USA > Louisiana > Louisiana; comprising sketches of counties, towns, events, institutions, and persons, Volume II > Part 28
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There are in New Orleans nearly 100 asylums, infirmaries and convents, of which detailed accounts are given in separate articles.
Until recently there stood in the woodyard at the corner of Bourbon and Orleans streets a great palm tree, a reminder of one
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of the saints of the city, Pere Antoine, a Capuchin monk, who lived in New Orleans the life of an anchorite, beloved by all who knew him. The legend of the palm, which has been celebrated in song. and story, and is romantic in the extreme, is briefly as follows : Père Antoine came to New Orleans from Spain toward the end of the 18th century and was followed by a beautiful and accomplished lady, for whom he purchased a house, of which the woodyard men- tioned was the garden. Here the lady lived until her death. Père Antoine buried her in the garden and the palm tree sprang from her heart.
The street nomenclature of New Orleans is both picturesque and interesting. No settled plan was followed in designating the streets, and no other city in the country offers such a variety of ideas. Besides those already mentioned, the following are suggestive: Names of the celebrated explorers, as Cortez, La Salle and Tonti ; names of the early governors, as Bienville, Kerlerec, Perier, O'Reilly, Carondelet, etc. ; names of Louisiana planters, Montegut, Delord, Clouet, Marigny, etc .: names of the mayors of New Or- leans and other distinguished citizens, Girod, Martin, Delaronde, Poydras, Milne and Soule : memories of France in the names Ney, Lafayette, Murat. Richelieu, France, Bernadotte, Bourbon, Bor- deaux, etc .; the name of Napoleon and the fields of Austerlitz, Jena and Marengo ; sentimental names of women and sturdy, unromantic names of American statesmen, as Washington, Madison, Monroe, Jefferson, Clay, Webster, and Calhoun. Camp street derived its name from a camp of free negroes who came to New Orleans after the San Domingo massacre and were quartered there. Swamp and Tchoupitoulas streets suggest conditions of the early years of the settlement. The nine muses in a row begin at Lee circle. There are Mystery, Madmen, Law, Virtue, Abundance, Agriculture, In- dustry, Pleasure, Harmony, Felicity (named for a woman), and Independence streets.
New Orleans was never a municipal corporation during the period of the French and Spanish domination as that term is understood in English and American public law. Under France, it was gov- erned by the superior council, and under Spain by the cabildo. Both of these administrative bodies had general control of the colony and incidentally managed the affairs of the provincial capital. The supreme court of the state, in one of its earliest decisions, stated that New Orleans was "a city under the royal governments of France and Spain" and "was created a municipality under the ephemeral dominion of the consulate." The French superior coun- cil was originally modeled on the pattern of similar bodies in St. Domingo and Martinique, but underwent several subsequent modifi- cations. In addition to its ordinary administrative functions, it had important judicial powers and was the court of last resort in both civil and criminal matters. (See French Domination).
Gov. O'Reilly displaced the superior council with the Spanish cabildo, an administrative and judicial body common to all Spanish towns. (See Cabildo.)
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The Spanish authorities early provided the city with a special revenue by annual license taxes on taverns, coffee and boarding houses, butchers, billiard tables, etc., and by an impost of $1 on every barrel of brandy imported into the city, while for levee main- tenance, certain anchorage duties were exacted. A most benighted and illiberal policy was pursued by Spain in reference to the com- merce of the city, numerous export and import duties being imposed and vexatious trade restrictions, especially aimed at the American trade, were adopted. The unlawful trade, however, was winked at, and commerce grew in spite of the many attempts at regulation.
During the brief period of 20 days when the French prefect, Laussat, took possession of the province for Napoleon, he pro- claimed a municipal government for New Orleans to take the place of the Spanish cabildo. The government was composed of a mayor, 2 adjuncts, and 10 members of the council. Bore was mayor ; the adjuncts were Destrehan and Sauve; the councillors were Livandais, Cavelier, Villere, Jones, Fortier, Donaldson, Faurie, Allard, Tureaud and Watkins. Derbigny and Labatut were re- spectively secretary and treasurer.
