History of Sangamon County, Illinois, together with sketches of its cities, villages and townships, educational, religious, civil, military, and political history, portraits of prominent persons, and biographies of representative citizens, Part 49

Author: Interstate publishing co., Chicago. [from old catalog]
Publication date: 1881
Publisher: Chicago, Inter-state publishing company
Number of Pages: 1084

USA > Illinois > Sangamon County > History of Sangamon County, Illinois, together with sketches of its cities, villages and townships, educational, religious, civil, military, and political history, portraits of prominent persons, and biographies of representative citizens > Part 49

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RED AND BLUE RIBBON MOVEMENT.

The next movement in behalf of temperance was that known as the "Red Ribbon move- ment," which was the direct result of the women's crusade. An interest had been awak- ened throughout the land in the cause of tem- perance by the crusade, but many who were not religiously inclined, or who were conscientiously opposed to the work, as performed by the women, were yet ready to embrace some other method that would lead to good results. At the opportune moment the Red Ribbon move- ment was set on foot, and rapidly spread throughout the land. Sangamon county was behind no other, and red and blue ribbon elubs were formed in nearly every village in the county, as well as in the city of Springfield.

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HISTORY OF SANGAMON COUNTY.

CHAPTER XVII.

THE WAR FOR TIIE UNION.

The institution of slavery was always a source of trouble between the free and slave-holding States. The latter were always troubled with the thought that the former would encroach upon their rights, and nothing could be done to shaken this belief. Compromise measures were adopted from time to time to settle the vexed question of slavery, but the fears of the slaveholders were only allayed for a short time. Threats of seces- sion were often made by the slaveholding States, but as some measure of a conciliatory character was passed, no attempt was made to carry their threats into execution. Finally came the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and the adoption of a measure known as the Kansas-Nebraska bill. This bill opened certain Territory to slavery which under the former act was forever to be free. About the time of the passage of this act, the Whig party was in a state of dissolution, and the great body of that party, together with cer- tain Democrats who were opposed to the Kansas- Nebraska bill, united, thus forming a new party to which was given the name of Republican, having for its object the prevention of the further extension of slavery. The people of the South imagined they saw in this new party an organ- ized effort not only to prevent the extension of slavery, but that which would eventually be used to destroy slavery in such States in which it al- ready existed.

In 1860, four Presidential tickets were in the field. Two of these candidates were from Illinois, one of whom was a citizen of Springfield and the other had been. Abraham Lincoln was the can- didate of the Republicans, Stephen A. Douglas of the National Democrats, John C. Brecken- ridge of the Pro-Slavery interests, and John Bell of the Union. The Union party was composed principally of those who had previously affiliated with the American or Know-Nothing party. Early in the campaign there were threats of secession and disunion in case of the election of Abraham Lincoln, but the people were so accus-

tomed to Southern bravado that little heed was given to the bluster.

On the twentieth of December, 1860, South Carolina, by a convention of delegates, declared "That the Union now existing between South Carolina and other States of North America is dissolved, and that the State of South Carolina has resumed her position among the Nations of the earth as a free, sovereign and independent State, with full power to levy war and conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and do all other acts and things which indepen- dent States may of right do."

On the twenty-fourth, Governor Pickens is- sued a proclamation declaring that "South Caro- lina is, and has a right to be, a free and indepen- dent State, and as such has a right to levy war, conclude peace, negotiate treaties, leagues and covenants, and to do all acts, whatever, that rightfully appertain to a free and independent State."

On the 26th, Major Anderson evacuated Fort Moultrie, and occupied Fort Sumter. Two days previously he wrote President Buchanan's Secretary of War, John B. Floyd, as follows: " When I inform you that my garrison consists of only sixty effective men, and that we are in very indifferent works, the walls of which are only fourteen feet high, and that we have within one hundred and sixty yards of our walls, sand hills which command our works, and which afford admirable sites for batteries and the finest coverts for sharpshooters, and that besides this there are numerous houses, some of them within pistol shot, you will at once see that, if attacked in force, headed by any one but a sim- pleton, there is scarcely a possibility of our being able to hold out long enough for our friends to come to our succor." His appeals for re-inforcements were seconded by General Scott, but unheeded by President Buchanan, and en- tirely ignored by John B. Floyd, Secretary of War.

