida Spencer and H. M. Ridenhower, Sr. It was considered a dreadful disgrace in those days, almost a crime to be a Republican. They were called Black Aboli- tionists, Negro Lovers and other Names. A black sheep skin was nailed on the door of John Bain's Store after the election to show how his neighbors regarded a man that would in any way be against the extension of slavery and apparently for the black race. It was almost natural for the people of this county to favor slavery, and sympathize with the South. When one remembers most of the old settlers came from the Southern states and had been raised with slavery. By 1860, the lines began to be very taut. There were more Republicans by then and official returns of the presidential election given in the Chicago Tribune of November 14, 1860 show Johnson County, Illinois gave Abraham Lincoln forty votes, and Stephen A. Douglas one thousand five hundred and sixty-three. The following names have been given as the men who cast their vote for Lincoln: John Bain, Griffith Stanton, Charles Reed, Zack Calhoun, George Calhoun, Stith M. Warren, H. M. Riden- howe, Sr., William Wood, Randolph Casey, L. L. Madden, W. T. Whitemore, Sr., John Whitemore, William Whitemore, Jr., Mills, a son-in-law to Whitemore, H. B. Wiley, Thomas
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D. Scott, Rev. O. H. Clark, A. A. Mather, Rev. Levi Walker, A. J. Henry, Henry Lawrence, a Mr. Hays, William Finley, Thornton Mozley, Ira N. Harrell, James Shelton, Walter Scott, John E. Smith, a Mr. Coleman, Judge Brills, Mark Bain, Robert and William Lewis, J. W. Terrell, A. W. Mc- Gee, Robert Lewis, Jr., Nelson Martin, H. G. Harpending, William Jones.
Sparks in his Illinois historcial collections gives an ex- tract from the "Chicago Press and Tribune," September 17, 1858, referring to the Lincoln and Doublas debate at Jones- boro, September, 1858, says "Until ten o'clock on Wednes- day the only evidence of the third great debate in old Jones- boro was a procession calling itself "The Johnson County Delegation," consisting of two yoke of steers and a banner inscribed Stephen A. Douglas, turned upside down." Sev- eral circumstances have been given by old people of the county, which will show the trent of opinion of the people of that time. H. M. Ridenhower, Sr., and D. C. Chapman voted at the same place, Goreville. As Chapman was going to the polls he met Ridenhower coming from there, and ask him if he had voted. Ridenhower said no, "They would not let me." Chapman asked him if he wanted to vote and he said he did. Chapman told him to return and he would see that he was allowed to vote. He told the parties they did not dare to prohibit a man from voting on account of his political opinion. Ridenhower voted for Lincoln. This story was given hy Captain Mark Whiteaker, now ninety- two years old.
Another story told by Captain Gillespie was, that Rev. Levi Walker, who was the M. E. Minister in charge of the Vienna circuit at that time voted for Lincoln and his church members refused to pay him for that reason. He was obliged to do manual labor to support his family during the remainder of his pastorate. Mrs. Eliza Dwyer now in her. ninety-fourth year in speaking of these days says that Grif- fith Stanton cast his vote for Lincoln in Vienna and the people ran him out of town. He went in such a hurry that he left his hat.
Mrs. Jane Pearce, widow of Garner Pearce, who lived near Buncombe at the time of the Civil War, says that H. G. Harpending a neighbor of hers voted for Lincoln in 1860. She also says there were a great many men who were in sympathy with Lincoln and his platform, but did not have
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courage to vote their convictions, since the plan of voting in those days was quite different from the present. Each voter anounced to the judges of the election for whom he was voting, all bystanders within hearing knew just how every man voted. She further relates, the following : "John N. Mozley who lived at old Elvira brought the news from Vienna to Mrs. Pearce's neighborhood, that Ft. Sump- ter had been fired upon. Mozley left Vienna early in the morning and reached their place about eleven o'clock." These must have been strenuous times and this news must have fallen like a pall over this broad land of ours. How much more quickly the World War news was circulated and now 1924, it would be known as quickly as the sound could travel from Washington. The news of Ex-President Wil- son's death was known here about five minutes after his death occurred.
