USA > Massachusetts > History of Massachusetts from 1764, to July 1775; when general Washington took command of the American Army. V. 1 > Part 1
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Gc 974.4 B719hi v.1 1208669
M. LI
GENEALOGY COLLECTION
ALLEN COUNTY PODLIV LIDAD! 3 1833 00083 5923
2
Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2015
https://archive.org/details/historyofmassach1176brad
HISTORY
OF
MASSACHUSETTS,
From 1764, to July, 1775
WHEN GENERAL WASHINGTON TOOK COMMAND OF THE
AMERICAN ARMY.
V.1
BY ALDEN BRADFORD, SECRETARY OF THE COMMONWEALTH.
BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY RICHARDSON AND LORD. ............ J. H. A. FROST, PRINTER. 1822.
DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS, to wit : DISTRICT CLERK'S OFFICE.
BEIT REMEMBERED, that on the twelfth day of August, A. D. 1822, in the forty- seventh year of the Independence of the United States of America, Richardson & Lord, of the said District, have deposited in this office the title of a book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the words following, to wit :
" History of Massachusetts, from 1764, to July, 1775: When General Washington took command of the American army. By Alden Bradford, Secretary of the Commonwealth."
In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, " An Act for the Encouragement of Learning, by securing the Copies of Maps, Charts and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such Copies, during the times therein mentioned :" and also to an Act entitled, " An Act supplementary to an Act, entitled, An Act for the encouragement of Learning, by securing the Copies of Maps, Charts and Books, to the Authors and Pro- prietors of such Copies during the times therein mentioned ; and extending the Benefits thereof to the Arts of Designing, Engraving and Etching Historical and other Prints."
JOHN W. DAVIS, Clerk of the District of Massachusetts.
1208669
TO THE
PEOPLE OF MASSACHUSETTS, This Holume,
EXHIBITING THE PRINCIPLES OF
POLITICAL LIBERTY,
ASSERTED BY THEIR INTELLIGENT AND BRAVE PREDECESSORS, AND TO THE RECOGNITION AND INFLUENCE OF WHICH
THEY ARE INDEBTED, UNDER PROVIDENCE,
FOR THEIR PRESENT MOST FREE AND HAPPY
FORM OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT, IS HUMBLY AND RESPECTFULLY
DEDICATED,
BY THE AUTHOR.
PREFACE.
JUDGE MINOT continued the history of Massachusetts to the close of the year 1764, when the dispute began between Great Britain and the American colonies ; which, after ten years, issued in an appeal to arms, in defence of civil liberty. And the great events of the revolutionary war have been ably and faithfully narrated. But the patriotic and persever- ing efforts of Massachusetts, for several years preceding the commencement of hostilities, have never been fully noticed. A correct statement of their zealous services in the cause of freedom seems necessary, in justice to their precious memory, and from a due regard to the present and future generations. They stated the natural rights of man, and the constitutional privileges of Englishmen, with a clearness and force, which confounded the apologists of arbitrary power, and silenced the unprincipled agents of a corrupt court. A new æra was established in political science. The foundation of civil liberty was, indeed, laid long before, in the principles recognized by Magna Charta, and at the revolution of 1689. But it was rendered immovable by the arguments and reasonings of OTIS, ADAMS and others, in their defence of the rights of the British colonies : And all the political compacts, since framed in America, whether of this Commonwealth in 1780, or of the United States in 1788, are in conformity to the sentiments and maxims then advanced. They contended, that Kings and civil rulers derived all their right to govern, from the consent
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PREFACE.
of the people ; and that these were bound to submit and obey only in so far as the former observed the great principles of justice and equality, and exercised the power delegated to them for the public welfare.
