USA > Indiana > Pioneer history of Indiana : including stories, incidents, and customs of the early settlers > Part 4
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"Conduct similar to the above kept the garrison constantly alarmed. They did not know what moment they might be stormed or blown up, as they could plainly discover that we had flung up some entrenchments across the streets and appeared to be frequently very busy under the bank of the river, which was within thirty feet of the walls. The situation of the magazine we knew well. Captain Bowman began some works in order to blow this up in case our artillery would arrive but as we knew that we were daily liable to be overpowered by the numerous bands of Indians on the river, in case they had again joined the enemy (the certainty of which we were unacquainted with), we resolved to lose no time, but to get the fort in our possession as soon as possible. If the vessel did not arrive before the ensuing night we resolved to under-
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mine the fort and fixed on the spot and plan of executing the work which we intended to commence the next day. The Indians of different tribes that were unfriendly had left the town and neighborhood. Captain Lamotte continued to hover about in order, if possible, to make his way into the fort and parties attempted in vain to surprise him. A few of his party were taken, one of whom was Maisonville, a famous Indian . partisan. Two lads had captured him, tied him to a post in the street and fought from behind him, supposing that the enemy would not fire on them for fear of killing him as he would alarm them with his voice. The lads were ordered to untie their prisoner by an officer who discovered them at their amusements and to take him off to the guard which they did, but took a part of his scalp on the way, there happening to him no other damage.
"As most of the persons who were the most active parti- sans in the department of Detroit were either in the fort or with Captain Lamott, I got extremely uneasy for fear that he would not fall into our power, knowing that he would go away if he did not get into the fort in the course of the night. We found that without some unforseen accident the fort must eventually be ours and that a reinforcement of twenty men, although quite a few of them would not be of great moment to us in the present state of affairs, and knowing that we had weakened the enemy's forces by killing and wounding many of their gunners, after some deliberation we concluded to risk the reinforcement in preference to his (Lamott's) again going among the Indians. The garrison had at least a month's provisions and if they could hold out, in the course of that time, he might do us damage.
"A little before day the troops were withdrawn from their positions about the fort, except a few parties of observation. The firing entirely ceased and orders were given that in case of Lamott's approach, not to alarm or fire on him, without a certainty of killing or taking all. In less than a quarter of an hour, he passed within ten feet of an officer and party that lay concealed. Ladders were flung over to Lamott and the others and, as they mounted, our party shouted. Many
2
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of them fell from the top of the walls, some within and others back but as they were not fired on they all got over, much to the joy of their friends. In considering the matter they must have been convinced that it was a scheme of ours to let them in and that we were so strong as to care but little about them. The firing immediately commenced on both sides with double vigor and I believe that more noise could not have been made by any equal number of men. Their shouts could not be heard for the firearms, but a continual blaze was kept up around the garrison without much done until about day- break, when our troops were drawn off to posts prepared for them about sixty or seventy yards from the fort. A loop- hole then could scarcely be darkened without a rifle ball pass- ing through it and to have stood by their cannon would have destroyed their men without a probability of doing much ser- vice. Our situation was nearly similar. It would have been imprudent in either party to have wasted their men unless some decisive stroke required it.
"Thus the attack continued until about nine o'clock on the morning of the twenty-fourth. Learning that the two priso- ners they had brought in the day before had a considerable number of letters with them, I supposed it an express that we expected about this time, which I knew to be of great mo- ment to us, as we had not received one since our arrival in the country and not being fully acquainted with the charac- ter of our enemy, we thought perhaps these papers might be destroyed. To prevent this I sent a flag with a letter de- manding the garrison, the letter being as follows :-
"Lieutenant Governor Hamilton: Sir :- In order to save yourself from the impending storm that now threatens you, I order you immediately to surrender yourself with all your garrison and stores, for if I am obliged to storm, you may depend on such treat- ment as is justly due to a murderer. Beware also of destroying stores of any kind or any papers or letters that are in your possession, or hurting one house in town for by heaven, if you do, there shall be no mercy shown you."