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HISTORY OF SANGAMON COUNTY.

On the 28th, South Carolina troops occupied Fort Moultrie and Castle Pinckney, and hoisted the Palmetto flag on the ramparts. On the 29th, John B. Floyd resigned his place in Bu- chanan's Cabinet, charging that the President, in refusing to remove Major Anderson from Charleston harbor, designed to plunge the country into civil war, and added: "I cannot consent to be the agent of such a calamity." On the same day the South Carolina Commis- sioners presented their official credentials at Washington, which, on the next day, were de- clined.

On the second day of January, 1861, Georgia declared for secession, and Georgia troops took possession of the United States arsenal in Augusta and Forts Pulaski and Jackson. Gov- ernor Ellis, of North Carolina, seized the forts at Beaufort and Wilmington and the arsenal at Fayetteville. On the evening of the 4th, the Alabama and Mississippi delegations in Con- gress telegraphed the conventions of their re- speetive States to secede, telling them there was no prospect of a satisfactory adjustment. On the 7th, the conventions of Alabama, Mississippi and Tennessee met in secession conclave. On the 9th. Secretary Thompson resigned his seat in the Cabinet on the ground that, contrary to promises, troops had been sent to Major Ander- son. On the 9th, the Star of the West, carrying supplies and re-inforcements to Major Ander- son, was fired into from Morris Island, and turned homeward, leaving Fort Sumter and its gallant little band to the mercy of the rebels. On the same day the ordinance of secession passed the Mississippi convention. Florida adopted an ordinance of secession on the 10th and Alabama on the 11th. The same day (the 11th) Thomas, Secretary of the Treasury, re- signed, and the rebels seized the arsenal at Baton Rouge, and Forts Jackson and St. Philip, at the mouth of the Mississippi river, and Fort Pike, at the Lake Ponchartrain entrance. Pen- sacola navy yard and Fort Barrancas were sur- rendered to rebel troops by Colonel Armstrong on the 13th. Lieutenant Slemmer, who had withdrawn his command from Fort McRae to Fort Pickens, defied Armstrong's orders, and announced his intention to " hold the fort" at all hazards. The Georgia convention adopted an ordinance of secession on the 19th. On the 20th Lientenant Slemmer was beseiged by a thousand "allied troops " at Fort Piekens. Louisiana adopted an ordinance of secession on the 25th. On the 1st of February the rebels seized the United States mint and custom house

at New Orleans. The Peace Convention assem- bled at Washington on the 4th, but adjourned without doing anything to quiet the disturbed elements. On the 9th, a provisional constitution was adopted at Montgomery, Alabama, it being the Constitution of the United States "recon- structed " to snit their purpose. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, was chosen President, and Alexander H. Stevens, of Georgia, Vice-Presi- dent of the "Confederate States of North America." Jeff. Davis was inaugurated on the 18th, and on the 25th it was learned that Gen- eral Twiggs, commanding the Department of Texas, had basely betrayed his trust, and that he had surrendered all the military posts, muni- tions and arms to the authorities of Texas.

DEPARTURE OF MR. LINCOLN.

The time appointed for Mr. Lincoln to leave Springfield for Washington was Monday, Feb- ruary 11, at 8 o'clock, A. M. Long before the hour appointed, hundreds of his friends and fellow citizens, without distinction of party, as- sembled at the station of the Great Western Railway to tender him their respeets, grasp once more that honest hand, and bid him God speed on his eventful journey. A subdued and re- spectful demeanor characterized the vast assem- blage. All seemed to feel that they were about to witness an event which, in its relations to the future, was of no ordinary interest.

