USA > Illinois > Madison County > Centennial history of Madison County, Illinois, and its people, 1812 to 1912, Volume I > Part 12
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After dwelling on the moral aspects of slavery, the address argued against its intro- duction on the grounds of economic expe- diency, and closed with this eloquent appeal : "In the name of unborn millions who will rise up after us, and call us blessed or accursed ac- cording to our deeds-in the name of the in-
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jured sons of Africa, whose claims to equal rights with their fellow men will place their own cause against these usurpers before the tribunal of eternal justice, we conjure you, fellow citizens, to ponder upon these things."
There were fifteen members of the legis- lature, brave and noble men who signed this eloquent appeal to the people. They were: Risdon Moore, William Lowery, William Kinkade, James Sims, George Cadwell, Daniel . Parker, Andrew Bankson, George Churchill, Jacob Ogle, Gilbert T. Pell, Curtis Blakeman, David McGahey, Abraham Cairnes, Stephen Stilman and Thos. Mather. Three other mem- bers voted against the convention-Robert Frazier, Raphael Weden and J. H. Pugh-but for some reason their names are not attached to the appeal. Churchill and Blakeman were from Madison county. The convention men likewise called a meeting at Vandalia and is- sued an address to the people prepared by some of their ablest men, such as John McLean, af- terwards United States senator; Theophilus W. Smith, Emanuel J. West; Thomas Rey- nolds, afterwards governor of Missouri; Wil- liam Kinney, Col. A. P. Field and Jas. A. Beaird. This address, in advocacy of a con- vention to alter the constitution, was weak and sophistical, unworthy of men of their ability.
Governor Coles as the leader of the anti- convention forces threw himself into the con- test heart and soul. There were eighteen months before the election, time enough, the Governor thought, to effect a revolution. Nec- essarily it must be a campaign of information and enlightenment, and that was what he inau- gurated. His chief lieutenant on the stump was Hon. Daniel P. Cook, son-in-law of Sen- ator Ninian Edwards, who, in congress, voted against the admission of Missouri as a slave state, while his father-in-law, Senator Ed- wards, voted for it. In the literary field his chief of staff was Morris Birbeck, an English scholar and philanthropist residing in Edwards
county, whose economic pamphlets and news- paper articles, signed Jonathan Freeman, ex- erted a powerful influence.
In the ecclesiastical field the greatest good was accomplished by Rev. John M. Peck, the famous Baptist preacher and author, who or- ganized the religious element of all denomina- tions against the convention with all the skill of an adroit politician.
There were five newspapers published in the state at that time: The Illinois Intelligencer at Vandalia, of which Governor Coles obtained control; the Spectator at Edwardsville, edited by Hooper Warren, both anti-convention; the Republican-Advocate at Kaskaskia, the Illi- nois Gazette at Shawneetown and the Repub- lican at Edwardsville, which were strongly pro-slavery and favored the convention.
Under Governor Cole's inspiring direction all elements of opposition to slavery, political, moral, social and economic were combined throughout the state into a solid phalanx. The Governor not only gave himself unreservedly to the cause, but devoted to its extension his entire salary for the four years and much of his private fortune. In addition to the lieu- tenants named above, he had able assistants in the persons of such men as David Blackwell, Judge S. D. Lockwood, Hooper Warren, J. H. Pugh, George Forquer, Thomas Lippincott, George Churchill, Curtis Blakeman, Thomas Mather, Jeremiah Abbott and others. The Governor's energy and zeal were untiring. In speeches, messages, pamphlets and newspaper articles he was unceasingly busy in educating the public mind. Not content with the help he was receiving at home he enlisted the sym- pathy of such friends as Richard Vaux and Nicholas Biddle of Philadelphia, who either from their own pens or those or prominent writers supplied the Governor with tracts, pamphlets, addresses, etc., which he scattered broadcast over the state. As the canvass prog- ressed it was evident that the anti-convention
Vol. I-4
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party was gaining ground, but the pro-conven- tionites were not idle, for, outside of Governor Coles and Congressman Cook, the ablest poli- ticians in the state championed the convention cause, among them being six leaders who after- wards became United States senators, two or three justices of the supreme court and one subsequent governor.