Signed, G. R. CLARK.
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"The British Commandant returned the following ans- wer:
"Lieutenant Governor Hamilton begs leave to acquaint Colonel Clark that he and his garrison are not disposed to be awed into any action unworthy of British subjects."
"The firing then commenced warmly for a considerable time and we were obliged to be careful to prevent our men from exposing themselves too much as they were now much animated, having been refreshed during the flag. They frequently mentioned their wishes to storm the place and put an end to the business at once. The firing was heavy through every crack that could be discovered in any part of the fort. Several of the garrison were wounded and there was no possibility of standing near the embrasures. Toward evening a flag appeared with the following proposal:
"Lieutenant Governor Hamilton proposes to Colonel Clark a truce for three days, during which time he promises there shall be no defensive work carried on in the garrison, on condition that Colonel Clark shall observe on his part a like cessation of any defensive work. That is-he wishes to confer with Colonel Clark as soon as can be and promises that whatever may pass between them and another person mutually agreed upon, to be present, shall re- main secret till matters be finished, as he wishes that, whatever the result of the conference may be, it may tend to the honor of each party. If Colonel Clark makes a difficulty of coming into the fort, Lieutenant Governor Hamilton will speak to him by the gate."
Signed, HENRY HAMILTON.
February 24, 1779.
"I was at a great loss to conceive what reason Lieuten- ant Governor Hamilton could have for wishing a truce for three days on such terms as he proposed. Some said that it was a scheme to get me into their possession but I had a different opinion and no idea of his possessing such senti- ments, as an act of that kind would in all probability, ruin him. Although we had the greatest reason to expect rein-
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forcements in less than three days that would at once put an end to the siege, I yet did not think it prudent to agree to the proposals and sent the following answer :--
"Colonel Clark's compliments to Lieutenant Governor Hamilton and begs to inform him that he will not agree to any terms other than Mr. Hamil- ton's surrendering himself and garrison prisoners at discretion. If Mr. Hamilton is desirous of a confer- ence with Colonel Clark, he will meet him at the church with Captain Helm, Feb. 24, 1779."
Signed, G. R. CLARK.
"We met at the church about eighty yards from the fort, Lieutenant Governor Hamilton, Major Hay, Supt. of Indian Affairs, Captain Helm, their prisoner, Major Bowman and myself. The conference began. Hamilton produced terms of capitulation that contained various articles, one of which was that the garrison should be surrendered on their being permitted to go to Pensacola on parole. After deliberating on every article I rejected the whole. He then wished that I would make some propositions. I told him that I had no other to make other than I had already made-that of his surrendering as prisoners at discretion. I said that his troops had behaved with spirit and that they could not sup- pose they would be worse treated in consequence of it; that if he chose to comply with the demand, though hard, perhaps the sooner the better. I added that it was useless to make any further propositions to me and that by this time he must realize that the garrison would fall. We must, I said, view all the blood spilled in the future by the garrison as murder and that the troops were already impatient and calling aloud for permission to tear down and storm the fort. If such a step were taken many, of course, would be cut down and the result of an enraged body of woodsmen breaking in must be obvious to him; it would be out of the power of the American officers to save a single man.
