USA > Illinois > Cook County > Chicago > Discovery and conquests of the Northwest, with the history of Chicago, Vol. I > Part 11
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53 | Part 54 | Part 55 | Part 56 | Part 57 | Part 58
This commander is a Knight of the military order of St. Louis, and named Le Gardeur de St. Pierre.28 He is an elderly gentleman and has
28 Le Gardeur de St. Pierre. The family of Le Gardeur de Repentigny descended from Pierre Le Gardeur, Sieur de Repentigny, one of the earliest settlers near Quebec. Mr. Ferland, in his "Notes on the Register of Quebec," p. 53 remarks that members of this family and that of Charles Le Gardeur de Tilly took part in every war of New France, from Louisiana to Acadia and Newfoundland. He adds, on page 57, that both have completely
IO5
Washington's Journal.
much the air of a soldier. He was sent over to take the command immediately upon the death of the late General, and arrived here about seven days before me.
At two o'clock the gentleman who was sent for arrived, when I offered the letter, &c., again, which they received and adjourned into a private apartment for the Captain to translate, who understood a little English. After he had done it the commander desired I would walk in and bring my interpreter, to peruse and correct it, which I did.
DECEMBER 13.
The chief officers retired to hold a council of war, which gave me an op- portunity of taking the dimensions of the fort and making what observations I could.
It is situated on the south or west fork of French Creek, near the water, and is almost surrounded by the creek and a small branch of it, which form a kind of island. Four houses compose the sides. The bastions are made of piles driven into the ground, standing more than twelve feet above it, and sharp at top, with port-holes cut for cannon, and loop-holes for the small arms to fire through. There are eight six-pound pieces mounted in each bastion, and one piece of four pounds before the gate. In the bastions are a guard-house, chapel, doctor's lodging, and the Commander's private store, round which are laid platforms for the cannon and men to stand on. There are several barracks without the fort, for the soldiers' dwellings, covered, some with bark and some with boards, made chiefly of logs. There are also several other houses, such as stables, smith's shop, &c.
I could get no certain account of the number of men here, but according to the best judgment I could form, there are a hundred, exclusive of officers, of whom there are many. I also gave orders to the people who were with me to take an exact account of the canoes, which were hauled up to convey their forces down in the spring. This they did, and reported fifty of birch bark and a hundred and seventy of pine, besides many others which were blocked out in readiness for being made.
DECEMBER 14.
As the snow increased very fast and our horses daily became weaker, I sent them off unloaded, under the care of Barnaby Currin and two others, to make all convenient dispatch to Venango, and there to wait our arrival if there was a prospect of the river's freezing; if not, then to continue down to Shanopin's Town, at the fork of the Ohio, and there to wait until we came to cross the Alleghany, intending myself to go down by water, as I had the offer of a canoe or two.
As I found many plots concerted to retard the Indian's business and prevent their returning with me, I endeavored, all that lay in my power, to
disappeared from Canada. The officer who succeeded Marin signs in the Register, Le Gardeur de Repentigny, but in the letter to Dinwiddie, Le Gardeur de St. Pierre, and is apparently the one known as M. de St. Pierre, who was killed at Bloody Pond. The younger one styled M. de Repentigny, would seem, however, to be intended by the M. Reparti of Washington's Diary.
·
106
Washington's Journal.
frustrate their schemes, and hurried them on to execute their intended design. They accordingly pressed for admittance this evening, which at length was granted them, privately, to the commander and one or two other officers. The Half-King told me that he offered the wampum to the Com- mander, who evaded taking it and made many fair promises of love and friendship; said he wanted to live in peace and trade amicably with them, as a proof of which, he would send some goods immediately down to the Logstown for them. But I rather think the design of that is to bring away all our straggling traders they meet with, as I privately understood they intended to carry an officer with them; and what rather confirms this opin- ion, I was inquiring of the Commander by what authority he had made prisoners of several of our English subjects. He told me that the country belonged to them; that no Englishman had a right to trade upon those waters, and that he had orders to make every person prisoner who at- tempted it on the Ohio or the waters of it.