Thus the campaign developed until the elec- tion on the first Monday of August, 1824. The election passed off with unexpected quietness, but the vote polled was twice as large as at the election of 1822. The vote stood, against con- vention 6,822 ; for convention, 4,950 ; majority against convention, 1,872. Thus Gov. Coles and the cause of freedom triumphed over what, two years previous, seemed unsurmount- able obstacles.
But while the anti-slavery advocates were victorious on the one great issue of freedom or slavery for Illinois, they were unsuccessful in carrying the legislature. It was a pres- idential year and while the anti-convention men were divided between Adams, Clay and Crawford, the convention men were solid for Jackson. And the latter element obtained a majority in the legislature which elected two pro-slavery United States senators, Kane and McLean.
Thus Governor Coles found himself again confronted by a hostile legislature and, in ad- dition, an unfriendly judiciary and adverse representatives at Washington. His success in carrying the state against the convention had embittered all opposing elements against him. He stood alone, but while many of his projects for the improvement of the state's financial condition, for internal improvements, such as the canal from Lake Michigan to the Illinois river, and other economic and upbuilding pro- jects were blocked by a hostile legislature, still his wise, humane and far-sighted suggestions profoundly impressed and directed public senti-
ment and bore fruit in the subsequent develop- ment of the state.
SUED FOR FREEING SLAVES
But the malice of the enemies of Governor Coles knew no bounds. The persecutions and insults to which he was subjected were innu- merable. He was even sued in the Madison Circuit Court by his opponents for $2,000 damages for emancipating his slaves in the state without giving bond that they should not become a public charge. The suit was brought under a law which had not been published when he came into the state and of which he had not been informed. This malicious suit caused him great expense and annoyance. He was made the victim of the prejudices of knavish judges and it was not until the legisla- ture intervened and his case reached the su- preme court that he was vindicated. Other malevolent suits on similar grounds, were brought against him, but he rose superior to his enemies.
Governor Coles' closing message to the legis- lature ranks as the most masterly, statesman- like and far-seeing paper ever issued by an Illinois executive. It has never been sur- passed.
One pleasant episode breaks the monotonous turbulence of his stormy career as governor, and that was the visit of his old friend, Gen. La Fayette to Illinois. As chief executive of the state Governor Coles, accompanied by a delegation from Edwardsville welcomed the distinguished guest of the nation at Kaskaskia in an admirable address and the reunion of the two great men was to them a delightful inci- dent, both personally and officially.
After the expiration of his term as governor, in which office he was succeeded by Senator Ninian Edwards, Governor Coles retired to his farm near Edwardsville, although he spent much time in eastern cities, and engaged in
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agricultural pursuits. He organized the first State Agricultural Society in Illinois. In 1831 he made his last appearance in politics in the state, being induced to become a candidate for congress in opposition to Sidney Breese and Joseph Duncan. But the Jackson sentiment was overwhelmingly strong in the state and Duncan was elected. As is often the case after a period of intense political excitement, there had come a slump in public sentiment on the questions at issue which had been successful ; and the change in Illinois was an illustration thereof. The victory being won, interest in the anti-slavery cause declined. Men who had voted against introducing slavery in Illinois be- came indifferent to its existence elsewhere, and ceased aggressive opposition. The gover- nor was aware of this change and after his un- successful campaign for congress seems to have concluded that his work in Illinois was done. It had been glorious and sucessful -- perhaps beyond his hopes-and had saved Illi- nois to freedom, but in that attainment had reached its culmination.
LEAVES ILLINOIS FOREVER
In the fall of 1832 Governor Coles closed up his affairs and took his departure for the east. He was a bachelor and then forty-seven years of age-having resided in Illinois thirteen years. In November of the year 1833 he was married to Miss Sallie Logan Roberts, of Philadelphia, and made that city his future home-never returning to Illinois to reside.
Of Governor Coles' life in Philadelphia little is known in Illinois. He had ample means and probably engaged in no special avo- cation. He was an invalid the last eight or ten years of his life, suffering from chronic neu- ralgia, but lived until 1868, when he passed away at the age of eighty-two years. Of his immediate family a daughter, Miss Mary Coles, and two granddaughters, were still liv- ing in Philadelphia in 1911. He lost one son,
some years before his own death. His re- maining son, Edward Coles, Jr., was killed at Bar Harbor, Maine, in the summer of 1906, in a runaway accident.
