USA > Illinois > Illinois in 1818, 2nd ed > Part 12
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Nothing further is heard of this territorial project, but in April, 1816, congress passed "An Act to authorize the survey- ing and making a road in the territory of Illinois," which led ultimately to a material improvement of the facilities for travel between Shawneetown and Kaskaskia. Commissioners were to be appointed by the president to "explore, survey, and mark in the most eligible course, a road" between these two places, and eight thousand dollars was appropriated for the expense of open- ing and marking the road in such manner as the president might direct .. On February 5, 1817, the Intelligencer reported that the commissioners had completed their survey of the road. "They have taken it from where it at present runs for the longest part of the distance, by doing which they have formed as they state themselves an infinitely better road and have shortened the dis- tance about eighteen miles. At the crossing of all those streams between the Saline and Kaskaskia in the neighborhood of which, so many difficulties were presented in consequence of the marches
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and quagmires, the present rout will be entirely exempt from them. . . . It is expected that the road will be opened in the spring-and so soon as there are houses of entertainment established on it, it will no doubt be traveled by every person."
The expectation that the new road would soon be opened was not fulfilled. The summer and autumn of 1817 passed without further developments and November 6 the Intelligencer declared: "It is to be regretted very much that the road has not been opened, or the old one improved,-families coming to the country have been detained a week by high water and muddy roads, which is extremely discouraging to emigrants. Had not the $8,000 better be laid out in erecting bridges and improving the old road? That sum properly expended on the old road would make it one of the best roads in the western country. Unless the new road is completed or the other improved, it will almost be impossible for waggons [sic] to travel it, as it is becom- ing worse and worse every day, and especially at this season of the year."
Finally in the following April, two years after the passage of the act, announcement was made that the survey had received the approval of the president, and in August proposals were invited "for Cutting and Clearing out the road as laid out by the commissioners, from Kaskaskia to Demint's131 a distance of about 50 miles. The road to be cut 33 feet wide and all the timber taken off, the stumps to be very low." The progress of the work during the fall and winter is described by Governor Bond in a communication to the legislature delivered March 4, 1819. "It has been ascertained," he wrote, "that the appropria- tions made by congress for laying off and completing a road from Shawneetown to Kaskaskia, will not be sufficient for the completion of that object.
"The road has been cut out, and the timber removed from a part thereof. And it is believed that with the money yet remain- ing, the road can be made passible, with this exception; the principal creeks and rivers between Kaskaskia and Muddy river, cannot be bridged without an additional appropriation.
181This was where the road crossed the Big Muddy in the southwestern part of what is now Franklin county. Intelligencer, August 5, 1818.
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"From the information I have received, it is not probable that a further grant of money will be made by Congress for the purpose.
"I therefore, recommend the propriety of passing a law author- ising the building of toll bridges over such creeks and rivers by individuals." The legislature decided that no legislation was necessary as the county commissioners already had authority to grant such privileges.
Particular interest attaches to the road from Vincennes to St. Louis because for a considerable distance it lay beyond the frontier of survey and itself marked the frontier line of extreme settlement. This was just becoming an established route of travel in 1818. Three years earlier Edward Coles had been "assured at Vincennes that there were no houses of accom- modation on the way, and moreover, that it was not safe from Indian massacre, to go from there directly west to St. Louis, but that I would have to go by way of Shawneetown and Kas- kaskia."132 By 1817, however, there was a "trace" across the prairies but "to ride that alone was then thought to be a perilous affair."133 Two years later it was still considered "a perilous affair" to travel the route alone but the danger appears to have been less from Indians than from white men. There were at that time some six or more road houses along the way between the Embarras river on the east and the Kaskaskia on the west, the limits of settlement; but the hospitality of some of these appears to have been of a very dubious character. An eastern tenderfoot, who made the trip in 1819 gives an account of his experiences, which were so startling that it would be difficult to regard his story as anything but pure fiction, were it not for corroborative evidence.134
This traveler, Richard Lee Mason by name, "obtained a list of cutthroats and murderers, whose names are as follows on the list: Gatewood, Rutherford, Grimberry, Cain, Young, Por- tlethwaite, etc. This chain of villains extended for eighty miles
182 Illinois State Historical Society, Journal, 3:no. 3, p. 62.
183Flower, English Settlement, 53.
