USA > Kansas > Crawford County > A Twentieth century history and biographical record of Crawford County, Kansas > Part 6
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But while the Press has always been a Republican paper since Dr. Warner left it, it has not always advocated the same doctrine or policy, but, like the candidates in their announcements, it has been "subject to the nominating conventions." In other words, it has advocated the party platform and the party candidates whatever these might be or how-
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ever they might vary from other platforms of the party. Instances of these will be given later.
There has always been in Girard an element which was opposed to the saloon. At first this element strove through temperance organi- zations, such as the I. O. G. Templars, and later the Murphy move- ment, to suppress, or at least to control the saloon, but found that, like the untamed broncho, it would not be controlled by moral suasion, but on the contrary it controlled all other influences both in church and state. Churches were helpless to stem the tide of drunkenness that was sweeping over the country. Even temperance societies were entered by the devotees of rum for the purpose of controlling their action or of rendering them odious in public estimation. It is therefore not to be wondered at that when the prohibitory amendment was offered by the people of the state, the city of Girard gave so large a vote in its favor, the vote being about two to one in favor of the amendment. And it must be remembered that up to this time the two leading parties had been pretty equally balanced, the victory first to one and then to the other, so that the honor of the large vote for the amendment could not redound to either party as such.
As to the two parties, the Democrats were in the ascendant for several years, and when at length the Republicans gained a partial vic- tory in the county there was as much rejoicing and crowing over it as if a national victory had been won over a foreign foe. From this time forward for several years the Republicans succeeded in electing a ma- jority of the county officers; but about the only thing involved in the several contests was, who shall hoid the offices and secure the spoils. and these were several times divided between the parties.
From and after 1873, when Congress reduced silver from a stand- ard to a subsidiary coin, the money question occupied an important
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place in national, state, and county politics. The Patrons of Husbandry had already prepared the minds of the people, in a great measure, for a reform in this respect, and Crawford county, as usual, led in the move- ment. And it is not singular that in this, as well as in all other re- forms coming before the people, it was a general uprising of the com- mon people instead of a few self-appointed leaders. And this was not because the county was destitute of men qualified to lead, but because the people had fully embraced the doctrine enunciated by Lincoln, that "this is a government of the people, by the people, and for the people." And when the people desired standard bearers they found them in their own ranks. True, they did not always make the wisest choice; but, being men of their own choosing, they found no difficulty in turning them down when it was necessary to do so.
In 1876 the Greenback party was organized as a part of the Na- tional Greenback party, and, strange to say, that party that made the greenbacks, and that paid them out to the soldiers in the field when it took about three dollars in that currency to buy one dollar in gold, was now the bitterest enemy that the Greenback party had to contend with. It may be that this party was somewhat chimerical in some of its claims and positions, but, as it appears to the present writer, it would have been more patriotic and rational to correct it where it was wrong and assist it wherein it was right, than to oppose it in toto simply because "it followed not us."
The Greenback party continued to be an important factor in the politics of the county for ten years, although it never was strong enough to elect its candidates, but it exerted an influence in molding the policy of the dominant parties, in the county, as well as in the state and nation.
This was the first organized opposition that the two old parties
5
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had in the county, although there were factions in both of them, partly on local questions, but more on "who shall be greatest." These factions caused many bitter strifes among the members of the two old parties, and helped to augment the membership and power of any new party that might be formed. The money question was a real issue, not only in the county, but throughout the entire country. Capital was very largely confined to the eastern money centers, and it was to their inter- est to make money scarce and costly. But if the Greenback principles prevailed, and all money was issued and controlled by the government instead of by corporations, it would take the power out of the hands of these corporations to contract or to expand the volume of currency at their own will and pleasure, and this was the very thing that Shylock dreaded, and determined to prevent. Hence the whole money power was exerted against this party, and although there were men in all the parties who were opposed to the then prevailing state of things, there were not enough of them to change the policy of the parties. and hence, after a gallant fight of ten years, the party was obliged to succumb and give place to the Union Labor party, which was organized in 1886.
Crawford county bore a conspicuous part in all reform movements. While the Greenback party lasted this county did its full share in its support, and when the transition came it was an easy matter for the reform forces to glide into the new organization, and this was the more readily done on account of the large labor element in the county. The coal mines in the southeastern part of the county, and later, the smelters, brought a large influx of laborers, and these industries neces- sarily gave an impetus to other branches of labor, and although capital increased, and, as everywhere else, strove to control the political situa- tion, there was too much intelligence among the laborers to be entirely brought under the domination of capital, and many of the miners and
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smelterers left the old parties and joined the Union Labor party, and continued with it till it gave place to another, which called for a more sweeping reform than any of its predecessors.