It is proper to recollect, that the American colonies, es- pecially those of New England, were settled by our ancestors, without any expense to the parent country. They were not planted at the cost of England for the purposes of wealth : But by their own labor and toil, with views of a permanent establishment; and on a royal promise of the full exercise of all the powers of native Britons. The British Parliament had no right to give, and no voice in giving them a habitation, or a form of government. Their only obligation was to the crown, for a release of its pretended, but imaginary claim, founded on early discovery. And in this contract, there was a guarantee of all the liberties of British subjects. Allegiance to the King, therefore, was readily and uniformy acknowledg- ed : But the controling power of Parliament, never. On several occasions, in the more early days of the colony, the General Court insisted on their sole right to levy monies on the people, and to legislate for them ; subject only to the control or supervision of their Sovereign. What degree of power was to be exercised by the Colonial Assemblies, and what the right of Parliament to legislate for the American subjects, were the important and critical questions agitated, with great warmth, during the period of our history embraced by this volume. The British ministry, and their servile agents in Massachusetts, contended for the absolute supremacy of Parliament, which rendered all the authority claimed by the American Assemblies entirely null and void : While the pa- triotic civilians of this province insisted, that, according to the constitution of England, and express provisions of their charter, they had the full power of legislation within the plantation : And, " being erected into a distinct Common- wealth, might assume the same rights with the State, from which it had descended."
It is important to remark, that the first settlers of Massa- chusetts were decidedly religious characters ; and that their
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PREFACE.
chief object in emigrating from England, was the enjoyment of the ordinances of the gospel in their purity, and the ex- tension of Christian knowledge among the heathen in Ame- rica. They, likewise, early discovered almost an equal love of civil liberty. These sentiments, we believe, are usually cherished in the same breast. The one naturally produces and strengthens the other. Besides, our ancestors, before they came to this country, had suffered as much from the arbitrary conduct of their Kings, as of the Bishops ; and were induced to examine, as well into " the divine right of Princes," as the ghostly power of lordly prelates : And the effect was to give them an ardent attachment both to religious and political freedom.
I have only to observe, that it has been my aim to be cor- rect rather than elegant; and faithful rather than amusing. Nothing has been advanced upon conjecture; and nothing asserted without examination, and on proper authority.
From the proceedings of Massachusetts, related in the fol- lowing pages, and from a volume of "State Papers," which I collated and gave to the public four years ago, it will be perceived, how important were her wise counsels, and her resolute exertions in support of the liberties of America, at a time when they were openly and systematically assailed by the ministers and agents of a powerful nation. And if my humble efforts have contributed, in any degree, to preserve a recollection of events, honorable to this ancient Common- wealth, I shall consider myself as having discharged a duty which I owed to society and to the State.
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.
Peace of 1763-State of the Province-Heavy debt-Attachment to Great Britain-Pursuits of the People-Policy of the British Ministry -Plan to raise a revenue from the Colonies-Conduct of Ministers Indecisive-Minot's History.
EARLY in the year 1763, a definitive treaty of peace was concluded between England and France. For eight years previously to this period, the two nations had been almost continually at war; in which their colonies in North America were deeply en- gaged. Each of these powers had extensive posses- sions on this western continent; and were desirous of enlarging their respective territories. Their set- tlements in America served to increase their com- merce, and afforded markets for their surplus pro- duce and manufactures. The western shores of the Atlantic, and its numerous rivers and harbors, were also highly beneficial to the parent country, as places for their naval armaments, at that time employed, either to be repaired, or to obtain supplies.
The English armies, in this contest, received large recruits from the colonies : but from none, so many as from Massachusetts. For almost the whole period of the war, this Province had 2000 troops ; and some campaigns, a much greater number ;* acting in con- cert with the British, and under the direction of their commanders.
* In one, they raised 7000.
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The interests of Great Britain and her colonies were closely connected, in the objects of this long and expensive war. The prosperity of both was alike involved in the issue. The local situation of Massachusetts, and the pursuits of many of her citi- zens, rendered her particularly desirous of a success- ful termination of the contest. And her population and resources, compared with the other colonies, were great and respectable. But from a wish to support the honor of the British government, as well as from a natural anxiety to secure her own territory, this province was prompt in its exertions to check and humble the power of France. It had always gloried in making a part of the British empire; and the people were desirous of being identified with those of that great and free nation, in her rights and interests, her manners and laws. If there had, some- times, been collisions between the royal governors and the legislative assembly of the province, yet they had always acknowledged allegiance to the king, and readily complied with his requisitions. At the time, of which we speak, and immediately preceding the dispute, which led to the revolution and to Indepen- dence, there was a general satisfaction in their colo- nial condition. And several years afterward, when the controversy assumed a more serious character, and great discontent prevailed, respecting the mea- sures of the British government, the patriots of Massachusetts declared, that they only wished to be restored to their former rights and privileges. As proximate or remote causes of the revolution, we must look to other influences than those of ambition or discontent. It must be traced to a departure, in the policy of Great Britain towards America, from that formerly pursued, and to a violation of those rights, to which the colonies were entitled by their charters, and the great principles of the English constitution.