I inquired of Captain Reparti about the boy that was carried by this place, as it was done while the command devolved on him, between the death of the late general and the arrival of the present. He acknowledged that a boy had been carried past, and that the Indians had two or three white men's scalps, (I was told by some of the Indians at Venango, eight), but pretended to have forgotten the name of the place where the boy came from and all the particular facts, though he had questioned him for some hours as they were carrying him past. I likewise inquired what they had done with John Trotter and James M'Clocklan, two Pennsylvania traders, whom they had taken with all their goods. They told me that they had been sent to Canada, but were now returned home.
This evening I received an answer to his Honor the Governor's letter from the Commandant.
DECEMBER 15.
The Commandant ordered a plentiful store of liquor and provision to be- put on board our canoes, and appeared to be extremely complaisant, though he was exerting every artifice which he could invent to set our Indians at variance with us, to prevent their going until after our departure-presents, rewards and everything which could be suggested by him or his officers. I cannot say that ever in my life I suffered so much anxiety as I did in this affair. I saw that every stratagem which the most fruitful brain could invent was practiced to win the Half-King to their interest, and that leaving him there was giving them the opportunity they aimed at. I went to the Half-King and pressed him in the strongest terms to go. He told me that the Commandant would not discharge him until the morning. I then went to the Commandant and desired him to do their business, and complained of ill treatment; for keeping them, as they were part of my company, was- detaining me. This he promised not to do, but to forward my journey as much as he could. He protested he did not keep them, but was ignorant of the cause of their stay, though I soon found it out. He had promised them a present of guns if they would wait until the morning. As I was very much pressed by the Indians to wait this day for them, I consented, on a promise that nothing should hinder them in the morning.
IO7
Washington's Journal.
DECEMBER 16.
The French were not slack in their inventions to keep the Indians this day also. But as they were obliged, according to promise, to give the present, they then endeavored to try the power of liquor, which I doubt not would have prevailed at any other time than this; but I urged and insisted with the King so closely upon his word that he refrained, and set off with us, as he had engaged.
We had a tedious and very fatiguing passage down the creek. Several times we had liked to have been staved against rocks, and many times were obliged, all hands, to get out and remain in the water half an hour or more, getting over the shoals. At one place the ice had lodged and made it im- passable by water; we were therefore obliged to carry our canoe across the neck of land, a quarter of a mile over. We did not reach Venango until the 22d, where we met with our horses.
This creek is extremely crooked. I dare say the distance between the fort and Venango cannot be less than one hundred and thirty miles, to follow the meanders.
DECEMBER 23.
When I got things ready to set off I sent for the Half-King, to know whether he intended to go with us or by water. He told me that White Thunder had hurt himself much and was sick and unable to walk; therefore he was obliged to carry him down in a canoe. As I found he intented to stay here a day or two, and knew that Monsieur Joncaire would employ every scheme to set him against the English, as he had before done, I told him I hoped he would guard against his flattery and let no fine speeches influence him in their favor. He desired I might not be concerned, for he knew the French too well for anything to engage him in their favor, and that though he could not go down with us, he yet would endeavor to meet at the fork with Joseph Campbell, to deliver a speech for me to carry to his Honor the Governor. He told me he would order the Young Hunter to attend us, and get provisions, &c., if wanted.
Our horses were now so weak and feeble, and the baggage so heavy (as we were obliged to provide all the necessaries which the journey would require), that we doubted much their performing it. Therefore myself and others, except the drivers, who were obliged to ride, gave up our horses for packs, to assist along with the baggage. I put myself in an Indian walk. ing-dress and continued with them three days, until I found there was no probability of their getting home in any reasonable time. The horses became less able to travel every day, the cold increased very fast, and the roads were becoming much worse by a deep snow, continually freezing; therefore, as I was uneasy to get back, to make report of my proceedings to his Honor the Governor, I determined to prosecute my journey the nearest way through the woods on foot.
Accordingly I left Mr. Van Braam in charge of our baggage, with money and directions to provide necessaries from place to place for themselves and horses, and to make the most convenient dispatch in traveling.
108
Washington's Journal.
DECEMBER 26.