At the time the Union Labor party made its debut there appeared in the Republican party a man who had been tabooed and ostracised by many in his own party, even the Girard Press taking strong ground against him, but who, nevertheless, carried the brains of the party above his own shoulders. B. W. Perkins, of Cherokee county, then judge of the district court, was nominated for Congress in the Third district, of which Crawford county formed a part. And notwithstanding the bitter opposition and even denunciation which he had met in his own party, the Girard Press included. when he ran for district judge, the whole party gave him a hearty, and almost unanimous support for Congress ; and well it might, for he did more to unite and harmonize the party, and thereby lead it to victory, than any man who had preceded him.
In 1888 a new element appeared in the politics of the county ; a new star arose above the horizon. General Percy Daniels, one of the brain- iest men that the state contained, and one who had been honored by the Republican party, he having been a life-long Republican, and who was spoken of in political circles as a candidate for state senator, wrote an open letter to the party, in which he took strong and decided grounds in favor of a graduated tax on large holdings and estates-not on in- comes, as some erroneously represented him-stating at the same time that "no party could command his vote which did not hold the same view." Of course he was not nominated, but a much inferior man was nominated and elected, and the general was left to the peaceable cultivation of his farm. But his work in the cause of political reform did not end here. He continued to write and talk on his favorite theme until he succeeded in having it favorably recognized by a county con-
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vention, and a resolution passed the general assembly recommending it to Congress as a wise measure of Congressional legislation. He also formulated a bill embodying the same measure, and succeeded in keep- ing it before Congress for several sessions, but did not succeed in get- ting it enacted into a law, some of the friends of the measure deciding in their own minds that it would be ruled out by the supreme court as unconstitutional.
This measure, if enacted and carried out as General Daniels con- templated, would not only put a stop to the rapid accumulation of vast fortunes, but would take a part of these accumulations from the present holders and restore it to those who produced it, namely, the laborers, the producers of all wealtlı. But as this is a history, and not an argument, we forbear further comment.
The Prohibitionists concluded that neither of the old parties was likely to do much for the enforcement of the prohibitory law. It had been violated so much that it was fast becoming a by-word and a jest among liquor men, and a disgrace to the state. It had been clearly demonstrated that it could be enforced whenever the proper authorities saw fit to perform their sworn duty: but this was so seldom as to form the exception instead of the rule. This led to formation of the Pro- hibition party, and proved how many were Prohibitionists in fact, or at least it showed that a great many cared more for party success than they did for the enforcement of the law. The Democrats, as a party, never claimed to be prohibitionists, although many of them had helped to secure the prohibitory amendment. On the other hand, the Republi- cans claimed that they "had done all for prohibition that had ever been done," which was practically nothing at all. In all, or nearly all, the large towns in the state, and in many of the small ones, liquor was as free as it was in Missouri. "What has this to do with the political
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history of Crawford county?" Very much; for it is a well established fact that wherever liquor is sold and used it forms an important, if not a controlling, factor in politics. Crawford county was no exception to the rule, and hence the real Prohibitionists deemed it necessary to organize a party; and for several years they maintained their organi- zation intact and exerted a healthful influence on the politics of the county. Especially in 1888 was their influence felt when H. Clay Needham, Levi Belknap and Harry Potter stood in the front rank, and with other worthy coadjutors, made a gallant fight for law against anarchy, and for honesty against hypocrisy. Needham moved to Cal- ifornia, Potter died, and Belknap in disgust went into business in Pitts- burg, the very stronghold of the liquor element, since which time but little has been known or felt of the Prohibition party in the county. although it has not been without friends and supporters.
But the most exciting and perhaps the most important part of the history is yet to be told. The Republican party felt itself so strongly entrenched in power that it well nigh forgot that there was any other power in the county or in the state. In 1888 it carried the state by 80,000 majority-a majority phenomenal in the political history of the country. And Crawford county never lagged in peace or in war, when any great achievement was on the boards; so, of course, it bore its part in rolling up this immense majority. But there was an influ- ence at work which was complacently smiled at by some, ridiculed by others and scarcely thought worthy of naming by a few. This was the Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union. It was a union of several labor organizations which had sprung up in different parts of the country, east and west, north and south, and which embraced men of all political parties and of all classes of laborers. Crawford county does nothing by halves. If right she is right all through, and if wrong
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she is as thoroughly wrong. When the Farmers' Alliance struck the county its principles appeared so just and reasonable to the farmers and laborers of the county that it was but a short time till almost every school district had its sub-alliance. Whatever might have been the purpose of the leaders, it was not the intention of the rank and file to make it a political party; but in their secret meetings they discussed the business situation of the country, the power of capital, the injustice done to labor, and the remedy for these wrongs, until a very large majority of its members became convinced that the only remedy was through political action, and that this action must come through a new party, and the Alliance had become so strong in numbers, intelligence and wealth that they resolved to cut loose from all former parties and "to go into politics" on their own account. True, there was an element in the Alliance that opposed this movement, and most of this element left the Alliance, one man, then president of the County Alliance, going so far as to declare in public print that he would as soon think of leaving his wife as of leaving the Republican party.