The Knights of the Golden Circle were very plentiful in our county. They were a secret organization sympathiz- ing with the south and sometimes owing to the character of the men belonging, did shameful and in many cases crim- inal acts, to the families of the Union soldiers. Captain Whiteaker speaking of the Knights of the Golden Circle said there were only five men in his neighborhood in 1861 and 1862 that did not belong to this society. These were Oliver Newbold, John Slack, Anderson Howerton, Ira Wise, and himself. They threatened to hang him, but went no further than to call at his house late at night asking for to- bacco and pretending to be hunting a calf. He finally told them to leave and if they ever came to his home again some of them would stay all night, interspersing his remarks with a good many unmentionable terms. Later he was raising a company for the Union Army and accidently ran into a meeting of the K. G. C., at the school house. He went in, took the floor, made a speech and secured several volunteers from the crowd. There was a secret organization in the county to offset K. G. Cs. known as the Union League. William Whitemore was the founder and leader in this county. He lived where Cypress is now located and meet- ings were held at his home. Captain Whiteaker was a member. It is said Governor Yates sent for Mr. White- more and asked him to organize lodges of the Union League in this and other states, which he did.
W. C. Allen relates the following story of the origin of
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Lincoln Green Post Office in the West Eden neighborhood. C. N. Gray came to the West Eden neighborhood, from Ken- tucky. He had some wealth and owned a lumber mill be- tween what is now Belknap and Cypress. He kept the post office and it was called Gray's Mill. During the war, he showed such decided favor to the South and its cause, that he became unpopular. Now that so many had sons and neighbors in the Union Army, sentiment had radically changed. To show their contempt for Gray the citizens had the name of the post office changed to Lincoln Green and moved to the home of David Deans, Sr.
Mrs. O. P. Martin of Belknap, remembers a story that was told of war days in that neighborhood of a Dr. Clark who had come to that community from the south with his southern sentiments. He was so bold as to paint a copper- head snake on his door or was so outspoken in his belief and loyalty to the South that some one else painted it. At any rate the picture did not long remain as the house was burn- ed within a few days by unknown parties. A person living in this section who sympathized with and aided the south- ern cause was called a Copperhead. Most people know the nature of a copperhead snake and can easily discern the opinion of those applying the name.
Aunt Eliza Dwyer also gave as well as she could re- member an incident at a meeting in Vienna about 1861. Hon. A. J. Kuykendall, who was serving in the state Senate from this district as a Democrat, saw whither our nation was drifting and wished to define his policies. He was to speak at this meeting; great crowds had gathered as these were exciting times. There was a large flag which had been made by the women of the town, Mrs. Moody, the editor's wife, Mrs. Dwyer and others. This flag was sus- pended from a rope which extended from Chapman's brick to the court house across the north side of the square. A man by the name of James Cooper ran his horse up the square and shot a hole in the flag. What would happen to a man that would do such a thing in Vienna at the present time. After Kuykendall had made his speech, Cooper was convinced of the right and was the first one to enlist in the Union army the following morning. But sentiment was still against Mr. Kuykendall in many sections and not all won over in his own town and county. There were no rail- roads here at that time and people had to drive to Dongola
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to get the Illinois Central. Mr. Kuykendall was to return to his duties at Springfield. The news was circulated that they were going to mob him on the road to Dongola; his wife hastily dressed and went with him, thinking there would be no violence in the presence of a woman. Captain J. B. Gillespie was a witness to the following incident. During the time Major Kuykendall was serving in the Sen- ate, on one of his trips home, he came down all ready to return to his work at Springfield. He was met at the corner of west main and fifth street by a crowd of the representa- tive citizens of the town. They asked him what he was going to do when he went back to Springfield he replied, "I am going to vote money and men to put down this damned rebellion." Mr. Gillespie said, "I turned away for I thought they were going to disembowel him and I did not want to see it."
The following incident was given by Mrs. Mary Snow, daughter of H. M. Ridenhower, Sr. In the fall of 1860, she said masked men came to her father's house, called him out and were going to hang him because he was outspoken for the Union cause, an abolitionist, a teetotler and had voted for Lincoln; (sufficient cause for hanging in those days.) Mrs. Snow was told when she was older the reason they did not hang her father was, that he was a Mason.
In a speech before the Historical Society of Illinois in 1911 Bluford Wilson said "There were 3,538 drafted men from Illinois in the Civil War, but not one from Southern Illinois, which means there were 1,426 volunteers from this county (this number was quoted from Lusk.) Many were anxious to get into the fray and went to other states and en- listed. In 1862 the soldiers who had enlisted in the 120th regiment were camped for some time in the old fair grounds awaiting orders. When the orders came and the day of leaving was fixed it was said to be a most pathetic scene. The people came from this and neighboring counties to say goodbye and see them leave. Many of the people seeing their husbands, sons and fathers for the last time. A lady, now seventy years old, says she remembers the day, how early the people came in and how depressing it was to her, then a child.