I took my necessary papers, pulled off my clothes, and tied myself up in a watch-coat. Then, with gun in hand and pack on my back, in which were my papers and provisions, I set out with Mr. Gist, fitted in the same manner, on Wednesday, the 26th.29 The day following, just after we had passed a place called Murdering town (where we intended to quit the path and steer across the country for Shannopin's Town), we fell in with a party of French Indians, who had lain in wait for us. One of them fired at Mr. Gist or me, not fifteen steps off, but fortunately missed. We took this- fellow into custody and kept him till about nine o'clock at night, then let him ago, and walked all the remaining part of the night without making- any stop, that we might get the start so far as to be out of the reach of their pursuit the next day, since we were well assured they would follow our track as soon as it was light. The next day we continued traveling until. quite dark, and got to the river about two miles above Shannopin's. We- expected to have found the river frozen, but it was not, only about fifty yards from the shore. The ice, I suppose, had broken up above, for it was- driving in vast quantities.
There was no way for getting over but on a raft, which we set about with but one poor hatchet, and finished just after sun-setting. This was a whole day's work; we next got it launched, then went on board of it and set off; but before we were half way over we were jammed in the ice in such manner that we expected every moment our raft to sink and ourselves to perish. I put out my setting-pole to try to stop the raft, that the ice might pass by, when the rapidity of the stream threw it with so much violence against the pole that it jerked me out into ten feet of water; but I fortunately saved myself by catching hold of one of the raft-logs. Nothwithstanding all our efforts, we could not get to either shore, but were obliged, as we were near an island, to quit our raft and make to it.
29 Gist opposed Washington's attempting this journey on foot, and his journal here being more full and explicit as to his (Washington's) sufferings than his own diary, an extract will not be uninteresting: "I was unwilling he should undertake such a travel, who had never been used to walking: before this time. But as he insisted on it, we set out with our packs, like. Indians, and traveled eighteen miles. That night we lodged at an Indian: cabin, and the Major was much fatigued. It was very cold. All the small runs were frozen, to that we could hardly get water to drink.
"Thursday, 27th .- We rose early in the morning and set out about two. o'clock. Got to Murdering Town, on the southeast fork of Beaver Creek. Here we met with an Indian, whom I thought I had seen at Joncaire's, at Venango, when on our journey up to the French fort. This fellow called me by my Indian name, and pretended to be glad to see me. He asked us. several questions, as how we came to travel on foot, when we left Venango, where we parted with our horses, and when they would be there. Major Washington insisted on traveling the nearest way to the forks of the Alle- ghany. We asked the Indian if he could go with us and show us the- nearest way. The Indian seemed very glad and ready to go with us. Upon which we set out, and the Indian took the Major's pack. We traveled very briskly for eight or ten miles, when the Major's feet grew sore and he very weary; and the Indian steered too much northeastwardly.
"The Major desired to encamp, on which the Indian asked to carry his- gun. But he refused that, and then the Indian grew churlish and pressed us to keep on, telling us that there were Ottawa Indians in these woods,
109
Washington's Journal.
The cold was so extremely severe that Mr. Gist had all his fingers and some of his toes frozen; and the water was shut up so hard that we found no difficulty in getting off the Island on the ice in the morning, and went to Mr. Frazier's. We met here with twenty warriors, who were going to the southward to war, but coming to a place on the head of the Great Kenhawa, where they found seven people killed and scalped, (all but one woman with very light hair), they turned about and ran back, for fear the inhabitants should rise and take them as the authors of the murder. They report that the bodies were lying about the house, and some of them much torn and eaten by the hogs. By the marks which were left, they say they were French Indians of the Ottawa nation who did it.
As we intended to take horses here, and it required some time to find them, I went up about three miles to the mouth of Youghiogany, to visit Queen Aliquippa, who had expressed great concern that we passed her in going to the fort. I made her a present of a watch-coat and a bottle of rum, which latter was thought much the better present of the two.
TUESDAY, THE FIRST OF JANUARY.