After the acquisition of Louisiana by the United States one of the important acts of the new territorial legislature was to provide the city of New Orleans with a charter of the American type in Feb., 1805. Says the supreme court in the case of Louisiana state bank vs. Orleans navigation company (3d Annual Report, 305). "the act to incorporate the city of New Orleans of the 17th of February of that year, like all the statutes passed at the commence- ment of the American government of Louisiana-to the honor of their authors be it said-is a model of legislative style and exhibits its intendment with a clearness and precision which renders it im- possible to be misunderstood. It provides for the civil government of the city and in general terms confers powers of administration : and in the various special delegations of anthority it contains thereby excludes the idea of any other powers being granted than such as the police and the preservation of good order of the popu-
lation require. .It prescribes the duties of the principal officers and designates specially the objects for which money may be raised by taxation, as well as the objects of taxation. The whole tenor of the act is a delegation of power for purposes of municipal administration, guarded by limitations, and accompanied by such checks as experience had shown to be wise, expedient and even necessary for the interest of those who were to be affected by it."
Under this first chapter the affairs of the city were to be admin- istered by a mayor, recorder, treasurer and certain lesser officials. while the legislative body was a council of 14 aldermen-2 from cachi of the 7 wards of the city. Prior to 1812 the mayor and re- corder were appointed by the governor of the territory : after that period an amendment to the charter made the officers elective. The right to vote was much restricted by requiring that electors should be free white male inhabitants who should have resided in the city for at least 1 year, and "should have been for at least six
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months free-holders possessing and owning a real estate worth at least $500, or renting a household tenement of the yearly value of $100." The amendment of 1812 somewhat widened the voting franchise, by requiring all voters to have paid a state, parish or cor- poration tax, or to have possessed for 6 months real estate of the value of $500 conformably to the tax list. Finally in 1818 an amend- ment extended the right to vote for municipal officers to "all free white male citizens of the United States of the age of twenty-one years who had resided in the city and in the ward for six months next preceding the election, and who had paid a state tax within the year preceding the election." The charter of 1805 vested in the mayor, aldermen and inhabitants all property and rights formerly held by the city of New Orleans under the Spanish domination, or by the ephemeral municipality under the French in 1803, together with those possessed by the city during the following interim.
The city was given a new charter in 1836 which had a life of 16 years. This charter was a new departure in city government and aimed to adjust the divergent views between the Creole population of the old regime and the newer American element now rapidly pouring in. It is worthy of note that the city underwent its most rapid growth in population during the decade 1830-40, when the number of people increased from 29,737 to 102,193. This charter provided for the creation of 3 separate municipalities, each pos- sessed of its own government and of many independent functions, though a mayor and general council were retained who exercised a certain supervisory power. The system invited corruption and extravagance and a load of floating indebtedness was the result. though many excellent public improvements were made during this period. The legislature of 1852 granted the city a new charter which once more consolidated the 3 municipalities and also took in the city of Lafayette north of the old city. The floating debt was funded, and a supplemental act vested the legislative power of the new corporation in two bodies-a board of aldermen and a board of assistant aldermen. The executive power was to be exercised by a mayor, 4 recorders, treasurer, comptroller, surveyor, street commissioner and certain subordinate officers. This charter was amended and reenacted in 1856, when the matters of assessment and taxation were set forth in great detail. As thus modified, the charter endured through the storm and stress of the Civil war period until 1870. . When the Federal forces captured the city in May, 1862, a military mayor assumed control for a time, and other administrative duties were exercised by two of the standing com- mittees of the council-the finance committee and the committee of streets and landings.
