USA > Louisiana > History of Louisiana, the Spanish domination > Part 39
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THE NEGOTIATION FAIRLY OPENED.
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"Thus, Sir, you see a negotiation is fairly opened, and upon grounds which, I confess, I prefer to all other commercial privileges; and always to some a simple money transaction is infinitely preferable. As to the quantum, I have yet made up no opinion. The field opened to us is infinitely larger than our instructions contemplated; the revenue is increasing, and the land more than adequate to sink the capital, should we even go to the sum proposed by Marbois; nay, I persuade myself, that the whole sum may be raised by the sale of the territory west of the Mississippi, with the right of sovereignty, to some power in Europe, whose vicinity we should not fear. I speak now without reflection, and without having seen Mr. Monroe, as it was midnight when I left the treasury office, and is now near three o'clock. It is so very important that you should be ap- prised that a negotiation is actually opened, even before Mr. Monroe has been presented, in order to calm the tumult which the news of war will renew, that I have lost no time in communicating it. We shall do all we can to cheapen the purchase; but my present sentiment is that we shall buy. Mr. Monroe will be presented to the minister to-morrow, when we shall press for as early an audience as possible from the First Consul. I think it will be necessary to put in some proposition to-mor- row. The Consul goes in a few days to Brussels, and every moment is precious."
On the 17th, Mr. Livingston thus resumed the subject in a despatch to his government: " On waiting," said he, "upon the Minister (Talleyrand), we found M. Marbois there, who told me he had come to communicate to the Minister what had passed between us, and that he · greatly regretted the not being able to bring us to such an offer as he might mention to the First Consul. I told
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THE WAY TO MAKE A BARGAIN.
him that it was unnecessary to repeat what would com- pel us to limit our offers to a much more moderate sum, as I had already detailed them at large; and he knew they exceeded our means, &c.
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"The next day, Mr. Monroe and myself, after spend- ing some time in consultation, determined to offer fifty millions, including our debts. We presumed it would be best only to mention forty in the first instance. This I accordingly did, in a conference I had on the 15th with M. Marbois. He expressed great sorrow that we could not go beyond that sum, because he was sure that it would not be accepted, and that perhaps the whole business might be defeated, which he the more feared, as he had just received a note from the Minister (Talleyrand), indicative of the Consul's not being quite pleased that he had so greatly lowered his original proposition. He said that he saw our situation, and he knew that there was a point beyond which we could not go safely to ourselves or the President; but he wished us to advance to that point. He said that he would, if I wished, go that very day to St. Cloud, and let me know the result, &c., &c.
"The next morning, which was yesterday, I again called to see him. He told me that he had been to St. Cloud; that the Consul received his proposition very coolly; and that I might consider the business as no longer in his hands, since he had given him no further powers, &c., &c. * *
"I dined with the Second Consul yesterday ; and, in the evening, M. Marbois came in. I took him aside, and asked him if anything further had passed. He said no; but that, as he was to go to St. Cloud the next day, it was possible that the Consul might touch upon the
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BARBÉ MARBOIS'S DIPLOMACY.
subject again ; and that, if he did not, I might consider the plan as relinquished; and that, if I had any further proposition to make, it would be well to state it. I then told him that, on further consideration with Mon- roe, we had resolved to go to the greatest possible length, and that we would give fifty millions. He said that he had very little hopes that anything short of his propositions would succeed; but that he would make the best use of the arguments I had furnished him with, if an opportunity was offered; and, if nothing was done the next day, I might conclude that the Consul had changed his sentiments ; that having given the kingdom of Etruria, whose revenues were twenty-five millions, in exchange for this country, it was natural that the first Consul should estimate it beyond its real value."
Now, that we have seen the American side of the ques- tion, let us penetrate into the councils of France, and listen to the recital of these transactions, as told by M. Marbois, in his History of Louisiana. "That province," said he, "was at the mercy of the English, who had a naval armament in the neighboring seas, and good gar- risons in Jamaica and the Windward Islands. It might be supposed that they would open the campaign by this easy conquest. The First Consul had no other plan to pursue, when he abandoned his views respecting Loui- siana, than to prevent the loss which France was already sustaining, being turned to the advantage of England. He, however, conceived that he ought, before parting with it, to inform himself respecting the value of an ac- quisition, which was the fruit of his own negotiations, and the only one that had not been obtained by the sword.