Mason, Narrative, 40-50; History of Wayne and Clay Counties, 428; Dana, Geographical Sketches, 310.
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through all the dreary and lonesome prairies. We were informed that when they were not engaged in robbing or murdering they were very industriously employed in manufacturing bank notes, which they imposed on travelers at every opportunity. It may be worthy of remark that all the country for forty miles around where these banditti have taken possession belongs to the United States. For the convenience of travelers, a new road has been made through this country, instead of going by Shawneetown, and those villains have posted themselves along the road under the name of tavernkeepers, watching for their prey whenever it may pass. Indeed, I conceive it impossible for any man who has cash enough to make him worth killing to travel this road alone. Called to see Gatewood, the first man on the list of cut- throats. He was from home. Saw his wife, a handsome, young dejected-looking woman, who appeared very uneasy at her hus- band's being inquired for by a man almost as well armed and not much out of the style of Robinson Crusoe. Saw a bloody cravat on the end of the log of which his house was built. We intend to call and see the balance of the fraternity out of curi- osity. . . Crossed a prairie twelve miles broad and arrived at the house of Rutherford, the second man on the cutthroat list. We had time enough to pass this house, but having a list of desperadoes, and being disappointed in seeing Gatewood, curiosity induced us to spend the night. This was a piece of comedy for information which was near ending in tragedy. Our traveling party consisted of four persons, Dr. Hill, myself and two young men, strangers, from Kentucky. As we trav- eled in a little carriage, and with a pair of horses, we placed our fellow-travelers' baggage with our own, which made a considerable show. On our arrival a man dressed like a Quaker pretended to be hostler until he ascertained the quantity of our baggage. I recognized him as an engraver from Philadelphia, who had been a candidate for the penitentiary for forgery. We called for the landlord, and were informed by Mrs. Rutherford that he was from home, but we could be well entertained and made comfortable in every way. We were suddenly startled by the shrill Indian warwhoop, which proceeded from a thicket near the house. We were not kept long in a
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state of suspense. Rutherford and three sturdy fellows, armed, entered the house, all half-drunk. They took no notice of us, but eyed our baggage, which was heaped on the floor. They drank freely of whisky, and appeared in fine spirits. As one of our companions was passing a small log house, in which food was kept, he heard men whispering, which he informed me of. I immediately got a candle. Searched the house, but did not see any person. However, as I was returning, I found two tall men hid in the chimney, who, on being spoken to, went into the house, making six altogether, and most of them very tall. They were armed with rifles and butcher knives, without coats or hats, their sleeves rolled up, their beards long and their faces smutted, such as the bravos are represented in the play of 'The Foundling of the Forest.' We had been anxious to see some of these banditti, but we did not contemplate seeing so large a company or having so full a visit from the fraternity. Rutherford disguised himself and denied that he was landlord, or that he lived at the place. It was not long before we were informed of the business of those devil-like looking visitors. Some of their private consultations were overheard. Robbery and murder was contemplated. They would frequently whisper and pinch each other, wink, eye us, then hunch each other and give a number of private signals which we did not understand. One observed 'the trap door was too open,' 'that the boards were too wide apart,' in a loud tone of voice. The reply was: 'By G -- , it should be screwed up tight enough before morning!' They often mentioned the names of the cut-throats we had on our list as their particular friends and associates. They also spoke of the two men who had been murdered the day before, and acknowledged that they ate their last meal in the house we were in. Laughed at the manner in which the throats of one of these unfortunate men was cut, and many other circumstances which would swell this memorandum too much. Convinced us beyond a doubt they were of the ban- ditti that had been described to us. Our own safety now became a matter of serious consideration, and our party of four held a consultation after the robbers' consultation was over (which was held in the dark a little way from the house)