In 1870 New Orleans was given a new charter, which, like the charter of 1836, was another radical departure in municipal affairs. It inaugurated what became known as the "administrative system." and bears a striking analogy to the modern commission system of cities like Dubuque, Iowa, and Galveston, Tex. The mayor and 7 officials provided for exercised administrative and executive func-
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tions, each as the head of a separate department and in their col- leetive capacity constituted the city council, empowered to legislate for local purposes. The several branches of the city government administered by these 7 officials or administrators were, "a depart- ment of finance, which was the city treasury; a department of commerce, which had general superintendence of all matters relat- ing to markets, railroads, canals, weights and measures, the fire department and manufactories : a department of assessment, with general superintendence of all matters of taxation and license; a department of improvements, charged with the construction, cleans- ing and repair of streets, sidewalks, wharves, bridges and drains ; a department of police having charge of public order, houses of refuge and correction, and the lighting of the city ; a department of public accounts, which comprised all the duties of an auditor and comptroller ; and a department of waterworks and public build- ings, with supervision of waterworks, schoolhouses, hospitals, and asylums." When sitting as a legislative body once a week the council was a model of efficiency by reason of its small size and the thorough familiarity of its members with the needs of the city. Each member in his double capacity as administrator and legislator was in a position to advocate, explain or defend measures affecting his department on the floor of the council chamber. Prior to their weekly sessions, they would assemble in committee of the whole in the mayor's parlor, and, in the presence of reporters for the press, would discuss with prominent citizens matters of important public interest.
While this system was in many ways admirable, strong opposi- tion to it arose soon after the adoption of the constitution of 1879. The main argument advanced to secure a complete change was that the small size of the council rendered it peculiarly liable to private or corporate control. Generally speaking, however, the legislative work of this period was progressive and public spirited, and the charge of corruption was never convincingly established. Never- theless, the advocates of a change prevailed, and the legislature of 1882 gave the city a radically different form of charter. Under the charter of 1870 the corporation limits had been considerably extended by the inclusion of Jefferson City, subsequently known as the 6th district, and by act of 1874 the city of Carrollton was an- nexed to New Orleans, so that the new charter of 1882 operated over a very extensive area.
This charter vested the legislative power in a single council made up of 30 members, each a resident of the district he repre- sented. The executive powers were vested in a mayor, treasurer. comptroller, commissioner of public works and a commissioner of police and public buildings, all to be elected on a general ticket. The mayor presided over council meetings and possessed the usual veto power. The other executive officers were given the right to seats on the floor of the council when in session and had the priv- ilege of debate, but were not entitled to a vote.
No more serious engineering problems ever confronted a com-
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munity than those arising from the peculiar topography of New Orleans and the adjacent territory. The important matters of sewerage, water supply, public health, paving, levees, and even building operations, have been profoundly affected thereby. The conservatism of many succeeding generations operated to retard any continuous, consistent and well achininistered system in these matters, but in recent years extensive public works and improve- ments have been instituted which bring New Orleans well abreast of the most modern and progressive cities of the world. As is well known a considerable part of the city lies below the level of the Mississippi-in some places as much as 4 feet-and was in danger of overflow from the river in front and from Lake Pontchartrain in the rear. Despite the levees or dykes which were early erected to protect it from the river floods, it was several times inundated, but since 1892, when the Orleans levee board was created by the legislature and a special tax was levied to defray the expenses, the levees have been made sufficiently strong and heavy to assure the city absolute protection against floods. One resulting advan- tage came to the city from the height of the river-the flushing of the gutters in summer, when the waters of the Mississippi were carried by pumps into the city gutters and a cooling and cleansing stream was constantly poured through them in the hot months.