We left Mr. Frazier's house and arrived at Mr. Gist's, at Monongahela,30 the 2d, where I bought a horse and saddle. The 6th, we met seventeen horses, loaded with materials and stores for a fort at the fork of the Ohio, and the day after, some families going out to settle. This day we arrived at Will's Creek, after as fatiguing a journey as it is possible to conceive, rendered so by excessive bad weather. From the 1st day of December to the 15th, there was but one day on which it did not rain or snow incessantly;
and that they would scalp us if we lay out; but to go to his cabin and we should be safe. I thought very ill of the fellow, but did not care to let the Major know I mistrusted him. But soon he mistrusted him as much as I. He said he could hear a gun to his cabin and steered us more northwardly. We grew uneasy; and then he said that two whoops might be heard to his cabin. We went two miles further. Then the Major said he would stay at the next water, and we desired the Indian to stop at the next water. But before we came to water we came to a clear meadow. It was very light and there was snow on the ground. The Indian made a stop and turned about. The Major saw him point his gun toward us and fire. Said the Major, are you shot? 'No,' said I. Upon this the Indian ran forward to a big standing white oak and went to loading his gun; but we were soon with him. I would have killed him, but the Major would not suffer me to kill him. "We let him charge his gun. We found he put in a ball. Then we took care of him. The Major or I always stood by the guns. We made the Indian make a fire for us by a little run, as if we intended to sleep there. I said to the Major, 'As you will not have him killed, we must get him away, and then we must travel all night.' Upon this I said to the Indian, 'I sup- pose you were lost and fired your gun.' He said he knew the way to his cabin, and that it was but a little way. 'Well,' said I, 'do you go home, and as we are much tired, we will follow your track in the morning; and here is a cake of bread for you, and you must give us meat in the morning.' He was glad to get away. I followed him and listened until he was fairly out of the way. Then we set out about half a mile, when we made a fire, set our compass and fixed our course, and traveled all night. In the morning we were at the head of Piney Creek."
30 Monongahela, said to be from the Shawnee Mehmonawangehelak, Falling in-bark River. Alleghany, the name of the other branch of the Ohio, is Iroquois, and signifies "cold water."
IIO
Washington's Journal.
and throughout the whole journey we met with nothing but one continued series of cold, wet weather, which occasioned very uncomfortable lodgings, especially after we had quitted our tent, which was some screen from the inclemency of it.
On the 11th I got to Belvoir, where I stopped one day to take neccessary rest, and then set out and arrived in Williamsburg the 16th, when I waited upon his Honor the Governor with the letter I had brought from the French commandant, and to give an account of the success of my proceedings. This I beg leave to do by offering the foregoing narrative, as it contains the most remarkable occurrences which happened in my journey.
I hope what has been said will be sufficient to make your Honor satisfied with my conduct, for that was my aim in undertaking the journey, and chief study throughout the prosecution of it.
LETTER OF GOVERNOR DINWIDDIE, OF VIRGINIA TO THE FRENCH COMMANDANT ON THE OHIO.
SIR :- The lands upon the River Ohio, in the western parts of the Colony of Virginia, are so notoriously known to be the property of the crown of Great Britain that it is a matter of equal concern and surprise to me to hear that a body of French forces are erecting fortresses and making settlements upon that river within his Majesty's dominions. The many and repeated complaints I have received of these acts of hostility lay me under the necessity of sending, in the name of the king, my master, the bearer thereof, George Washington, Esq., one of the adjutants-general of the forces of this dominion, to complain to you of the encroachments thus made and of the injuries done to the subjects of Great Britain, in violation of the law of nations and the treaties now subsisting between the two crowns. If these facts be true, and you think fit to justify your proceedings, I must desire you to acquaint me by whose authority and instructions you have lately marched from Canada with an armed force and invaded the King of Great Britain's territories in the manner complained of, that, according to the purpose and resolution of your answer, I may act agreeably so the commis- sion I am honored with from the king, my master. However, sir, in obe- dience to my instructions, it becomes my duty to require your peaceable departure, and that you will forbear prosecuting a purpose so interruptive of the harmony and good understanding which his majesty is desirous to
continue and cultivate with the most Christian king, &c.
ROBERT DINWIDDIE.
REPLY OF LE GARDEUR DE ST. PIERRE DE REPENTIGNY, COMMANDER OF THE FRENCH FORCES ON THE OHIO, TO GOVERNOR DINWIDDIE, OF VIRGINIA. .