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The hour of 9 o'clock had now arrived, the night uncommonly dark and cloudy. On our going into the house one of the stran- gers went into the yard and gave the Indian warwhoop three times very loud. About 10 o'clock they took their six rifles, went into the yard with a candle and shot them off one by one, snuffing the candle at forty yards every shot. They then loaded afresh, primed and picked their flints. A large horn was then taken from the loft and blown distinctly three times very loud. All those signals (which we had been told of) brought no more of the company. They then dispatched two of their own party, who were gone until 12 o'clock. They stated to their comrades 'they could not be had.' It may be readily imagined, after what we had overheard, seeing such preparations and observing many of their private signals, being warned of our danger previous to stopping at the house, together with the recent and cruel murders which had been committed, in a strange country, where every man made and executed his own law to suit himself-I say it cannot be a matter of wonder that our situation began to put on a character of the most unpleasant kind. However, we were well armed, having pistols, dirks, knives and a gun, and were determined, if necessity should require, to be murdered in the house, and not to be dragged into the woods, there to have our throats cut. It being a little after 12 o'clock the bravos proposed to take a drink and lie down on the floor to rest, which they did, and upon their arms. The house being very small they almost covered the floor of one room. The small back room was intended for us. There was no door to the partition, and the logs were about six inches apart. We were under some appre- hension that in case of an attack they would be able to fire on us through the logs. After they were all still, myself and com- panions lay down in reach of each other, our clothes on, our dirks unsheathed, the guards off our pistols and three extra bullets in our gun, and agreed if a signal was given to fight the good fight. .... Knowing those fellows were expert at cutting throats, from their conversation on that subject, I determined to put them to as much trouble as possible. Took off my cravat and twisted my silk handkerchief and tied it round my neck. In
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this situation we spent the night. We lay on our arms ready for the word. But little sleep. When they would move we did the same. If they coughed we followed the example. In this dreadful way the night was spent. I have no hesitation of declaring that if we had not been well armed or kept a strict watch we should have been robbed and murdered, and nothing but the fear of our killing a part of them kept their hands off. Could they have added to their numbers by their signals, our fate would have been certain. It is probable the balance of their party was engaged in some other enterprise. About the break of day the signal of rising was given by our visitors. We were on our feet in a minute, and our hands upon our arms. Three of them examined their rifles, and, after having some conversation with their comrades, proceeded up the road we had to travel. I presumed to place themselves behind trees and fire upon us without the risk of being killed. We lost no time in placing our baggage in our carriage and getting ready to leave this robbers' den. After paying our bill and being ready for a start, one of the brotherhood begged I would take my sad- dlebags into the house again; that he wanted a dose of medicine for one who was very sick. This I declined doing, suspecting his object, and advised him to call on some person with whom he was better acquainted. We then bid adieu to Mr. Rutherford, his family, the banditti and the edge of the twelve-mile prairie. We had not traveled more than half a mile when we fell in with four travelers going to St. Louis, which increased our number to eight persons, and placed us out of danger. In making a memorandum of this unpleasant transaction, many important cir- cumstances and some facts have been omitted. To have given a full detail would have taken more time than is in my power to devote at this time."
Besides the main highways crossing the state there were, of course, numerous local lines of travel radiating out from the towns through the surrounding country or connecting the settle- ments with the through roads or with navigable streams. "Most of the settlements" it was reported in 1817, "are connected by practicable roads, at least for packers and travellers on horse-
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back."135 Jurisdiction over these local roads rested with the county courts. Whenever anything more than a natural trail was desired, viewers were appointed to select a route. That having been accomplished, overseers or supervisors of each road were appointed to see that it was opened up and maintained. A certain amount of work on the roads or the payment of a tax in lieu thereof was an obligation imposed upon all the adult male inhabitants. In some cases the overseers were given "power to call out all the hands on each side of said road within six miles of it, to cut it out and keep it in repair ;" but the more usual proce- dure appears to have been for the county court to compile a "list of persons subject to road labor," in which each individual would be assigned to a specific road.