"Various altercations took place for a considerable time. Captain Helm attempted to moderate our fixed determination and I told him he was a British prisoner and it was doubtful
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whether or not he could speak on the subject. Hamilton then said that Captain Helm was free from that moment and might use his pleasure. I informed the Captain that I would not receive him on such terms but that he must return to the gar- rison and await his fate. I then told Lieutenant Governor Hamilton that hostilities should not commence until five min- utes after the drums gave the alarm. We then took our leave and had gone but a few steps when Hamilton stopped and politely asked me if I would be so kind as to give him my reason for refusing the garrison on any other terms than those I offered. I told him I had no objection to giving him my real reasons which were these-I knew the greater part of the principal Indian partisans of Detroit were with him and I wanted an excuse for putting them to death or other- wise treat them as I thought proper; the cries of the widows and the fatherless children on the frontiers which they had occasioned now required their blood from my hands and I did not choose to be so timorous as to disobey the absolute com- mand of their authority which I looked upon as almost di- vine. I would rather lose fifty men I told him than fail to impower myself to execute this piece of business with propri- ety, and if he wished to risk the massacre of his garrison, for their sakes, it was his own pleasure; also I might take it in- to my head to send for some of those widows to see them exe- cuted. Major Hay gave great attention. I had observed a kind of distrust in his countenance which in a great measure influenced my conversation during the time and on my con- cluding, 'Pray sir,' said he, 'who is it that you call Indian partisans?' 'Sir,' I replied. 'I take Major Hay to be one of the principal ones.' I never saw a man in a moment of execution so struck as he appeared to be-pale, trembling, scarcely able to stand. Hamilton blushed and I observed. was much af- fected at his behavior. Major Bowman's countenance suffi- ciently explained his disdain for one and his sorrow for the other. Some moments elapsed without a word passing on either side. From that moment my resolution changed res- pecting Hamilton's situation. I told him that we would re- turn to our respective posts, that I would reconsider the mat-
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ter and would let him know the results and no offensive meas- ures should be taken in the meantime. This was agreed to and we parted.
"When all that had passed was made known to our offi- ficers, it was agreed that we should moderate our resolutions."
During the conference at the church, some Indian war- riors who had been sent to the Falls of Ohio for scalps and prisoners and had just returned, were discovered, as they en- tered the plains near Post Vincennes and a party of American troops commanded by Captain Williams, went out to meet them. The Indians who mistook the detachment for a party of their friends, continued to advance with all the parade of successful warriors. When our troops had arrived at the proper distance from the proud and strutting warriors, they opened fire on them, killing two and wounding three and took six prisoners and brought them into town. Two of them proved to be white men and related to some of Clark's French volunteers and were released. They then brought the three wounded and four Indian prisoners to the main street, near the gate of the fort, there tomahawked them and threw them into the river.
In the course of the afternoon of the twenty-fourth the following articles were signed and the garrison capitulated:
I. Lieutenant Governor Hamilton engages to deliver up to Colonel Clark Fort Sackville as it is at present, with all the stores.
II. The garrison are to deliver themselves as prisoners of war and march out with all their arms and accoutrements.
III. The garrison is to be delivered up at ten o'clock tomorrow.
IV. Three day's time to be allowed the garrison to settle their accounts with the inhabitants and traders of this place.
V. The officers of the garrison to be allowed their necessary baggage.
Signed at Post Vincennes, February 24, 1779.
Agreed for the following reasons-the remote- ness from succor, the state and quality of provisions,
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unanimity of officers and men to its expediency, the honorable terms allowed and lastly-the confidence in a generous enemy.
Signed, HENRY HAMILTON. Lieutenant Governor and Superintendent.
To again quote from the memoirs -- "The business now being nearly at an end, troops were posted in several strong houses around the garrison and patrolled during the night to prevent any deception that might be attempted. Those remaining on duty lay on their arms and for the first time in many days past got some rest.
"During the siege I had only one man wounded. Not being able to afford to lose many, I made them secure themselves: well. Almost every man had conceived a favorable opinion of Lieutenant Governor Hamilton. I believe that whatever affected myself made some impression on all of them and I am happy to find that he never deviated while he stayed with us from the dignity of conduct that became an officer in his situ- ation.
