USA > Massachusetts > History of Massachusetts from 1764, to July 1775; when general Washington took command of the American Army. V. 1 > Part 30
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* The New Hampshire troops did not arrive till a later hour.
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such manner, as was deemed most proper and formi- dable, the British marched up the hill, with a view to storm the entrenchment, where PRESCOTT and the Massachusetts forces were chiefly concentrated ; and also with the apparent design of forcing the Connecticut troops on the left to retire, and thus to attack the redoubt in the rear. They proceeded with great eagerness and precipitancy near to the provincials, and kept up a constant fire, but without much effect ; while these reserved their fire, by order of their brave and judicious commander, until the enemy approached within a short distance of the entrenchment; and then suddenly poured such a volley of small arms into the ranks of the British troops, that they were thrown into great disorder, and retreated with precipitation. They were, how- ever, soon rallied by their officers, and returned to the assault ; but were again obliged to retreat from before the destructive fire of the Americans. Mean- while, additional troops arrived from Boston, consist- ing partly of artillery, and accompanied by another general officer of the British army. Joined with general HOWE, he immediately ordered another at- tack ; and they animated their men by their own personal bravery and activity. But few recruits had arrived in aid of the provincials :* They were exhausted by long fatigue, and their ammunition was expended. Overpowered by numbers, and destitute of all means of annoyance, or defence, these brave and resolute men were obliged to retreat ; not, how- ever, until they had displayed the most undaunted courage, and given full proof, that the militia of Massachusetts could vie with the disciplined troops
These were some companies belonging to New Hampshire, which marched from Medford late in the afternoon, and bravely forced their way over the neck, notwithstanding the galling fire from the British vessels. A corps of artillery was also ordered to support the American troops at Charlestown heights. They passed the peninsula ; but the cannon were unfit for service ; it was also late when they arrived ; and no important aid was afforded by them.
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of Britain, and were prepared to risk every thing in defence of their liberties.
Although victory eventually attended the British arms, in this early contest, it was dearly purchased. Their loss, of killed and wounded, was estimated at one thousand and fifty-four ; about ninety of whom were commissioned officers. But of the provincials, the killed and mortally wounded, did not exceed four hundred and twenty .* General JOSEPH WAR- REN was among the slain. He was, a few days before, appointed a Major General, but had not received his commission, and had no particular com- mand on this occasion. Nor had he resigned his place, as President of the Provincial Congress. But such was the ardor of his feelings, and the intense- ness of his patriotism, that he hastened to the field of battle, early after receiving intelligence of the attack by the British, to witness the destructive scene, and to encourage his fellow citizens in their perilous situation, when so much depended on the result of the contest. His death was deeply lament- ed : For he was considered one of the most decided and resolute characters in the whole province.
Major MOORE of Massachusetts, and major M'CLEARY of New Hampshire, were also among the slain : And colonel GARDINER and lieut. colonel PARKER died a few days after, of the wounds re- ceived on this occasion. Colonel ISRAEL PUTNAM of Connecticut, afterwards a Major General in the continental army, was on the field of action, towards the close of the engagement; but had no specific command in the action. For the whole expedition was one of sudden undertaking: And the only regu- lar and distinct designation was that of colonel PRES- COTT, who had command of the troops, which took possession of the ground on the evening of the 16th. His activity and courage would have done honor to
* One hundred and fifteen were killed ; three hundred and five wounded ; and about thirty were taken prisoners.
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the most celebrated veteran in the British army. PUTNAM was with the last of the provincials, who left the heights ; and was very attentive and judicious in conducting the retreat. Within four hours from the time the British landed on Charlestown side and began the attack, they were in full possession of the redoubt and the adjacent heights. The hor- rors of this bloody scene were increased by the con- flagration of Charlestown ; which then contained nearly five hundred dwelling houses, besides other buildings ; and was believed to be purposely fired by the British, to add to the panic which their famed prowess had excited in the breasts of a por- tion of the people. But the effect was rather to excite indignation, than to inspire fear.
The American forces retired to Cambridge and to Winter hill, situated in the north-west part of Charlestown; and by direction of general WARD, entrenchments were begun for their security. Late in the afternoon, the British began a heavy cannon- ade from their fortifications at Boston neck, on the provincial camp in Roxbury, and continued it, with very little interruption, for twenty-four hours; but without effecting any material injury.
The affair of the 17th of June, at Bunker's hill, served still more to convince the British of the courage and strength of the American soldiers. It was impossible they could any longer undervaluc their spirit and resolution. It was only on the want of military stores in the country, that they could calculate for success in any future expedition. Had they immediately marched out from the capital, with all their forces and their heavy artillery, they might have obliged the Americans to retire to a distance ; have destroyed or taken much of their scanty military stores, and done great injury to the inhabitants. And yet the reverse of all this might have been the al- ternative ; of which they were, propably, apprehen- sive. They already had many wounded troops to
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be taken care of; and they had reason to believe, that the provincials were numerous and desperate, although not well equipt. And another battle, like that at Charlestown, even if they were victorious, would leave them but a feeble army unprepared to sustain an attack from the militia, who, after a few days, would be double or treble their present number.