At this time the Democratic party had almost ceased to maintain an organization in the county, and in 1892 the editor of the leading Democrat paper in the county went into a People's party convention and asked to be received, with his paper, into the party, stating at the same time that he could see no propriety in running a Democrat paper without a Democrat following. And although more than half the members of the party came from the Republican ranks, it so com- pletely broke up the other party that in Grant township, the stronghold of the party, there were but three votes polled for Cleveland in 1892. Yet all this time the Republican leaders were claiming that it was only an annex of the Democratic party.
The People's party was organized at Farlington in the fall of
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1890, and a ludicrous account of it was written for and published in the Girard Press, the writer comparing the organization to an accouch- ment and the party itself to a feeble infant that would scarcely survive its birth, little foreseeing that when but two years old it would whip its mother, the G. O. P., all over the state, and drive her out of business for several years.
At the election of 1890 the new party succeeded in electing all the county officers of that year, and it was admitted, even by the opponents, that the affairs of the county had never been more honestly or ably administered than they were during the incumbency of W. M. McDonald, clerk of the district court; Albert Finger, probate judge, and T. B. Mosher, county superintendent of schools. This regime lasted four years, these parties all being re-elected in 1892, when the People's party swept the state, and when they elected everything in Crawford county, so that one good-natured Republican facetiously remarked that they had elected one road overseer by a small majority.
So far as electing officers and big majorities were concerned, Craw- ford was the banner county in the state for several years, nor was it behind in men of ability to represent it in the state administration and the legislature ; of these we shall speak later.
In the Omaha convention of 1892 this county was represented by General Daniels, and also in the St. Louis conference ; and if his counsel had prevailed the People's party would be the dominant party in the county and in the state till this day. But he was turned down, and with this turning down the party began to decline, and continued on the down grade till it became a thing of the past. It died a lingering death by its own hand, as I shall now proceed to show by an array of facts that will not be disputed.
It has already been stated in these pages that in 1890 and for
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several years thereafter the Democratic party scarcely maintained an organization. Sometimes they would show spasmodic signs of life, as if operated upon by a galvanic battery, and would then relapse into a state of desuetude. During these years the greater portion of the party voted with the People's party, some of them from principle, but more of them "to down the Republicans," as they themselves acknowl- edged. At the same time there were a few stalwart Democrats who never swerved from their allegiance to party and although they some- times affiliated with the Republicans, and very rarely with the People's party, it was only for the purpose of helping them into office, as in the case of B. S. Gaitskill, who once accepted the nomination for county attorney from the latter and once from the former, and was elected both times by the help which he received from these parties. There are other names that will receive notice in due time, some that performed a conspicuous part in the People's party, and others that never flinched from their party fealty, even when their party seemed to have gone out as completely as the old-fashioned candle in the blast of the north wind.
But the decadence of the People's party in the county and in the state was not from opposition from without, nor yet from the ridicule which was heaped upon it when its opponents had no other argument to offer ; but from mistakes made by the party itself. The first of these was in its nominee for Congress. This gave the party in the county. as well as throughout the district, a severe backset; but it had well-nigh recovered from this and still maintained its supremacy in local politics, when the party in the state made a greater mistake in the railroad assessment, which had been a cause of complaint for several years, it being claimed that other property was taxed at a much higher rate than the railroads. This mistake well-nigh ruined the party in the state, and of course the county had to bear its part
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of the opprobrium, although our representative on the assessment board, Lieutenant-Governor Daniels, did his utmost to secure a just assess- ment, and the next year the Republicans carried the state, but not the county. If the Republicans had improved their opportunity and cor- rected the wrong complained of they might have retained uninterrupted control of the state, and, soon, of the county as well; but that party was too completely under the dominance of the railroads in general and the Santa Fe in particular, so that it could not release itself from its taskmasters, and as a result, at the next gubernatorial election the People's party succeeded, with the help of Democrats, in electing the state ticket, together with a majority of the legislature, and the county officers in Crawford county. Now was their opportunity to do some- thing for the people and to secure an indefinite lease of power; but their efforts, like those of the other parties, degenerated into a scramble for official patronage rather than an attempt to correct existing wrongs or inaugurating new measures for the benefit of the people. True, they enacted some wholesome laws, some of which remain on the statute book, and the party in the county secured the county offices ; but these did not prove as satisfactory as the former set.