" He wished to have the opinion of two ministers, who had been acquainted with those countries, and to one of whom the administration of the colonies was familiar.
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BONAPARTE AND HIS ADVISERS.
He was in the habit of explaining himself without pre- paration or reserve, to those in whom he had confidence.
" On Easter Sunday, the 10th of April (1803), after having attended to the solemnities and ceremonies of the day, he called those two counsellors to him, and, address- ing them with that vehemence and passion which he particularly manifested in political affairs, said : 'I know the full value of Louisiana, and I have been desirous of repairing the fault of the French negotiator who aban- doned it in 1763. A few lines of a treaty have restored it to me, and I have scarcely recovered it, when I must expect to lose it. But if it escapes from me, it shall one day cost dearer to those who oblige me to strip myself of it, than to those to whom I wish to deliver it. The English have successively taken from France: Canada, Cape Breton, Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, and the richest portions of Asia. They are engaged in exciting troubles in St. Domingo. They shall not have the Mississippi, which they covet. Louisiana is nothing in comparison with their conquests in all parts of the globe, and yet the jealousy they feel at the restoration of this colony to the sovereignty of France, acquaints me with their wish to take possession of it, and it is thus they will begin the war. They have twenty ships of war in the Gulf of Mexico ; they sail over those seas as sovereigns, whilst our affairs in St. Domingo have been growing worse every day, since the death of Leclerc. The conquest of Louisiana would be easy, if they only took the trouble to make a descent there. I have not a moment to lose in putting it out of their reach. I know not whether . they are not already there. It is their usual course, and, if I had been in their place, I would not have waited. I wish, if there is still time, to take away from them any idea that they may have of ever possessing that colony. I think of ceding it to the United States. I can scarcely
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say that I cede it to them, for it is not yet in our pos- session. If, however, I leave the least time to our ene- mies, I shall only transmit an empty title to those repub- licans whose friendship I seek. They only ask of me one town in Louisiana ; but I already consider the colony as entirely lost, and it appears to me, that in the hands of this growing power, it will be more useful to the policy and even to the commerce of France, than if I should attempt to keep it.'
"One of these ministers had served in the auxiliary army sent by France to the United States during their revolution. The other had, for ten years, been in the public employ, either as secretary of the French Lega- tion to the Continental Congress, or as the head of the administration of St. Domingo.
"'We should not hesitate,' said the last Minister (Barbé Marbois) 'to make a sacrifice of that which is about slipping away from us. War with England is inevitable. Shall we be able with inferior naval forces to defend Louisiana against that power ? The United States, justly discontented with our proceedings, do not hold out to us a solitary haven, not even an asylum, in case of reverses. They have just become reconciled with us, it is true, but they have a dispute with the Spanish government, and threaten New Orleans, of which we shall only have a momentary possession. At the time of the discovery of Louisiana, the neighboring provinces were as feeble as herself. They are now powerful, and Louisiana is still in her infancy. The country is scarcely at all inhabited; you have not fifty soldiers there. Where are your means of sending garrisons thither ? Can we restore fortifications that are in ruins, and con- struct a long chain of forts upon a frontier of four hun- dred leagues ? If England lets you undertake these things, it is because they will drain your resources, and
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M. MARBOIS IN CABINET COUNCIL
she will feel a secret joy in seeing you exhaust yourself in efforts of which she alone will derive the profit. You will send out a squadron; but, while it is crossing the ocean, the colony will fall, and the squadron will, in its turn, be in danger. Louisiana is open to the English from the north by the great lakes, and if, to the south, they show themselves at the mouth of the Mississippi, New Orleans will immediately fall into their hands. Of what consequence is it to the inhabitants whom they are subject to, if their country is not to cease to be a colony ? This conquest would be still easier to the Americans ; they can reach the Mississippi by several navigable rivers, and to be masters of the country it will be sufficient for them to enter it. The population and resources of one of these two neighbors every day increase, and the other has maritime means sufficient to take possession of every thing that can advance her commerce. The colony has existed for a century, and, in spite of efforts and sacrifices of every kind, the last account of its population and resources attests its weakness. If it becomes a French colony and acquires increased importance, there will be in its very prosperity a germ of independence, which will not be long in de- veloping itself. The more it flourishes, the less chance shall we have of preserving it. Nothing is more uncer- tain than the future fate of the European colonies in America. The exclusive right which the parent States exercise over these remote settlements becomes every day more and more precarious. The people feel hum- bled at being dependent on a small country in Europe, and will liberate themselves, as soon as they have a consciousness of their own strength.