At precisely five minutes before eight o'clock, Mr. Lincoln, preceded by Mr. Wood, of New York, slowly made his way from his room in the station, through the expectant masses which re- speetfully parted right and left at his approach, to the car provided for his use. At each step of his progress towards the car, friendly hands were extended for a last greeting. On reaching the platform of the car, Mr. Lincoln turned towards the people, removed his hat, paused for several seconds, till he could control his emo- tions, and then slowly, impressively, and with profound emotions, uttered the following words: "Friends, no one who has ever been placed in a like position can understand my feelings at this hour, nor the oppressive sadness I feel at this parting. For more than a quarter of a cen- tury I have lived among you, and during all that time I have received nothing but kindness at your hands. Here I have lived from my youth until now, I am an old man. Here the most sacred ties of earth were assumed; here all my children were born; and here one of them lies buried. To you, dear friends, I owe all that I have, all that I am. All the strange,

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checkered past seems to crowd now upon my mind. To-day I leave you; I go to assume a task more difficult than that which devolved upon General Washington. Unless the great God which assisted him, shall be with and aid me, I must fail. But if the same omniscient mind and the same Almighty arm that directed and protected him, shall guide and support me, I shall not fail, I shall succeed. Let us all pray that the God of our fathers may not forsake us now. To him I commend you all. Permit me to ask that with equal sincerity and faith yon will all invoke His wisdom and guidance for me. With these few words I must leave you - for how long I know not. Friends, one and all, I must now bid you au affectionate farewell."

It was a most impressive scenc. Those who had known Mr. Lincoln for years; who had heard him speak upon many different occasions, never saw him so profoundly affected, nor did he ever utter an address, which seemed so full of simple and touching eloquence, so exactly adapted to the occasion, so worthy of the man and the hour. Although it was raining fast when he began to speak, every hat was lifted, and every head bent forward to catch the last words of the departing chief. When he said, with the earnestness of a sudden inspiration of feeling that with God's help he should not fail, there was an uncontrollable burst of applause.

At precisely eight o'clock, city time, the train moved off, bearing Sangamon county's most hon- ored son to the scenes of his future labor. Few stops were made before reaching Indianapolis, but large crowds had assembled at every station, with the hope of catching sight of "Honest Old Abe." At Indianapolis, from the balcony of the Bates House, to a crowd of twenty thou- sand persons, the President-elect delivered his first address, as follows:

"Fellow-citizens of the State of Indiana: I am here to thank you for this magnificent welcome, and still more for the very generous support given by your State to that political cause which I think is the true and just cause of the whole country and the whole world. Solomon says there is a time to keep silence,-and when men wrangle by the mouth, with no certainty that they mean the same thing, it perhaps were as well they would keep silent.

"The words coercion and invasion are much used in these days, and often with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, that we do not misunderstand the meaning of those who use them. Let us get exact defini- tions of these words,-not from dictionaries, but

from the men themselves, who certainly depre- cate the things they represent by the use of the words. What, then, is coercion? What is in- vasion ? Would the marching of an army into South Carolina without the consent of the peo- ple, and with hostile intent toward them, be in- vasion ? I certainly think it would; and it would be coercion, also, if the South Carolinians were forced to submit. But if the United States should merely hold and retake its own forts and other property, and collect duties on foreign importations, or even withhold the mails from places where they were habitually violated,- would any, or all of these things be invasion, or coercion ? Do our professed lovers of the Union, who spitefully resolve that they will resist co- ercion and invasion, understand that such things as these on the part of the United States would be coercion of a State? If so, their idea of the means to preserve the object of their great affec- tion would seem to be exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little pill of the homeopathic would be much too large for it to swallow. In their view, the Union, as a family relation, would seem no longer to be a regular marriage, but rather a sort of free-love arrangement, to be maintained only on passional attraction.

"By the way, in what consists the special sac- redness of a State? I speak not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by the Consti- tution-for that, by the bond, we all recognize; that position, however, a State cannot carry out of the Union with it. I speak of that assumed primary right of a State to rule all which is less than itself, and ruin all that is larger than itself. " If a State and county in a given case should be equal in extent of territory, and equal in number of inhabitants, in what, as a matter of principle, is the State better than the county? Would an exchange of names be an exchange of rights upon principle? On what rightful principle may a State, being not more than one- fiftieth part of a Nation in soil and population, break up a Nation, and then coerce a proportion- ately larger sub-division of itself in the most arbitrary way? What mysterious right to play tyrant is conferred on a district of country with its people, by merely calling it a State? Fellow citizens, I am not asserting anything: I am merely asking questions for you to con. sider. And now allow me to bid you farewell."