SIR :- As I have the honor of commanding here in chief, Mr. Washington delivered to me the letter which you wrote to the commander of the French troops. I should have been glad that you had given him orders, or that he had been inclined, to proceed to Canada to see our general, to whom it better belongs than to me to set forth the evidence and the reality of the
Braddock Lands in Virginia. III
rights of the king, my master, to the lands situated along the River Ohio, and to contest the pretensions of the king of Great Britain thereto. I shall transmit your letter to the Marquis Du Quesne. His answer will be a law to me. And if he shall order me to communicate it to you, sir, you may be assured I shall not fail to dispatch it forthwith to you. As to the summons you send me to retire, I do not think myself obliged to obey it. Whatever may be your instructions, I am here by virtue of the orders of my general, and I intreat you, sir, not to doubt one moment but that I am determined to conform myself to them with all the exactness and resolution which can be expected from the best officer. I do not know that in the progress of this campaign, anything has passed which can be reputed an act of hosti- lity, or that is contrary to the treaties which subsist between the two crowns, the continuation whereof as much interesteth and is as pleasing to us as to the English. Had you been pleased, sir, to have descended to particularize the facts which occasioned your complaint, I should have had the honor of answering you in the fullest, and, I am persuaded, in the most satisfactory manner, &c.
LE GARDEUR DE ST. PIERRE.
From the fort sur la Riviere au Bœuf, December 15, 1753.
The spring of 1755 opened with warlike preparations on a grand scale. Gen. Braddock had landed in Vir- ginia on the 20th of February with two regiments, num- bering 500 each. Alexandria was his headquarters, and here gathered the leading military spirits of the various colonies, prominent among whom were Dinwiddie of Virginia, Shirley of Massachusetts, Johnson of New York (afterward Sir William Johnson), and Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania. The approaching campaign was soon planned out.
The first and most important thing to be done was to take Ft. Duquesne. This work Braddock assigned to himself. Gen. Johnson was to attack the French posts on Lake Champlain, and to Gen. Shirley was charged the reduction of Ft. Niagara, at the outlet of Niagara river, on Lake Ontario, while Gen. Monckton was to invade French Acadia, in Nova Scotia. The three latter expeditions were to be composed of provincial troops, except a few British marines destined to co- ·operate with the land forces in the invasion of Acadia.
The French had not been tardy in preparations for the war. Early in the spring, their forces, under com- mand of Baron Dieskau, reached Canada, and began to lay plans to defend the far-off wilderness posts which guarded the portals to New France.
Braddock had distinguished himself as a tactician in
.
II2
His Army Crosses the Alleghanies.
English warfare, but his machine-like way of manœuv- ring armies in Europe proved ineffectual in the scouting style of warfare which the savages of America had, long since, taught both the French and the Anglo fron- tierers.
At the first onset his captiousness was aroused by the. difficulties in the way of getting transportation for the army, and, had not Benjamin Franklin come to the rescue, he might not have been able to begin his march till midsummer. The place of rendezvous was the present site of Cumberland, where his army was gath- ered about the middle of May. Besides his own regi- ments, he was reinforced by two independent companies. from New York, under command of Capt. Gates-the destined hero of Saratoga-and the Virginia regiments, originally under command of Joshua Fry (now de- ceased). Washington, who had retired to private life at the close of the campaign of the previous year, was invited to take a position on his staff, and accepted it, under the title of colonel .*
They crossed the Alleghenies by the road which the Ohio Company had made two years before, and on the 8th of July reached the Monongahela river, at a point but fifteen miles from Ft. Duquesne. This was the ad- vance of the main body, consisting of the two English regiments and a part of the Virginia forces, the lesser part of the army following after, by slow marches, with the heavy baggage, under command of Col. Dunbar.
Contrecœur, the commander of Ft. Duquesne, had been apprised of his approach by means of his Indian. scouts, and, alarmed at the formidable appearance and number of the invaders, thought only of flight, and for that purpose ordered out the boats, in readiness to de- scend the Ohio river. But, during this trepidation, a. bold counselor came to his relief, named Beaujeu,+ asking consent to waylay the English while yet in the thickets of the Monongahela. It was granted; but to induce the Indians to enlist in the desperate enterprise
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.