"The morning of the twenty-fifth approaching, arrange- ments were made for receiving the garrison, which consisted of seventy-nine men and about ten o'clock it was delivered in form and everything was immediately arranged to the best advantage. On the twenty-seventh our galley arrived all safe. The crew were much mortified that they did not have a hand in the fray, although they deserve great credit for their diligence. They had on the passage taken up William Myres, express from the government. The despatches gave us great encouragement. Our battalion was to be completed and an additional one to be expected in the spring. On the day after the surrender of the British garrison, I sent a de- tachment of sixty men up the Wabash to intercept some boats which were laden with provisions and goods from Detroit. The detachment under the command of Captain Helm, Major Bosserone and Major Legras, proceeded up the river in three armed boats about one hundred and twenty miles, where the British boats, seven in number were surprised and captured . without firing a gun. These boats had on board about ten
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thousand pounds worth of goods and provisions and were manned by about forty men, among whom was Phillip De- jean, a magistrate of Detroit. The provision was taken for the public and the goods divided among the soldiers, except about eight hundred pounds worth to clothe the troops we expected to receive in a short time. This was very agree- able to the soldiers as I told them the state should pay them in money proportionate to the time of service and they had a great plenty of goods. The quantity of public goods added to all of those belonging to the traders of Post Vincennes that had been taken by the British and surrendered to us, was very considerable. The whole was divided among the soldiers, except some Indian medals that were kept in order to be al- tered for public use. The officers received nothing except a few articles of clothing that they stood in need of.
"We yet found ourselves uneasy. The number of priso- ners we had taken added to those of the garrison was so great when compared to our own numbers, that we were at a loss how to dispose of them so as not to interfere with our future operations. On the seventh of March. Captains Williams and Rogers, set out by water with a party of twenty-five men to conduct the British officers to Kentucky and to further weaken the prisoners, eighteen privates were sent with them. After their arrival at the Falls of the Ohio, Captain Rogers had instructions to superintend their route to Williamsburg, to . furnish them with all the necessary supplies on the way and to wait the orders of the Governor. A company of volunteers from Detroit, composed mostly of young men, was drawn up, and while contemplating the trip to a strange country, they were told that we were happy to learn that many of them had been torn from their fathers and mothers and forced to go on this expedition and that others, ignorant of the true cause of the contest, had enlisted from a principle that actuated a great number of men, namely, that of being fond of enterprise. We told them that they now had a good opportunity to make themselves fully acquainted with the nature of the war, which they might explain to their friends and as we knew that by sending them to the states where they would be con-
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fined in jails, probably for the course of the war, would make a great number of their friends in Detroit unhappy, we had thought proper for their sake to suffer them to return home. They were discharged on taking an oath not to bear arms against the Americans until exchanged. They were furnish- ed with arms, boats and provision. Many others that we could trust we suffered to enlist in the army, so that our charge of prisoners was much reduced."
The hardships and great exposure endured by Clark and his men in the terrible march from Kaskaskia through the floods of the Wabash and the suffering for the want of food endured by them was almost beyond endurance; but the ex- citing times attending the battle and the great victory won by them, cured all their ills and they were as happy and cheerful as if they had spent their time in comfortable barracks. Of that march and victory John Randolph who so aptly called Clark "The Hannibal of the West," says -- "The march of the great man, Clark, and his brave companions in arms across the drowned lands of the Wabash, does not shrink from a comparison with the passage of the Thrasymeneus marsh. The mere battle of St. Vincent dwindles in the propor- tions of a mote compared with that of Thrasymeneus but it was the turning point which probably settled the pos- session at the peace of Paris of a territory vastly larger than. that of all Italy, which was the stake between the Carthagin- ians and the Romans. The Carthaginians won the battle but lost the stake. Clark won both. If Hannibal was four days and four nights in the Clusian marsh in summer, the Virginians were five days in the winter torrents of the Wabash. Clark underwent all the hardships of his men, wading the floods, encouraging them to follow-Hannibal waded the marsh on the back of his war elephant."
In speaking of what followed the capture of Post Vin- cennes, Clark continues-"I had yet sent no message to the Indian tribes, wishing to see what effect all this would have on them. The Piankashaws being of the tribe of Tobacco's " Son were always familiar with us. Part of the behavior of this Grandee, as he viewed himself, was diverting enough.