A great national debt was incurred by this pro- tracted war. In England, it was increased seventy-
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three millions. The colonial governments were re- sponsible to their respective troops; and Massachu- setts, having raised and kept in the field'such large forces, was oppressed with a heavy debt, due to those who made a part of the united armies. The admin- istration in England was so well satisfied of the value of the services rendered by the colonies, and of their inability to discharge the debt occasioned by the war, that, notwithstanding the accumulated amount of their own, in 1761 they ordered a liberal reimbursement to Massachusetts and to some of the other colonies, for the expenses which had then arisen, in the aid afforded to the British government.
Peace being now restored between Great Britain and France, the inhabitants of the colonies were left at leisure to avail themselves of their national re- sources ; which, by industry and enterprise, promised to add greatly to their prosperity and importance. And no people were more distinguished for these qualities than the citizens of Massachusetts. They were a brave and hardy race of men; regardless of difficulties, and habituated to labor and fatigue. They cultivated their rugged soil with success; and estab- lished many useful manufactories, though their im- ports were still great and various. With many, commerce and the fisheries were the chief objects of pursuit. Like their adventurous ancestors, and like their brethren of Great Britain, they engaged in commercial enterprises to various parts of the world ; particularly to the West Indies, and to ports in the south of Europe and within the Mediterranean. A great portion of the population on the sea coast was employed in the cod fishery, which proved a source of extensive trade and wealth. Fish was an article of exportation, which enterprising men turned to good account. Spars and lumber were also exported from the province, and afforded a very profitable trade.
A new administration in England perceived the growing prosperity of Massachusetts, and of the colo-
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nies in general. The existing debt of the nation, as before observed, was very great; and new expedi- ents were to be attempted, to increase the public revenue. Individuals in the province represented its resources to be very great ; and stated that the peo- ple were fully able to contribute to the treasury of the parent country ; when, in truth, the taxes neces- sary to pay the debt and support the government of the province were a heavy burden on the people. It is uncertain, whether this statement was made, on an inquiry from the British ministry ; or, otherwise, for the selfish purpose of augmenting their own stipends, as public officers of the crown. It was the misfor- tune of Massachusetts, from its first settlement, to have some of its citizens and of those residing in it as agents of the British government, who were more attached to the parent state, or to their own personal aggrandizement, than to the prosperity and freedom of this ancient and truly loyal province.
Another argument for taxing America, and raising a revenue to be placed in the British treasury, or to be at the disposal of ministers in England, was fur- nished by the pretence, that the war, just then ter- minated, had been declared and continued chiefly for the purpose of protecting the colonies. But this was far from being a correct view of the subject. The
war would never have been waged merely to protect these distant colonies. It was the object of England to distress and humble France, her powerful and natural rival. She had her own glory in view. The people of Massachusetts had always protected them- selves from the inroads of the savages, and the pirat- ical attacks of French and Spanish adventurers, with- out soliciting aid from England. This was a great national contest : and to charge the expenses of it on the colonies, was most unjust. It may well be doubted, whether the minister who urged this argu- ment as a justification of the new revenue system, was himself convinced of its validity and justice.
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This plan of the ministry, however, was approved and adopted by Parliament; and several acts were soon passed-not, indeed, without much opposition, as to their injustice and impolicy, from several dis- tinguished statesmen in England-subjecting the in- habitants of the colonies to heavy taxes, in the form of imposts, and duties on merchandize. These acts occasioned great discontent among the people of Massachusetts,* and excited a spirit of inquiry as to their charter rights, which they had long enjoyed and exercised ; and a consequent resolution, adopted, not without much consideration, to support their civil liberties, as freemen and as British subjects, to the last extremity, and at the hazard of life itself. The commencement of this dispute in 1764, and the incipient measures of the British administration, founded on their claims to make laws and levy taxes on the people in America, without the consent of the colonial legislatures, are briefly noticed by MINOT, whose history of the province is brought down to this period. But the controversy was continued, with very little abatement, and with great ability and zeal, until the war of the revolution, in 1775. He has stated the concern and alarm which were occa- sioned by passing the sugar act, early in 1764, by which a high duty was levied on that article imported into the colonies, and provision made for the strict execution of the law; and by the proposition for a stamp act, by which a large amount was to be raised for the British treasury, from all classes of people ; as all would need the papers and documents liable to this duty. These measures were extremely unpopu- lar : They were openly and explicitly reprobated ; the stamps were every where refused ;t and the ofli-
* A spirit of dissatisfaction and alarm prevailed also in most of the colonies at this time.