The provision of means for crossing the many streams was the most difficult problem which these pioneer road makers had to face. Whenever possible a ford was used but there were many streams which could not be forded. The problem was usually solved by granting to some individual the right to estab- lish a ferry or erect a toll bridge. Charges for the use of these conveniences were fixed by the county court, and the proprietor was usually protected in his monopoly of the business. It is doubtful if many of the proprietors had as much confidence in the traveling public as one John Flack who, in December, 1818, advertised his "Boucoup Bridge" in the Intelligencer as follows : "I have opened a road from my house, 4 miles west of Boucoup, on a straight line to the old crossing of Little Muddy, at Jackson's bridge, and have erected an excellent bridge across Boucoup- this is the direct route from Kaskaskia to Shawneetown; and the way opened by my bridge is three miles nearer, and much better than the old road. I have not yet established a toll house at the bridge, but any person may cross, and in that case, I will thank them to call at my house and make me some compensa- tion if they please."
Another essential accommodation for travelers making jour- neys of any considerable length was the road house or tavern, and establishments of this sort were to be found at frequent
135Brown, Western Gazetteer, 28; see also History of Gallatin, Hamilton, Franklin, and Williamson Counties, 53-58; History of Madison County, 82.
WEAVING LOOM [Original owned by W. O. Converse, Springfield]
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intervals on all the main highways. From the many descriptions of these taverns which have been preserved it is evident that the accommodations were usually very crude even in the best of them. A tavern establishment in Harrisonville, for example, which was offered for sale in 1818, was described as consisting of "the house containing Four commodious Rooms, a Kitchen, Smoke-House, Corncrib and a Stable, and a Garden attached thereto, at present under cultivation." A good-natured German who was in Illinois in 1819 reports that "after a journey of 22 miles through these prairies we reached the tavern; it was full of travelers. Nevertheless each one was served well enough, the horses were well cared for, and only with respect to the lodgings was the comfort not great. Each one had to prepare his own bed upon the floor as well as he could, and even here the Ameri- can shows a peculiar ease which is the result of his noble freedom. Everything is done without ado and without ceremony. This manner of living, which was to me at first very strange and dis- agreeable, soon received my entire approval-little by little one feels himself free among free, honest people."136 An English traveler recounts his experience in the tavern at Albion in the same year as follows: "I supped and went to bed in a hog-stye of a room, containing four filthy beds and eight mean persons; the sheets stinking and dirty; scarcity of water is, I suppose, the cause. The beds lie on boards, not cords, and are so hard that I could not sleep. Three in one bed, all filth, no comfort, and yet this is an English tavern; no whiskey, no milk, and vile tea, in this land of prairies."137 It is apparent that both of these descriptions are colored by the personality and point of view of the writers.
Closely connected with the subject of transportation was that of postal service. Although the number of post offices in Illinois was increased from nine in 1814 to sixteen in 1817 and new "post-roads" were established at nearly every session of congress, there was constant demand for further expansion of the service. The same session of congress which passed the enabling act for
136Illinois State Historical Society, Transactions, 1903, p. 156.
187Thwaites, Early Western Travels, II :252.