ANTI-SLAVERY WORK REVIEWED
In 1856 Governor Coles read an elaborate paper on the "History of the Ordinance of 1787" before the Pennsylvania Historical Society in which occurred this pregnant re- trospection : "I trust I shall meet with indul- gence from the zeal I have always felt in the cause, for adding that it has ever since afforded me the most delightful and consoling reflec- tions that the abuse I endured, the labor I per- formed, the anxiety, I felt, were not without their reward: and to have it conceded by op- ponents, as well as supporters, that I was chiefly instrumental in preventing a call of a convention, and in making Illinois a non-slave holding state."
The last known deliverance on this subject by Governor Coles, was a letter addressed to Rev. Thos. Lippincott, about September, 1860, in reply to a statement published by Mr. Lip- pincott to the effect that when the first consti- tution was adopted, in 1818, the subject of slavery was not prominent. Mr. Lippincott was secretary of the state senate in 1823 when it passed the resolution submitting the con- vention question to a vote of the people, and was an active worker against it in the suc- ceeding campaign. The letter addressed to Mr. Lippincott reads :
"You are mistaken in supposing that the subject of slavery had not been a prominent topic in the political discussions of Illinois previous to its becoming a state. On the contrary at a very early period of the settlement of Illinois the question was warmly agi- tated by zealous advocates and opponents of slavery. This state of things was increased by the country having been made the abode of the white and black races, in the relation of masters and slaves, from its first settlement by Christians to 1787, when slavery was prohibited by law, but tolerated by custom, aided by ignorance. Before the separation of Illinois from
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Indiana congress was petitioned by the territorial legislature to repeal the "ordinance of 1787.' It was on a petition of this kind that the celebrated John Randolph of Virginia, as chairman of a committee of congress, made his memorable report adverse to the prayer for the repeal of the ordinance and the tolera- tion of slavery. The report was adopted by congress with little or no opposition. Finding from this and other indications that there was no prospect of con- gress repealing this fundamental law, the advocates of slavery had to content themselves with retaining in servitude, in violation of the ordinance, what were called 'French slaves,' and in extending bondage to a limited extent to other negroes under the denomina- tion of 'indentures.' During the existence of this state of things the slavery agitation was lulled but not extinguished, as was seen by its mingling itself so actively both in the election and conduct of the members of the convention which made the constitu- tion in 1818. I am the more conversant with the character of that convention from having attended it during my visit to Illinois, and made the acquaint- ance and learned the opinions, views and wishes of its prominent members. Many, but not a majority of its members, were in favor of making Illinois a slave state."
"(Signed)
"EDWARD COLES."
Among the "old guard" of the anti-slavery contest which culminated in 1824 was the Rev. Thomas Lippincott, to whom the writer has previously referred. This gentleman, in his old age, published in one or two papers of lim- ited circulation his reminiscences of the con- test of 1824, under the title of the "Conflict of the Century," to which the author has had access, and from which he makes the follow- ing extracts in regard to Gov. Coles :
"There were those who wrote more in the news- papers, but there was no one .more indefatigably nor more disinterestedly engaged in the effort to keep out the curse of slavery than Edward Coles, then gov- ernor of the state. He had been rich, was still pos- sessed of a competence, perhaps considerable wealth, but he had diminished this wealth whatever it was, by the voluntary emancipation of the slaves that fell to him by heirship and this he had done against the earnest protest of his family, who proposed to pur- chase the slaves by giving him an equivalent in other property. Instead of this he brought them to Illinois, emancipated them and settled them on land he pur-
chased for them as theirs. When the effort was put forth to make Illinois a slave-holding state, he united with its opponents with a zeal worthy of a noble- hearted Virginia gentleman. His home since has not been in Illinois, and his associates in that great con- test have not seen him in many years. His head has, doubtless, become whiter, as well as that of him whose unsteady hand traces these recollections; but the heart of the writer must cease to throb before it will cease to feel grateful to Edward Coles for his ef- ficient agency in procuring that decision which has brought Illinois, within her first half century to rank as the third or fourth state of this great Unoin. His chief efficiency was perhaps, in procuring and circu- lating, in pamphlet form mainly, any popular work on slavery that could be got by an extensive correspon- dence. His daily counsels and hints, however, to a little band of men in Edwardsville suggested and en- couraged many an article which he saw not and knew not of until he saw it in print. *
* The elec- tion was a hot time. The weather was warm enough being early in August, and the people were heated with excitement. Yet it is believed that as few ex- cesses occurred on that day as on any general elec- tion since, in which there was special interest. And when the votes were counted and it was ascertained that the people had decided not to call a convention for the purpose of opening our state to slavery, there was a great calm. The defeated party submitted quietly ; the triumphant party rejoiced without noise or show. The only demonstration I remember was a day of religious thanksgiving, held by a few of those who had been most actively engaged in which an ad- dress was delivered, and praise and prayer to God were the prominent exercises. The joy was too.deep for noisy clamor. The strife had been too moment- ous, the triumph too sacred for mirth or levity."