At Cincinnati, Columbus, Pittsburg, Albany, New York City, Newark, Trenton, Philadel- phia and Harrisburg, Mr. Lincoln had magnifi- cent receptions, and addressed large crowds of people, calling upon them to stand by the

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Union, the Constitution and the laws. At Har- risburg a change of programme on the part of Mr. Lincoln was decided upon. A special dis- patch to the New York Times thus narrates the facts in the case:

"On Thursday night, after he had retired Mr. Lincoln was aroused and informed that a stranger desired to see him on a matter of life or death. He declined to admit him unless he gave his name, which he at once did. Such prestige did his name carry, that while yet Mr. Lincoln was disrobed, he granted an interview to the caller. Prolonged conversation elicited the fact that an organized body of men had de- termined that Lincoln should not be inangu- rated, and that he should never leave Baltimore alive, if indeed he ever entered it. The list of names of the conspirators presented a most astonishing array of persons high in Southern confidence, and some whose fame is not con- fined to this country alone. Statesmen laid the plan, bankers endorsed it, and adventurers were to carry it into effect. As they understood Mr. Lincoln was to leave Harrisburg at nine o'clock this morning by special train, and the idea was, if possible, to throw the train from the track at some point where they would rush down a steep embankment and destroy in a moment all on board. In case of failure of this project, the plan was to surround the carriage on the way from depot to depot in Baltimore, and assassi- nate him with a dagger or pistol shot. So authentic was the source of information, Mr. Lincoln, after advising with his friends was compelled to make arrangements that would subvert the plans of his enemies. He did not want to yield, and Mr. Sumner actually cried with indignation."

Mr. Lincoln arrived at Washington on Satur- day, the twenty-third-twelve days after he left Springfield-and in advance of all expectations.

Mr. Lincoln was inaugurated March 4, 1861, in front of the Capitol, the inauguration cere- monies being witnessed by a vast concourse of people Before taking the oath, Mr. Lincoln pronounced in a clear, ringing voice, his in- augural address, to hear which there was an al- most painful solicitude, to read which the whole American people and the civilized world awaited with irrepressible anxiety. With that address and the administration of the oath of office, the people were assured. All doubt, if any had pre- . viously existed, was removed. In the hands of Abraham Lincoln, the people's President, and himself of the people, the Government was safe.

Traitors were still busy plotting and planning. Troops were mustering in all the seceded States. On Friday, April 12, the surrender of Fort Sumter, with its garrison of sixty effective men, was demanded and bravely refused by the gal- lant Major Anderson. Fire was at once opened upon the helpless garrison by the rebel forces, numbered by thousands. Resistance was useless, and at last the National colors were hauled down, and by traitor hands were trailed in the dust. On Sunday morning, the 14th, the news of the surrender was received in all the principal cities of the Union. That was all, but that was enough. A day later, when the news was con- firmed and spread through the country, the patriot people of the North were startled from their dreams of the future-from undertakings half completed-and made to realize that behind that mob there was a dark, deep, and well or- ganized purpose to destroy the Government, rend the Union in twain, and out of its ruins erect a slave oligarchy, wherein no one would dare question their right to hold in bondage the sons and daughters of men whose skins were black. Their dreams of the future-their plans for the establishment of an independent con- federacy-were doomed from their inception to sad and bitter disappointment. Everywhere north of Mason and Dixon's line the voice of Providence was heard:

" Draw forth your million blades as one; Complete the battle now begun! God fights with ye, and overhead Floats the dear banner of your dead. They and the glories of the Past, The Future, dawning dim and vast, And all the holiest hopes of Man, Are beaming triumphant in your van.

"Slow to resolve, be swift to do! Teach ye the False how fight the True! How buckled Perfidy shall feel In her black heart the Patriot's steel; How sure the bolt that Justice wings; How weak the arm a traitor brings; How mighty they who steadfast stand For Freedom's flag and Freedom's land!"