Another thing that militated against the continued success and long life of the party was the non-enforcement of the prohibitory liquor law. With but one exception, and he a Republican, no county attorney had made an honest effort to enforce this law, and probate judges had been equally derelict in duty. When the People's party gained the ascendency in the county it was aided in its success by Prohibitionists. many of thiem going into the new party with the assurance that the new officers would try to enforce all laws alike. Instead of this, how- ever, they tried to find excuses for the non-enforcement of this par- ticular law, and it was loudly whispered in some quarters that they
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even profited financially by shutting their eyes to the numerous viola- tions of it. I do not affirm this, but I know that liquor was sold in nearly every town in the county, in some of which no notice was taken of it, and in others monthly fines were collected from the violators of the law and they were permitted to continue their business the same as other business men who were not violators of law.
The defections brought about by these various causes so weakened the party that continued success was extremely doubtful, to say the least of it, and something must be done to build up the waste places caused by these mistakes and follies, not to use any harsher words. It will be remembered that many Democrats had assisted the party and had secured victory for it when it could not have succeeded without such help. It is also true that there was an element in the Democrat party that advocated some of the reform measures that constituted the principal features of the People's party platform. And further- more, although they had once or twice aided the Republicans in defeat- ing the party, they had generally professed friendship for it without ever laying claim to the offices or the emoluments of office. One thing more is worthy of note. The People's party, while denying affiliation with or sympathy for the Democrat party, had actually nursed it back to life when it was afflicted with necrosis and atrophy, apparently beyond the reach of medical aid. All these things served to make it easy to cajole the People's party into a coalition which they termed "fusion," which resulted in the entire overthrow of the People's party, and the substitution of the Democrat party in its place. But all this did not help the Democrats, for the first year of complete "fusion" witnessed the most complete triumph of the Republicans and consequent defeat of the Democrats that had been witnessed since 1888. Men of both the fusing parties tried to explain their defeat, but neither of them,
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so far as known to this writer, gave the right explanation except in part-that was the nefarious election law enacted by the previous Republican legislature. In addition to this I give the following reasons: First, the unreasonableness of fusion itself. If there ever was a reason for a new party separate from those already existing that reason still obtained, as neither of the old parties had shown any dis- position to reform in any practical degree. Therefore, men who had sung with so much enthusiasm "Good-bye, old parties, good-bye," could see no reason for changing their tune and chorus to "Come to my arms, my long lost sweetheart."
Second, a large portion-some said a majority-of the People's party had come from the Republican ranks, and when it now showed but one choice, Republican or Democrat, these almost unanimously chose to go back to their former associates rather than to affiliate with their life-long political opponents.
Third, the numerous mistakes committed by the People's party while it remained intact gave no ground for hope of improvement when tied to and lost in a party that had been, to their minds, a "comedy of errors" for more than half a century, and which had lost by death or conversion most of the able men that it mustered in its ranks in the long ago. The truth is that although the Democrats had aided in bringing about some important reforms, as a party they had done nothing to inspire confidence in the minds of real reformers, and hence those who had come from the Republicans, like Hamlet, thought it was "better to endure the ills we have than to fly to others that we know not of"; and so they returned to the G. O. P., which may mean almost anything we choose, even "go on to perdition."
These were undoubtedly the main reasons for the change in the political complexion of Crawford county in 1902, and which will
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probably continue it in the Republican ranks till a new reform party rises, one which will beget confidence in the people, and one which can adopt some plan to keep out shysters, who are always ready to fly to any new party that promises them a prospect of promotion.
But the political history of the county would be incomplete if we omitted a recent element-one which has put in an appearance within the memory of the youngest voter in the county, about twelve years ago. J. A. Wayland moved his paper, the Appeal to Reason, to Girard. Very few of its subscribers were residents of Crawford county, and many predicted for it a short life and an ignominious deatlı; but they did not know of what stuff Wayland was composed. He had money and brains, the two principal ingredients for making a successful newspaper. Besides, he advocated some principles that appealed to the common sense of the common people, and, as men (and women) suffering from severe bodily ailment will swallow any kind of a nostrum if it is well sugar-coated, so the people could easily be induced to swallow the vagaries of modern socialism when blended with important, and in some cases, self-evident truths. People began to read the paper, mostly from curiosity at first, but soon on account of the many truths and sound principles it contained, the circulation increased with a corresponding increase of influence, till at the present writing, it has the largest circulation of any paper in the state, and its influence is felt in every part of the county. As a consequence of this a very considerable number of citizens went into what was known as the Socialist party and these largely from the People's party, although there were some from all the existing parties in the county ; and some predicted that this is the new party which is to bring about the much needed reforms. As said before, I am here to write history, not to argue principles ; but I will venture to say that socialism must lay aside some of its vagaries before it becomes the dominant party.
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