The above reminiscence was written by Mr. Lippincott in 1858, but did not come under the notice of Governor Coles until later, when it was sent to him by Mr. Lippincott and the Governor made the following rejoinder from Philadelphia :
"I gladly avail myself of this occasion to express my obligations to you for the kind and gratifying no- tice you take of me in your publication. At the same time allow me to add, if you had been aware of the extent of the labors of my pen you would not have said I had not written much. The hostility imbibed by Mr. Warren against me, prevented my contribut- ing to his paper (the Edwardsville Spectator) but I contributed to other papers, over various signatures,
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and published several pamphlets, and caused many to be published, several of which I assisted in circulating, particularly those you allude to from the enlight- ened and philanthropic pen of my friend, Roberts Vaux of this city (Philadelphia). My labor in the cause was so great that during the several months which passed between my purchasing the Illinois In- telligencer, there were but few numbers of that paper which did not contain some article from my pen, either original essays-the most methodical and lengthy of which were contained in nine numbers over the signature of 'One of Many'-or numerous ex- tracts from the writings and speeches of the most celebrated men of America and Europe, many of which were published under the title of 'The Voice of Virtue,' Wisdom and Experience on the Subject of Negro Slavery.' "
To this letter Mr. Lippincott appended this note : "Of the manifold labors of Governor Coles in other respects I was aware and have endeavored to do him justice in regard to them. But I confess I was not aware of the amount of writing for the papers on the sub- ject which he performed. In addition to what I did know it must be called immense."
The late Judge Joseph Gillespie of Ed- wardsville was a friend and associate of Gov- ernor Coles in his early manhood and of Ab- raham Lincoln throughout the latter's public career and this mutual association links, through him, the lives of the two great emanci- pators together in our local annals. The fol- lowing letter from Judge Gillespie to Hon. E. B. Washburne was published in the latter's history under date February 28, 1881: "I knew Governor Coles well. He lived in this place (Edwardsville) while a citizen of Illi- nois. He was a remarkable man, and devoted himself to the propagation of the sentiments of freedom. He was the most unrelenting foe of slavery I ever knew. His time, money, everything belonging to him, was expended in the cause so dear to his heart. He brought his slaves here from Virginia and liberated them, and gave to each head of family a tract of land within four miles of this place where they settled and lived for many years. He
was unmarried while he lived in Illinois, and when in Edwardsville boarded in the family of James Mason. His character was without spot or blemish in all the walks of life."
With this tribute from Judge Gillespie is closed this inadequate sketch of one of Illi- nois greatest statesmen and noblest of philan- thropists. Unappreciated during his tem- pestuous career, like most reformers who la- bor ahead of their generation, history will do him justice, though it has not yet risen to its opportunity.
MADISON COUNTY'S SPECIAL PART
And now as to Madison county's direct part in this great contest. She had at that time, as members in the general assembly, Theophilus W. Smith in the senate and Curtiss Blake- man, George Churchill and Emanuel J. West in the house. Two of these voted against the convention and signed the stirring appeal noted above-they were e Blakeman and Churchill. Another member, who voted with them and also signed the appeal was George Cadwell, who served in the first and second assemblies as senator from Madison, and in the third as senator from Greene and Pike, which had been set off from Madison. He was a physician and a native of Connecticut. He came to Illinois in 1802 and settled near Fort Chartres, later moving to the American Bot- tom, near where Granite City now stands, where he practiced medicine for some years, ultimately removing into what was later a part of either Greene or Pike county.