While New Orleans was no longer in danger of river floods, and its commercial future became assured by the building of the famous Eads jetties at the mouth of the river, (See Jetties), other and still more difficult problems remained to be solved. These were the questions of sanitation and drainage, and the provision for an adequate and pure water supply and sewerage system, prob- lems which had remained unsolved for nearly two centuries. New Orleans had long suffered in health and reputation by its failure to provide these improvements, demanded by the necessities of mod- ern city life. But the engineering and financial difficulties long seemed insurmountable. In the matter of drainage the concrete problem presented was to give good drainage to a city built on flat, level land, with almost no fall, and lying below the level of surrounding waters. The matter was rendered more complex be- cause the locality was subject to heavy tropical rains, 8 to 10 inches being sometimes precipitated in 24 hours. These excessive rain- falls gave rise to surface flooding, the alluvial soil beneath the city became supersaturated, because of defective drainage, houses were rendered damp and preventable diseases like pneumonia and mala- rial fever flourished. About 1897 a concerted and determined effort to drain New Orleans properly was inaugurated and engineers throughout the world were invited to offer plans and suggestions. The many previons efforts to drain the city by building canals and constructing conduits had proven failures, because of the character of the soil. A thorough hypsometric survey was made of every foot of ground in the city, and the board of advisory engineers finally evolved a plan which was remarkable for its ingenuity and thor- ougliness. Work on this plan began in 1898, when the city fortu-
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nately had several million dollars available for the improvement, which was estimated to cost $8,000,000. Early in 1900 the central power system, and the giant pumps that drain New Orleans were first placed in operation.
Instead of having one system of drainage and sewerage, New Orleans has been compelled to adopt three. It empties its sewage into the Mississippi, whence it is carried off to sea. The ordinary drainage of the city is carried through immense canals into Bayou Bienvenu, thence into Lake Borgne, whence it empties into the Gulf of Mexico. The rain water, which is free from impurities, is turned into the surface canals and emptied into Lake Pontchartrain on the north. As this lake is an almost landlocked sheet of water, there would be danger of pollution from anything except pure rain water. Thus the sewage goes south to the Mississippi through one set of canals and conduits; the rain water north to Lake Pont- chartrain, and the ordinary drainage, only slightly polluted, east- ward to Bayou Bienvenu and the gulf. On account of the level nature of the land the water does not have a sufficient natural fall, and an artificial fall was provided by the use of immense pumps- the. largest in the world-worked by electricity supplied from a cen- tral power station. Each of the pumping stations is capable of raising the drainage water from 12 to 25 feet, thus supplying the necessary headway.
When it was learned that New Orleans could be adequately drained, a campaign at once ensued to provide the city with other public improvements. Telephone, telegraph and electric wires were ordered underground, and finally it was determined to estab- lish a complete, up-to-date sanitary system, including underground sewerage and water supply. In addition to the engineering fea- · tures involved. the proposition presented another serious difficulty -that of money. The state constitution prohibited the city of New Orleans from increasing its indebtedness, and it was esti- mated that the sewerage and water system would cost from $14,- 000,000 to $20,000,000. Despite these obstacles the movement went forward as the spirit of improvement and enterprise had been aroused among the citizens as never before. The women were especially active in creating public sentiment, and auxiliary sanitary committees of women were organized in every ward. Another active agency was the New Orleans Progressive Union, a large, popular, commercial body composed of the best and most energetic citizens, with a membership of 1,600. Through their efforts a petition signed by 12.000 taxpayers was secured, calling for a special election. At this election a sufficient tax was voted to pro- vide the money needed for waterworks and sewers. At a special session of the legislature called to consider the matter in June, 1900, an act was passed approving the election and the special two mill tax levied. Finally, an amendment to the state constitution was secured, endorsing all that had been done and authorizing the issue of the necessary bonds to provide New Orleans with water- works and a sewerage system. The great work is now practically