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He had conceived such an inviolable attachment for Captain Helm, that on finding the Captain was a prisoner and not being as yet able to release him he declared himself a prisoner also. He joined his brother as he called him and kept contin- ually condoling their situation as prisoners in great distress, at the same time wanting nothing that was in the power of the garrison to furnish. Lieutenant Governor Hamilton, knowing the influence of Tobacco's Son, was extremely jealous of his behavior and took every pains to gain him by presents. When anything was presented to him his reply would be that it would serve him and his brother to live on. He would not enter into council saying that he was a prisoner and had nothing to say but was in hopes that when the grass grew his brother, the Big Knife, would release him and when he was free he could talk. In short, they could do nothing with him and the moment he heard of our arrival he paraded all the warriors he had in his village joining Post Vincennes and was ready to fall in and attack the fort, but for reasons for- merly mentioned he was desired to desist.
"On the fifteenth of March, 1779, a party of upper Pian- kashaws and some Pottawattamie and Miami chiefs made their appearance, making great protestations of their attach- ment to the Americans, begging that they might be taken in under the cover of our wings, that the roads through the land might be made straight, all the stumbling blocks might be re- moved and that our friends and neighboring nations might also be considered in the same point of view. I well knew from what principle all 'this sprang. As I had Detroit now in my eye, it was my business to take a straight and clear road for my- self to walk in without thinking much of their interest, or anything else but that of opening the road in earnest, by flat- tery, deception or any other means that occurred. I told them that I was glad to see them and was happy to learn that most of the nations on the Wabash and Maumee rivers had proved themselves to be men by adhering to the treaties they had made with the Big Knife last fall, except a few weak minded that had been deluded by the English to come to war. I did not know, I said, exactly who these few were nor much cared but under-
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stood they were a band chiefly composed of almost all the tribes. Such people were to be found among all nations but as the sort of people who had the meanness to sell their coun- try for a shirt, were not worthy of the attention of warriors, we would not say more about them and think on subjects more becoming to us. I told them that I should let the Great Council of America know of their good behavior and that they would be counted as friends of the Big Knife and would always be under their protection and their country secured to them as the Big Knife had land enough and did not want any more, but if ever they broke their faith, the Big Knife would never again trust them, as they never held friendship with people that they found with two hearts. They were wit- nesses of the calamities the British had brought on their countries by their false assertions and their presents which was proof of their weakness. They could see, we told them, that their boasted valor was like to fall to the ground and - they would not come out of the fort the other day to try to save the Indians that they flattered to war and suffered them to be killed in their sight. As the nature of the war had been fully explained them last fall, they might clearly see that the Great Spirit would not suffer it to be otherwise and that it was not only the case on the Wabash but everywhere else. We assured them that the nations who would continue obstinately to believe the English would be driven out of the land and their countries given to those who were more steady friends to the Americans. We further told them that we ex- pected for the future that if any of our people should be going to war through their country they would be protected which should always be the case of their people when among us and that mutual confidence should continue to exist.
"They replied that from what they had seen and heard, they were convinced that the Master of Life had a hand in all things, that their people would rejoice on their return and that they would take pains to diffuse what they had heard through all the nations and made no doubt of the good effect of it. After a long speech in the Indian style calling all the spirits to witness, they concluded by renewing the chain of
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friendship, smoking the sacred pipe and exchanging belts and, I believe, went off really well pleased but not able to fathom the bottom of all they had heard. The greatest part of it was mere political lies. Captain Shelby, afterward, with his own company only, lay for a considerable time in a Wea town in the heart of their country and was treated in the most friendly manner by all the nations that he saw. He was frequently invited by them to join and plunder what was called the King's pasture at Detroit, meaning to steal horses from that settlement. Things now being pretty well ar- ranged, Lieutenant Richard Brashear was appointed to the command of the garrison which consisted of Lieutenants. Baley and Chaplain, with forty picked men; Captain Leonard Helm, commandant of the town, superintendent of the Indian affairs; Moses Henry, Indian agent, and Patrick Kennedy, quartermaster.
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