Dr. Cadwell, while a member of the state senate in 1823, secured the passage of a bill for the establishment of medical societies, which provided for the division of the state into four medical districts, making the physi- cians in each district a body corporate, and making it their duty to meet at stated inter- vals to examine students and grant diplomas to such as were qualified to practice medicine. The act also provided that no one could prac-
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tice except those possessed of a diploma from one of these societies, or from some respect- able university of the United States. The act also required physicians to keep a record of all births and deaths. Section 2 provided that the board might examine all physicians' bills which any patient considered exorbitant, and make such deductions as to the board seemed reasonable; that the physician could not col- lect the excess and was required to refund the money if it had been paid.
Hon. Joseph Gillespie contributed to Mr. Washburne's biography of Governor Coles the following sketches of the other four members of the assembly who took such leading parts in this contest in the legislature : "Capt. Cur- tiss Blakeman migrated from New York in 1817, and, along with several other sea cap- tains, made a settlement in Madison county, to which they gave the name of Marine. They displayed great taste in the selection of a location. It is my deliberate opinion that for beauty of scenery and fertility of soil it has no equal. Captain Blakeman was always an outspoken abolitionist and became a mem- ber of a society that was formed at Edwards- ville as early as 1820 in aid of the anti-slavery cause. Opposition to slavery was his ruling passion, and he felt it his duty to strike at it whenever it showed its head. He took no part in politics except for the purpose of fight- ing slavery. He commanded the ship that took General Moran back to Europe, in 1813, when that great commander returned, after his exile in America, to join the allied armies against Napoleon. He said he took the liberty to ask the officer who was the greatest General in Europe, and Moran answered that 'Na- poleon was the greatest general that ever lived.' In August of the same year Morran was mortally wounded at the battle of Dres- den."
"George Churchill, another member from Madison, a Whig in politics, was a thorough paced Abolitionist all his life. He came from
an eastern state. By profession he was a printer and was connected with the first pa- per published in St. Louis. Coming to Illi- nois he carried on farming the rest of his life. He was frequently elected to the Legislature and was accounted the best working member we ever had. (He served sixteen years as representative and senator). He toiled like a dray horse, but never made a speech of more than five minutes' length, but that contained all that needed to be said. He entered into no rings or cliques, and was never out of his seat when he ought to be in it. He was never a candidate and never wanted office. If elected he would serve, and that was all there was about it. He was a perfect encyclopedia of political knowledge. He was never mar- ried. In person he was badly formed and un- prepossessing in appearance; his complexion was sallow, his eyes lustreless and expression dull; but he possessed great knowledge and sense."
"Theophilus W. Smith was senator from Madison and favored the calling of a conven- tion. He was an able lawyer and soon ob- tained a seat upon the bench of the supreme court of Illinois, where he would have figured preeminently if he had kept aloof from poli- tics ; but this he would not. He was up to his eyes in every political intrigue of the day. He was from the city of New York, got his political education in Tammany Hall, and must have been an adept in the trickery for which that institution was famed even in that early day. Everything done in our political affairs that was rash, reckless and unprece- dented was laid to Judge Smith's charge.
"Judge Smith was one of the most vocif- erous of the pro-slavery leaders in the cam- paign of 1824, although from a free state. He figured discreditably on the circuit bench, in the suit brought at Edwardsville against Gov- ernor Coles for emancipating his slaves with- out giving bond for their support-as related elsewhere."
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"Emanuel J. West," writes Judge Gillespie, "was something of a character. He was a Democrat and in favor of slavery. He was a splendid conversationalist and possessed of fine manners, and to these qualities he owed his election at that time when public opinion ran. so strongly in opposition to his political professions. West was born, I think, in Dela- ware, but went to the island of Teneriffe. He reached Illinois about 1818 and settled on a beautiful farm about seven miles northwest of Edwardsville, which he christened 'Glorietta.' He was appointed minister to Mexico by Gen- eral Jackson, but died before reaching his post. He was passionately fond of politics, and was, consequently, not a success as a farmer. Mr. West had few superiors in con- versation. He was absolutely charming in that line. If he had lived he could have fig- ured in public life. I think the department of diplomacy suited him."
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