On Monday, April 15, President Lincoln issued the following proclamation:

"WHEREAS, The laws of the United States have been for some time past, and are now, op- posed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the States of South Carolina, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by combina- tions too powerful to be suppressed by the ordi- nary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals; now, therefore, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested by

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the Constitution and the laws, have thought to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia of the several States of the Union, to the num- ber of seventy-five thousand, in order to sup- press said combinations, and to cause the laws to be duly executed.

"The details for this subject will be imme- diately communicated to the State authorities through the War Department. I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and to aid this effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and existence of our National Union, and the perpe- tuity of popular government, and to redress wrongs already long endured. I deem it proper to say that the first services assigned to the forces hereby called forth, will probably be to repossess the forts, places, and property which have been seized from the Union; and in every event the utmost care will be observed, consist- ently with the objects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruction of or interference with property, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens in any part of the country; and I hereby command the persons composing the combina- tions aforesaid, to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes, within twenty days from this date.

"Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Con- gress. The Senators and Representatives are, therefore, summoned to assemble at their re- spective chambers at twelve o'clock, noon, on Thursday, the fourth day of July next, then and there to consider and determine such measures as in their wisdom the public safety and interest may seem to demand.

"In witness thereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

"Done at the city of Washington, the fifteenth day of April, in the year of our Lord one thou- sand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the in- dependence of the United States the eighty- fifth.

By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

W.M. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State."

The last word of this proclamation had scarcely been taken from the electric wire be- fore the call was filled. Men and money were counted out by hundreds and thousands. The people who loved their whole country could not give enough. Patriotism thrilled and vibrated and pulsated through every heart. The farm, the workshop, the office, the pulpit, the bar, the

bench, the college, the school house-every call- ing offered its best men, their lives and fortunes in defense of the government's honor and unity. Party lines were for the time ignored. Bitter words, spoken in moments of political heat, were forgotten and forgiven, and, joining hands in a common cause, they repeated the oath of America's soldier statesman: " By the Great Eternal, the Union must und shall be preserved!"

Seventy-five thousand men were not enough to subdue the rebellion. Nor were ten times that number. The war went on, and call fol- lowed call, until it seemed as if there were not men in all the free States to crush out the rebel- lion. But to every call for either men or money there was a willing and a ready response. The gauntlet thrown down by the traitors of the South was accepted; not, however, in the spirit which insolence meets insolence, but with a firm, determined spirit of patriotism and love of country. The duty of the President was plain under the Constitution and laws, and, above and beyond all, the people, from whom all political power is derived, demanded the suppression of the rebellion, and stood ready to sustain the authority of their representative and executive officers to the utmost extremity.

In the apportionment of troops covered by President Lincoln's proclamation, it was found that the quota of Illinois would be six regiments, of which fact Governor Yates was advised by receipt of the following telegram:

"WASHINGTON, April 15, 1861.

His Excellency, Richard Yates:

Call made on you by to-night's mail for six regiments for immediate service.

SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War."

Immediately upon receipt of the foregoing dispatch, Governor Yates issued the following proclamation:

"SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, April 15, 1861.

I, Richard Yates, Governor of the State of Illinois, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution, hereby convene the legisla- ture of the State, and the members of the Twen- ty-second session of the General Assembly are hereby required to be and appear in their re- spective places, at the Capitol, on Tuesday, the twenty-third day of April, A. D. 1861, for the purpose of enacting such laws and adopting such measures as may be deemed necessary upon the following subjects: The more perfect organiza- tion and equipment of the militia of the State, and placing the same upon the best footing to

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render assistance to the general Government in preserving the Union, enforcing the laws and protecting the property and rights of the people; also the raising of such money and other means as may be required to carry out the foregoing objects; and, also, to provide for the expense of such session.

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History of Sangamon County, Illinois, together with sketches of its cities, villages and townships, educational, religious, civil, military, and political history, portraits of prominent persons, and biographies of representative citizens, Part 49

Author: Interstate publishing co., Chicago. [from old catalog] Publication date: 1881 Publisher: Chicago, Inter-state publishing company Number of Pages: 1084

Author: Interstate publishing co., Chicago. [from old catalog]
Publication date: 1881
Publisher: Chicago, Inter-state publishing company
Number of Pages: 1084