t A ream of bail bonds stamped was £100; of common printed ones before, £15. A ream of stamped policies of insurance was £190, com- mon ones, without sta .ps, £20.
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cers, who were to distribute them, were grossly in- sulted. These overt acts of opposition were, indeed, condemned by the more intelligent part of the citi- zens. Yet the most sober and reflecting even, who were friends to civil liberty, hesitated not to denounce the revenue laws as oppressive and unjust, as well as impolitic. Such was the opinion of the citizens of Boston, solemnly and deliberately adopted in May, 1764 ; and of the legislature in June and November of the same year.
There was, however, about this period, early in 1765, some evidence of hesitation in the conduct of the British administration, either from a doubt of the justice or present expediency of the proposed system of taxation, from the respectable opposition in Eng- land to the plan, or because of the irritation produced in Massachusetts, by some attempts to enforce it. The ministers proposed, that the colonies, by their own legislative authority, should raise the sums re- quired. But as this proposal involved an uncertainty, whether the sums needed, would be raised, it was abandoned as inefficacious. It would, in effect, be no more than a recommendation to the colonies. And though they had usually complied with the requisitions of the crown, to raise money and men, for the service of the kingdom, they had, on some occasions, declined it; thus exercising a right to judge of the necessity of the requisition, and of their ability to fulfil it. With a view to obviate the ob- jection against being taxed by the British Parliament, it was also suggested by ministers, that the colonies might be represented in that body. But the people of Massachusetts believed that a real and just re- presentation of the feelings and interests of the colonies would be impracticable. Nor is it probable that the ministry supposed such a measure could be easily effected.
It was soon evident, however, from the conduct of the British administration, that the plan of taxing
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the colonies by Parliament was not relinquished, and would not long be delayed. The stamp act, which was passed in 1765, was indeed repealed early in the following year, in consequence of the great oppo- sition to it in Massachusetts and some of the other colonies, and of a conviction in ministers that it would not prove a productive source of revenue. But a solemn and express declaration was made by Parliament, " that they had a right to tax the colo- nies, and to legislate for them in all cases whatever." And thus the discontent, which had been otherwise removed by the repeal, was increased by this alarm- ing assumption of power. Nothing could be more contrary to the views and feelings of intelligent Americans, who had a just value for civil liberty. Nothing could be more repugnant, in the estimation of the patriots of that period, to the powers granted to Massachusetts by her charter, and always exercised from the first settlement of the country.
To give a just view of the controversy between Great Britain and the colonies, which involved the liberties of America, and eventually produced na- tional indepedence, it will be necessary to state more particularly the proceedings of the people and of the legislature of Massachusetts, in 1764, and the early part of 1765. Although MINOT has brought down the history of the province to this date, he has not stated the arguments advanced by the able patriots of that period so fully as may be necessary ; especially, as the dispute then assumed a more serious character, and the political doctrines and principles then as- serted laid the foundation of the revolution, which took place in 1775. Had his life been continued, he would, no doubt, have given a more complete view of the controversy at this early period. At this date, his invaluable history of Massachusetts was discon- tinued by his sudden death, and left unfinished.
CHAPTER II.
Proceedings of Boston-Instructions to their Representatives-Otis' Rights of the Colonies-Supremacy of Parliament-Some of the Coun- cil under influence of governor Bernard-General Court write their agent in England-Services of Massachusetts in former wars-Char- acter of Bernard, Hutchinson, Otis, Bowdoin, Hawley and Dexter- Correspondence with other colonies-People intelligent-Clergy learned and patriotic-Governor proposes increase of military force, which the House declined-Plan for stationing British troops in the colonies-Meeting of Court in November-Petition to Parliament- House more explicit than council-Committee to write other colo- nies-Council and House unite in petitions-Population, trade and fishery, &c.