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completed and in active operation. Ever since 1833, when the first waterworks company was chartered under the name of the Com- mercial bank, New Orleans has drawn part of her water supply from the Mississippi river. The city purchased the works at the end of 35 years as was provided in the charter, bonds being issued for the amount of the appraisement, and operated the plant from 1869 to 1877, when, public management having proved expensive and unsatisfactory, a private corporation again assumed control in accordance with the Act of March 31, 1877. Though some im- provements then resulted, such as the introduction of a standpipe, with a head of 60 feet, and some extension of the mains, the im- portant matter of filtering the muddy, unattractive waters of the river was never solved. The result was that the people of the city almost universally continued to make use of rain water, stored in cypress tanks or cisterns above ground. This water, when renewed by frequent showers, is clear, white and soft, makes an excellent bath, and filtered through porous stone, is pure and wholesome for drinking. To secure the city's modern water supply, the Mis- sissippi river was tapped about 7 miles above the city limits, and a sufficient volume of water, softened by chemical treatment, is now passing through filtration plants and is distributed through pipes to business blocks and residences as is done in other cities. A supplemental system, minus the filter and chemical appurte- nances, has been installed for the use of the fire department and was placed in operation early in 1909. It provides a water pressure strong enough to throw a stream from a hose pipe to the top of any ordinary building. The city will be more than compensated for the expense by the great saving in insurance premiums, as steps have already been taken by the national board of fire underwriters to revise the rates. Says a recent commentator on modern New Or- leans: "As soon as the water pipes can be laid throughout the city the ancient cisterns will be abolished as a public nuisance and a danger to the public health. The new domestic water supply was turned on March 1 (1909) in the residence portion of the town only. It is still a novelty, and a welcome one in most families, but it is perfectly natural that the old-fashioned people prefer the soft water which falls in frequent showers from the clouds in this climate, and regard the new-fangled hydrant as an evil rather than an advantage. But the board of health has pronounced the doom of the cistern because it is the home and the breeding place of the yellow fever mosquito and has been the cause of propagating and spreading the plague. Thousands of lives have been sacrificed in this city to the cistern system, and it will always be a terrible men- ace to the public health."
Of equal or greater importance to the city has been the construc- tion of the new and complete underground sewerage system, which has been established at a cost of $25,000.000, raised through an issue of municipal bonds. The authorities no longer tolerate the dumping of filth and offal into the open gutters. only to be washed into the nearest depression by the next rain. Spasmodic attempts
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at cleaning up have given way to modern sanitary ideas, which will certainly result in a' vast betterment of the city's health sta- tistics, and taken in conjunction with the other great public im- provements has already made of New Orleans one of the healthiest cities on the continent. Not many years ago New Orleans fairly wallowed in the mud of its undrained areas and the death rate was among the highest of American cities, especially during the sum- mer months. Today, with its new water supply, sewers, compre- hensive drainage system. screened cisterns, new pavements and other practical reforms, its death rate among the white population compares favorably with that of New York, Chicago and other modern cities, running as low as 14 per thousand per annum.
The first connection with the main sewerage pipes was made in Oct., 1906, and the service has now been extended to more than one-half of the business and residence districts, while new connec- tions are being made every day. Each house has its pipe to carry the waste and sewage into the main pipes of the streets, which run to a basin a few miles below the town, whence it is pumped into the river and carried off to sea. The great storm sewers built down the center of certain streets bisecting the city at right angles to the river serve to carry off all the surface drainage, which is pumped from a collection basin into Lake Borgne 15 or 20 miles east of and below the city. The effect of all this on the soil under- lying the city has been most salutary. Where formerly water was found within a foot or two of the surface, the ground is now found to be dry to a depth of some 15 feet or more.
Still another great improvement effected is the drainage and fill- ing up of the vast swamp areas above and below the city. which were formerly impassable morasses and breeding grounds for bil- lions of mosquitoes. The large sums expended in this work were raised by a local syndicate which owned the land, and which will reap a rich profit from its enterprise. Swamp lands which were formerly held at the nominal price of $2.50 an acre, but were not salable at any price, are now held at from $750 to $1,000 an acre and will go higher. One tract of about 8.000 acres along the river below the city is already being converted into truck gardens and is dotted with pretty cottages; another tract of 3.000 acres, adjoin- ing the fashionable residence section in the west end and reaching as far as the shores of Lake Pontchartrain, has been drained and will soon be covered with handsome villas.
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