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Illinois established, by act of April 20, 1818, what appears to have been the first route across the territory-"from Belleville, by William Padfield's and the seat of justice of Bond county [Perryville], to Palmyra." The mail from the east destined for the settlements on the west side of Illinois and in Missouri was still carried down the Ohio and up the Mississippi to Kas- kaskia, and thence via Prairie du Rocher and Cahokia to St. Louis, although the Missouri legislature as early as February 16, 1816 had petitioned for direct service overland from Vincennes. Not until March 3, 1819 was a mail route established "from Vincennes, by Carlisle and Belville, in Illinois, to St. Louis." The same act established three other frontier postal routes : "From Edwardsville, by Alton, to S. Charles, in the Missouri territory, and from Edwardsville, by Ripley, to Perrysville . From Vincennes by Palestine, to York, in Illinois."138
The difficulties experienced by new settlements in the interior with reference to postal facilities are indicated by a petition drawn up in the English settlement probably soon after the estab- lishment of Wanborough in August, 1818. After stating that "our correspondence is extensive and constant," the petitioners declared "that more than usual difficulties exist in the communi- cation with our present Office of deposit at Princeton [Indiana], which is nearly forty miles from us, often consuming as much time in the transmission thence as from the Eastern States." They asked, therefore, for the establishment of a post office in the settlement "to communicate with a route now existing be- tween Vincennes and Shawnee Town, on the Western side of the Wabash," and congress in the following year deflected this route to "pass by the English Prairie."
During the later years of the territorial period the mail was supposed to be carried once a week on the main routes and once in two weeks in the interior. It was a very frequent occurrence, however, for the newspapers to announce "No eastern mail this week," the principal cause of delays being floods on the Ohio
188Seybert, Statistical Annals, 379; Table of Post Offices in the United States (1817) ; Statutes at Large, 2:584; 3:132, 222, 337, 457, 507; House Files, February 16, 1816; see also Intelligencer, December 1I, 1818, January 22, November 6, 1817, and at dates indicated in the text.
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river. In its issue of November 20, 1817, for example, the Intelligencer expressed "regret that our readers are again com- pelled to take hold of a barren paper, but the floods which have been so unseasonably and unexpectedly poured upon us of late, have prevented the usual arrivals of the eastern mails; three weeks have now expired since we have had a mail." There was also complaint of "unpardonable neglect of post masters to for- ward papers by the first opportunity." From Kaskaskia the mail was forwarded to points north and west; consequently the weekly mail to that place was particularly heavy; its volume appears to have been so great that at times "a large portion of the letters and papers intended for that quarter is necessarily delayed, or probably entirely thrown out at Shawnoetown, and either does not come on at all, or comes on after the information contained is stale and no longer useful." In consequence of this situation John Scott, the delegate from Missouri territory appealed to the postmaster-general in December, 1816, for a semi-weekly service to Kaskaskia, St. Louis, and other points in Missouri. It was not until April 22, 1818, however, that the Intelligencer was able to announce that "a contract has been entered into for the conveyance of the mail twice a week from Shawnoetown to this place, and on to Saint Louis, which goes into operation on the first of May next. We therefore expect that all communications by mail may with some certainty be relied on. It is also designed that the eastern mail shall arrive at Shawnoetown twice in each week."
It appears to have been in connection with the transportation of the mail that the first stage service in Illinois began. No record has been found of stage lines in operation during the territorial period and it is probable that the mail was usually carried on horseback. The advertisement of the general post office for proposals for carrying the mail over the new routes established in Illinois in 1818 announces that "where the pro- poser intends to convey the mail in the body of a stage carriage, he is desired to state it in his proposals." A few months later, January 20, 1819, James Watson informed the public through the columns of the Intelligencer "that he can accommodate four
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stage passengers each trip he makes with the mail, to St. Louis. He starts from Kaskaskia every Sunday morning, and arrives at St. Louis the next day at 2 o'clock, p. m. Returning, he leaves St. Louis every Tuesday morning, and arrives at Kas- kaskia the ensuing evening. Fare-$4 each passenger, payable in advance." This probably marks the beginning of regular stage service in Illinois. Before that time, travelers were obliged to make special arrangements or provide their own means of conveyance.
With such inadequate means of transportation by land it is small wonder that the farmers in Illinois in 1818 found it dif- ficult to market their produce profitably. As an English observer wrote (November 4, 1819) : "Mr. Nicholls, a cunning Cale- donian, says, that farming, except near the rivers, cannot answer." "139 Certainly his remark was not intended as a reflec- tion on the productivity of the soil, for from all accounts the land was extraordinarily fertile.
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