"The French have attempted to form colonies in several parts of the continent of America. Their efforts have everywhere proved abortive. The English are
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patient and laborious ; they do not fear the sol tude and silence of newly settled countries. The Frenchman, lively and active, requires society ; he is fond of con- versing with neighbors. He willingly enters on the experiment of cultivating the soil, but, at the first disap- pointment, quits the spade or axe for the chase.
"The First Consul, interrupting these observations, asked how it happened that the French, who were inca- pable of succeeding in a continental colony, had always made great progress in the West Indies. Because, re- plied the minister, the slaves perform all the labor. The whites, who would be soon exhausted by the heat of the climate, have, however, the vigor of body and mind necessary to direct their operations .- ' I am again,' said the First Consul, 'undecided as to maintaining or abolish- ing slavery. By whom is the land cultivated in Louisi- ana ?'-' Slavery,' answered the minister, 'has given to Louisiana half her population. An inexcusable impru- dence was committed in suddenly granting to the slaves of St. Domingo a liberty for which they had not been prepared. The blacks and whites have both been the victims of this great fault. But, without inquiring at this day how it would be proper to repair it, let us ac- knowledge that the colonies where slavery is preserved are rather burdensome than useful to France. At the same time, let us beware how we abandon them. They have not the means of governing themselves. The Cre- oles are French; they have been encouraged in that mode of culture, and in that system which now causes their misfortunes. Let us preserve, them from new calamities. It is our duty to provide for their defence, for the administration of justice and for the cares of government. But, for what good purpose would you subject yourself to still greater embarrassments in Loui- siana ? You would there constantly have the colonial
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laws in collision with those at home. Of all the scourges that have afflicted the human race, slavery is the most detestable ; but even humanity requires great precautions in the application of the remedy, and you cannot apply it, if Louisiana should again become French. Govern- ments still half resist emancipation: they tolerate in secret what they ostensibly condemn, and they are themselves embarrassed by their false position. The general sentiment of the world is favorable to emanci- pation ; it is in vain that the colonists and planters wish to arrest a movement which public opinion approves. The occupation of Louisiana-a colony with slaves-will occasion us more expense than it will afford us profit.