POLITICAL SITUATION AFTER THE CIVIL WAR
After the surrender of Lee, the men who had left their homes from this country and gone out at their country's
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call, returned and took up the duties of life where they had laid them down. Of course, many of them were depleted in health which they never regained. Many young men who had entered the war at an early age had never been out of the county before, and while they had encountered hard- ships, they had been over a great deal of territory and had met and mingled with eastern and southern men and ideas. It stirred an ambition in them that they had not had before. One soldier who had enlisted at the age of fifteen had been offered the Corporalcy of his company. He said he did not have sufficient education to keep the records required. He resolved then if he ever reached home alive he would have an education. He made good his resolution and was a teacher of this county for several years and an editor many more. While soldier life was rough and men of every kind of character marched and bunked together, there is something that brings out the best in some, and, of course, the worst in others. But they form a friendship that lasts through life and an army comrade is always a comrade, whether good or bad. Many men suffer hardships in prison and services and incurred diseases they were years overcoming; some never entirely recovered.
Many families had lost father, son, husband, brother or sweetheart, some had been killed, others suffered and died in rebel prisons, and the feeling was very bitter to- wards Secessionists or any one who sympathized with them. Most of the returned soldiers were Republicans regardless of what their party affiliations had been before, and while a democrat was not necessarily a rebel prejudice and bitter feeling ran high. A Copperhead was a Northern man who sympathized with and aided the south during the war, and this name was applied to many in this county, and it cannot be denied in some cases justly.
Elections were places of contention, and sometimes almost miniature war occured at the polls espicially if there had been enough liquor distributed.
Men were not willing to have a man of opposite politi- cal belief on a jury where they were interested in the case; some would not even trade in a store if kept by one belong- ing to the other party. During the war there had been many refugees who had come into this county and adjoining ones of this section of the state, who were really rebels.
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One old citizen said every available place in his part of the county was filled with Southerners, who had come here to escape service in the Southern Army or the ravages of war. Every available house was filled, and people lived in barns and rail pens. There were many loyal democrats in the county, many who served in the war, but for years it was difficult for some of the boys who wore the blue to distinguish between a loyal democrat and a man who had rebelled against his government, since they voted the same ticket. This condition prevaled for many years but time and education have finally eradicated this feeling in the North, and most of us are willing to admit that the war is over.
The period of financial readjustment was much as it has been since the World War. Necessities were higher than now in many cases. This being a country district `crime did not reach the height it did in some communities. The negro problem annoyed us very little, owing to our hav- ing very few negro citizens among us. Many soldiers were disabled from exposure and wounds and unable to accomp- lish much in a financial way after the war, but the govern- ment soon began to look after them and their families who had been left without support. Pensions were allowed them and increased from time to time until with economy a man and wife could live on his pension. In 1898 there were three Civil War veterans, William Coleman, Burnside; Wm. Hitchcock, Vienna and Mr. McBride, Belknap, who drew $72.00 per month pension. This was considered a liberal amount at that time, but most every man who served in the Civil War, receives $72.00 per month now and the widow of a Civil War soldier receives thirty dollars per month pension from the government.
A war fund was voted in this county for the relief of soldiers and sailors families, in 1862. The amount for each township, judging from the receipts given the sheriff, was $330.00. It was distributed during the years 1862-63-64. It was levied by the county court.
LEGISLATIVE AND JUDICIAL
The first territorial legislature was held in Kaskaskia at the home of Thomas Cox, 1809. Johnson, being a part of Randolph County had no local representative but after