AS the first opposition or denial, which was for- mally and deliberately expressed, of the novel claims of the British Parliament to the entire control and government of the colonies, and to an authority to impose taxes on and legislate for them in all cases, without their voice or consent, were the proceedings of Boston, at a town meeting for the election of rep- resentatives in May 1764, it will be proper here to refer to the opinions and arguments advanced on this occasion. It was the first public measure, adopted by a portion of citizens, intelligent, loyal and patri- otic, legally assembled, in a series of efforts, for which Massachusetts was distinguished, and which served to shew to America and to the world, that the claims of the colonies were reasonable and just. The revo-" lution, effected eleven years after, was the conse- quence of resolutely maintaining the important polit- ical principles expressly asserted at this meeting.
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It is true, indeed, that the colonial legislatures had always claimed the right of self-government, to a certain extent .* On various occasions, the General Assembly of Massachusetts had asserted and exercis- ed such authority. But, in the early days of their settlement, the people were unable to support their claims. And, in later times, the British Parliament had not attempted to interfere with their internal concerns, and had not so fully assumed the right to legislate for them. No occasion, therefore, had oc- curred, which demanded such an explicit avowal of colonial rights and privileges. There had been no formal and direct discussion of the separate power of Parliament and of the colonies, where it had inter- fered. The commands of the king were readily obeyed ; nor was his right to suspend or annul any law of the province, according to a provision in the charter, ever disputed. The supremacy of Parlia- ment even, in the last resort, seems to have been acknowledged. And yet the government of Massa- chusetts exercised such a measure of authority, as shewed they did not consider themselves subject to the statutes of the British legislature, or to the direc-
* The several charters of the New-England colonies, which were a grant from. the king, of the territory, claimed by him on account of prior discovery, contained clauses giving legislative powers to the as- semblies of the people by their representatives : and the practice, under these charters, for a long time, was a perfect exercise of legislative authority in each colony. The doings of Commissioners sent over by Charles II. in 1664, to settle disputes between individuals and the colo- nies, were not acknowledged in Massachusetts. To the arbitrary gov- ernment of Andros, when all power was taken from the people, as was attempted in 1774, they were obliged to submit for a short period. But they never ceased to protest against his authority as a usurpation. On receiving the new charter in 1662, the General Court adopted and pub- lished certain resolutions, in which they claimed the sole and exclusive right to levy taxes, rates, aids, &c. In 1728, Governor Burnet insisted, that the General Court should grant him a fixed and permanent salary ; and shewed the instructions of his royal master to that effect. But the House of Representatives refused ; and asserted that they were the sole judges in voting the money of the people for public purposes ; and that they should grant such sums, and in such manner as they should con- sider just and reasonable.
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tions of ministers, without a concurrent act by the General Assembly of the province .*
The inhabitants of Boston, who this year, elected four of their distinguished citizenst to represent them in the popular branch of the legislature, ad- dressed them as follows. "By this choice, we, the freeholders of the town, have delegated to you the power of acting in our public concerns, in general, as your prudence shall direct you ; reserving to our- selves the constitutional right of expressing our minds, and giving you such instructions upon particular sub- jects, as at any time we may judge proper. And we take this opportunity to declare our expectations from you-That you will constantly use your power and influence to maintain the invaluable rights and privileges of the province; as well those rights which are derived to us from the royal charter, as those, which, being prior to and independent of it, we hold, essentially, as free born subjects of Great Britain-That you endeavour, as far as possible, to preserve that independence in the House of Repre- sentatives, which characterizes a free people ; and the want of which may, in a great measure, prevent the happy effects of a free government : that you use your endeavours to have a law passed, whereby the seats of such persons as accept posts of profit from the crown, or the governor, while members of the House, shall be vacated, agreeably to an act of the British Parliament : That you provide for the hon- ourable maintenance of the judges of the land, so long as they shall devote themselves wholly to the duties of their officet-That, as the province lies under a grivous burden of debt, on account of the late war, you consent to no expense, but what is absolutely
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