"'But there is another kind of slavery of which this colony has lost the habit: it is that of the exclusive system. Do you expect to reestablish it in a country contiguous to one whose commerce enjoys the greatest liberty ? The reign of prohibitory laws is over, when a numerous population has decided to throw off the yoke. Besides, the productions which were so long possessed exclusively by a few commercial people, are ceasing to be privileged articles. The sugar cane and the coffee tree are everywhere cultivated, and at a very small ex- pense. Every people expects to raise on its own account all the provisions adapted to its territory and climate. There are on the globe, between the tropics, lands a thousand times more extensive than our islands, and susceptible of the same kind of culture. Monopoly is rendered impossible when the productions are so multi- plied, and the Louisianians will not permit it to enslave their commerce. Would you subdue resistance by force of arms? The malcontents will find support in the neighborhood, and you will make the United States, with whom reciprocal interests ought to connect us for centuries, enemies of France. Do not expect from the
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Louisianians any attachment for your person. They render homage to your fame and to your exploits ; but the love of nations is reserved for those princes whom they regard as the authors of their happiness; and, whatever may be your solicitude with respect to theirs, it will be for a long time, and perhaps for ever, without effect. These colonists have lost the recollection of France; they are of three or four different nations, and hardly regard Louisiana as their country. Laws which are incessantly varying, chiefs who cannot know those whom they are sent to govern and are not known by them, changes effected according to the unsettled interests of the ruling state or the inexperience of Minis- ters, the continual danger of becoming belligerents in quarrels to which they are really strangers ; such are the causes which have for a hundred years extinguished in their hearts every sentiment of affection for masters who are two thousand leagues distant from them, and who would exchange or convey them away like an article of merchandise. In order that a country should exist and possess citizens, the certainty of stability must be united with the feeling of prosperity. The Louisianians, on hearing that they had again become French, must have said to one another: This change will not last longer than the others. If, Citizen Consul, you, who have, by one of the first acts of your government, made suffi- ciently apparent your intention of giving this country to France, now abandon the idea of keeping it, there is no person that will not admit that you only yield to necessity ; and even our merchants will soon acknowledge that Louisiana free, offers to them more chances of pro- fit than Louisiana subjected to a monopoly. Commercial establishments are at this day preferable to colonies, and even without commercial establishments it is but to let trade take care of itself.'
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" The other Minister (Decrès) was of a total. y oppo- site opinion : 'We are still at peace with England,' said he; "'the colony has just been ceded to us, it depends on the First Consul to preserve it. It would not. be wise in him to abandon, for fear of a doubtful danger, the most important establishment that we can form out of France, and despoil ourselves of it for no other reason than the possibility of a war: it would be as well, if not better, that it should be taken from us by force of arms. If peace is maintained, the cession cannot be justified, and this premature act of ill-founded apprehension would occasion the most lively regrets. To retain it would, on the other hand, be for our commerce and navigation an inestimable resource, and to our maritime provinces the subject of universal joy. The advantages which we have derived from the colonies are still present to every mind. Ten flourishing cities have been created by this trade; and the navigation, opulence, and luxury which embellished Paris are the results of colonial industry. There can be no marine without colonies ; no colonies without a powerful marine. The political system of Europe is only preserved by a skilfully combined resist- ance of many against one. This is as necessary with respect to the sea as to the land, if it is not intended to submit to the tyranny of a universal sovereignty over commerce and the loss of the immense advantages of a free navigation. To this you will not submit; you will not acknowledge by your resignation that England is the sovereign mistress of the seas, that she is there invul- nerable, and that no one can possess colonies except at her good pleasure. It does not become you to fear the Kings of England. If they should seize on Louisiana, as some would have you fear, Hanover would be im- mediately in your hands as a certain pledge of its resto- ration. France, deprived of her navy and her colonies,
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DECRÈS IN THE COUNCIL.
is stripped of half her splendor, and of a great part of her strength. Louisiana can indemnify us for all our losses. There does not exist on the globe a single port, a single city susceptible of becoming as important as New Orleans, and the neighborhood of the American States already makes it one of the most commercial in the world. The Mississippi does not reach there till it has received twenty other rivers, most of which surpass in size the finest rivers of Europe. The country is at last known, the principal explorations have been made, and expenses have not been spared, especially by Spain. Forts exist : some fertile lands suitable to the richest kinds of culture are already fully in use, and others only await the necessary labor. This colony, open to the activity of the French, will soon compensate them for the loss of India.
" ' The climate is the same as that of Hindostan, and the distance is only a quarter as great. The navigation to the Indies, by doubling the Cape of Good Hope, has changed the course of European trade, and ruined Ve- nice and Genoa. What will be its direction, if, at the Isthmus of Panama, a simple canal should be opened to connect the one ocean with the other ? The revolution which navigation will then experience will be still more considerable, and the circumnavigation of the globe will become easier than the long voyages that are now made in going to and returning from India. Louisiana will be on this new route, and it will then be acknowledged that this possession is of inestimable value.