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September 14th, 1812, when we had taken on the dignity of a name and an organization, we were allowed one repre- sentative, there being five counties in the Territory, at that time, St. Clair, Randolph, Madison, Gallatin, and Johnson. There were five senators, Thomas Furguson was elected to the senate, and John Grammer to the assembly from this county, on October 9th, 10th and 12th, 1812. The next Territorial Legislature met at Kaskaskia, November 25, 1812. The representatives serving in the state Legislature from this county from this date are given in the following list : 2nd and 3rd Legislature 1814-1815 Thomas Ferguson, Senate, Owen Evans, House; 4th Legislature, 1816, John Grammer, Senate, Joseph Palmer, House; 5th Legislature, 1817-18, John Grammer, Senate, Joseph Palmer, House; 1st State Legislature, 1818-20 Thomas Roberts, Senate, Isaac D. Wilcox House; 2nd Legislature, 1820-22 Milton Ladd, Senate, William McFatridge, House; 3rd Legislature, 1822-24, Milton Ladd, Senate, William McFatridge, House; 4th Legislature, 1824-26. John Ewing Senate, John Bridges, House; 5th Legislature, 1826-28, Johnson, Union, Alexander Counties, John Ewing, Senate, from Johnson; 6th Legisla- ture, 1828-30 no representative from Johnson; 7th Legisla- ture, 1830-32 John Grammer Senate, Joseph L. Priestly, House; 8th Legislature 1832-34, John Grammer, Senate, B. S. Enloe, House; 9th Legislature 1834-36 John Oliver House; 10th Legislature, 1836-38 B. S. Enloe, House; 11th Legislature, 1838-40 Dr. W. J. Gibbs, Senate, James Cope- land, House; 12th Legislature 1840-42 Senate Dr. W. J. Gibbs, John Oliver, House; 13th Legislature 1842-44 A. J. Kuykendall, House; 14th Legislature 1844-46, A. J. Kuy- kendall, House; 15th Legislature 1846-48 Enoch Enloe, House; 16th Legislature 1848-50 W. Y. Davis, Senate, D. Y. Bridges, Jr., House; 17th Legislature 1850-52 A. J. Kuy- kendall Senate; 18th Legislature 1852-54 A. J. Kuykendall, Senate, D. Y. Bridges, Jr. House, 19th Legislature 1854-56 A. J. Kuykendall, Senate; 20th Legislature 1856-58 A. J. Kuykendall Senate, Thomas Jones, House; 21st Legislature 1858-60 A. J. Kuykendall, Senate, J. D. Pulley, House; 22nd Legislature 1860-62 A. J. Kuykendall, Senate, J. D. Pulley, House; 23th Legislature 1862-64 no representative; 24th Legislature 1864-66 W. A. Looney, House; 25th Legislature 1866-68 no representative; 26th Legislature, 1868-70 no representative; 27th Legislature 1870-72 J. B. Morray, House; 28th Legislature 1872-74 J. L. Wymore, F. M. Mc-
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Gee House; 29th Legislature, 1874-76 Samuel Glassford, Senate; 30th Legislature 1876-78 Samuel Glassford, Senate ; 31st Legislature 1878-80 J. A. Carter, House, A. J. Kuy- kendall, Senate; 32nd Legislature 1880-82 W. A. Spann, House, A. J. Kuykendall, Senate; 33rd Legislature, 1882-84 no representative; 34th Legislature W. C. Allen, House ; 35th Legislature 1884-86 A. K. Vickers, House; 36th Legis- lature 1886-88 I. A. J. Parker, House; 37th through 41st Legislatures, 1888-1900, no representative in the House and P. T. Chapman, Senate; 42nd Legislature 1900-02 L. H. Frizzell, House, P. T. Chapman, Senate; 43rd and 44th Legislatures 1902-06, no representatives; 45th Legislature 1906-08 G. W. English, House; 46th Legislature 1908-10 G. W. English, House; 47th Legislature 1910-12 G. W. Eng- lish, and John Mathis, House; 48th through 51st Legisla- tures 1912-20 no representatives; 52nd Legislature 1920-22 John Mathis, House.
In 1818 when the state was organized there were free white males of age, 118, other white inhabitants 538, free colored and slaves, 24, total 678. The superintendent of the census added 89 giving us a total population 768, which was rather a small population for a county of so large an area at that time. When the constitution was adopted John- son and Franklin made one Senatorial district and each was allowed a representative. In 1826 Johnson with Union and Alexander as a Sentorial district was represented by Dr. B. W. Brooks, who was a resident of Union and the following is an extract from a speech made by him Febru- ary, 17, 1827, giving an account of his stewardship as a representative, and this has reference to Johnson County. He says, "I have thought it my duty to use every exertion in my power to curtail the expense of the government; pro- tect the treasury from those speculations that hitherto de- voured it, and adopted a rigid system of economy." He then speaks of some reforms he had advocated which would save the state $2,700 a year, but his efforts failed and the assembly continued to vote appropriations for building bridges and making roads in certain sections of the state. He voted against all these measures as the state treasury was empty, "Finally thinking it unjust that our part of the state should be taxed to make improvements for the other parts, without any equivalent, I introduced a bill making an appropriation of $200 for opening a state road from Frankfort in Franklin County through Vienna, in Johnson,
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to Wilcox warehouse, on the Ohio River, and for building a permanent bridge across the pond (slough)" Dr. Brooks had also tried to get another representative for these coun- ties as the three only had one representative, but it was opposed on the grounds that it could not be done till the next apportionment which would be in 1830.
The population of Johnson County in 1820, the first census taken after this became a state, was; whites 843, slaves 14; 1830 whites 1,585, slaves 11; 1840, 3,626; 1850, 4,115 ; 1860, 9,324; 1870, 11,186; 1880, 13,079 ; 1890, 15,013 1900, 15,667; 1910, 14,331; 1920, 12,000. Our population more than doubled between 1850 and 1860 and increased un- til 1900. It has been decreasing slightly in the last twenty years. In 1850 there were 718 families in the county, 301 farms, 9,658 acres of improved land and 524 pupils in pub- lic schools.
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