"'A boundless country belongs to us, to which the savages possess only an imaginary right. They overrun vast deserts, with the bow in their hand, in pursuit of wild beasts. But the social state requires that the land should be occupied, and these wandering hunters are not proprietors. The Indian has only a right to his sub-
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sistence, and this we will provide for him at a small expense.
"' All the productions of the West Indies suit Lou- isiana. This variety of products has already introduced large capitals into countries that were so long an unin- habited wilderness. If we must abandon St. Domingo, Louisiana will take its place. Consider likewise the injury which it may do us, if it becomes our rival in those productions of which we have so long had the monopoly. Attempts have been made to introduce there the vine, the olive, and the mulberry tree; and these experiments, which Spain has not been able to prevent, have but too well succeeded. If the colony should become free, Provence and our vineyards must prepare for a fearful competition with a country new and of boundless extent. If, on the other hand, it is subjected to our laws, every kind of culture injurious to our productions will be prohibited.
"' It is even for the advantage of Europe that France should be rich. So long as she shared with England the commerce of America and Asia, the princes and cabinets that consented to be subsidied, profited by their com- petition in their offers. What a difference it will make to them all, if there is to be no more competition, and if England alone is to regulate this traffic of amity among princes ! Alone rich, she alone would give the law.
" 'Finally, France, after her long troubles, requires such a colony for her internal pacification ; it will be for our country what, a century ago, were for England the settlements which the emigrants from the three kingdoms have raised to so high a degree of prosperity ; it will be the asylum of our religious and political dis- senters ; it will cure a part of the maladies which the revolution has caused, and be the supreme conciliator of
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all the parties into which we are divided. You will there find the remedies for which you search with so much solicitude.'
" The First Consul terminated the conference without making his intentions known ; the discussions had been prolonged into the night. The Ministers remained at St. Cloud; and, at day-break, he summoned the one who had advised the cession of Louisiana, and made him read the despatches that had just arrived from London. His ambassador informed him that naval and military preparations of every kind were making with extraor- dinary rapidity.
" 'The English,' said Napoleon, 'ask of me Lampe- dousa, which does not belong to me, and at the same time wish to keep Malta for ten years. This island, where military genius has exhausted all the means of defensive fortification to an extent of which no one without seeing it can form an idea, would be to them another Gibraltar. To leave it to the English would be to give up to them . the commerce of the Levant, and to rob my southern provinces of it. They wish to keep this possession, and have me immediately to evacuate Holland.
" 'Irresolution and deliberation are no longer in season. I renounce Louisiana. It is not only New Orleans that I will cede, it is the whole colony without any reserva- tion. I know the price of what I abandon, and have sufficiently proved the importance that I attach to this province, since my first diplomatic act with Spain had for its object its recovery. I renounce it with the greatest regret. To attempt obstinately to retain it, would be folly. I direct you to negotiate this affair with the en- voys of the United States. Do not even await the arri- val of Mr. Monroe ; have an interview this very day with Mr. Livingston. But I require a great deal of money for this war, and I would not like to commence it with new
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contributions. For a hundred years France and Spain have been incurring expenses for improvements in Loui- siana, for which its trade has never indemnified them. Large sums, which will never be returned to the trea- sury, have been lent to companies and to agriculturists. The price of all these things is justly due to us. If I should regulate my terms according to the value of these vast regions to the United States, the indemnity would have no limits. I will be moderate, in consideration of the necessity in which I am, of making a sale .. But keep this to yourself. I want fifty millions, and for less than that sum I will not treat ; I would rather make a des- perate attempt to keep these fine countries. To-morrow, you shall have full powers.' The new plenipotentiary then made some general observations on the cession of the rights of sovereignty, and upon the abandonment of what the Germans call the souls, as to whether they could be the subject of a contract of sale or exchange. Bonaparte replied : 'You are giving me in all its perfec- tion, the ideology of the law of nature and nations. But I require money to make war on the richest nation of the world. Send your maxims to the London market ; I am sure that they will be greatly admired there, and yet no great attention is paid to them when the question is the occupation of the finest regions of Asia.
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