On the day of the battle at Charlestown, the Con- gress of Massachusetts appointed a large committee to procure provisions; and to collect fire arms, to the amount, if possible, of 10,000. And the follow- ing day, orders were issued by the Committee of Safety, to the commanding officers of the militia, within twenty miles, to march immediately to Cam- bridge. Col. JAMES WARREN Was chosen President of Congress, on the 19th, when it was ascertained that general JOSEPH WARREN had been killed at Charlestown. On the 20th, colonel HEATH was ap- pointed a major general in the Massachusetts army ; and a few days after, colonel GRIDLEY was appointed chief engineer, with the rank of major general.
The Congress of Massachusetts immediately ad- dressed letters to Connecticut, Rhode Island and New Hampshire, soliciting, in the most urgent man- ner, new levies of troops to be sent to Cambridge with all possible dispatch. They stated, that the British troops, then in Boston, amounted to upwards of ten thousand; and that recruits were daily ex- pected from England : And that it was very pro- bable a formidable attack would be made on the lines of the provincial camp, which, if successful, must carry distress to distant parts of the country, and perhaps occasion a disaster which would be irretrievable on the part of the colonies. Their troops, they said, were not all well armed ; and they conceived, that an additional force was absolutely necessary to prevent the British from penetrating into the very heart of the province. They made application to the Continental Congress, at the same
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time, and requested that a General in Chief might be appointed to command the whole American forces, who should be directed to repair to - Cambridge. They had some time before, and soon after the affair at Lexington and Concord, suggested the propriety of such a measure.
On the 15th of June, the General Congress, being in session at Philadelphia, it was resolved to appoint a commander in Chief of the American army; and colonel GEORGE WASHINGTON of Virginia, was, thereupon, elected, by a unanimous vote. On the 17th, ARTEMAS WARD and CHARLES LEE were chosen Major Generals ; and HORATIO GATES, Ad- jutant General. The next day, it was voted to have two additional Major Generals, when PHILIP SCHUYLER and ISRAEL PUTNAM were appointed ; the latter, unanimously, as stated in the Journal of Congress. Eight Brigadier Generals were also elect- ed, at this time, by the General Congress; three of whom belonged to Massachusetts ; SETH POMROY, JOHN THOMAS and WILLIAM HEATH.
When general WASHINGTON was on his journey to the camp in Cambridge, to take command of the American forces collected there, the Provincial Con- gress of Massachusetts appointed a committee to meet him at Springfield, the southern limits of the province : And on his arrival, the second of July, they presented an address to him, expressing their entire confidence in his ability and patriotism, and declaring their readiness to afford him all possible aid, in his efforts to defend the country against the hostile purposes of the British troops. The reply was characteristic of that extraordinary man; and indicated all that intelligence, prudence and firmness, for which his whole public life was so remarkable .*
No attack was made by the British in Boston, after this, on the American lines, and no attempt to invade any other parts of the province. Though * See Note, No. VI. in the Appendix.
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they had a large military force, with several officers of high rank, famed alike for experience and bravery, they did not see fit to make an assault on the colonial troops. These had now become organized ; and although deficient, in a great measure, in military articles, they were known to possess resolution and courage, which would make amends for any such defects.
The Congress of Massachusetts remained in session until the 19th of July, when the Representatives assembled, who had been chosen to form a House of Assembly, agreeably to the advice of the Continental Congress, and in conformity to the provisions of their charter. The most of those who had been members of the Provincial Congress, were returned for Re- presentatives ; and the whole number elected by the people was two hundred and six. They proceeded immediately to the election of Counsellors, who were to act as one branch of the Legislature, and also to exercise the powers of the executive part of the government. And the following citizens, distin- guished for their wisdom and patriotism, were then chosen : J. BOWDOIN, J. HANCOCK, B. GREENLEAF, J. GERRISH, M. FARLEY, J. FOSTER, J. PALMER, J. FISHER, J. PITTS, C. CUSHING, J. WINTHROP, J. ADAMS, J. PRESCOTT, T. CUSHING, B. LINCOLN, A. ORNE, S. ADAMS, W. SEVER, E. TAYLOR, W. SPOONER, J. OTIS, R. T. PAINE, B. CHADBOURN, E. FREEMAN, C. CHAUNCY, J. TAYLOR, M. GILL, and S. HOLTEN.
The House of Representatives afterwards resolved, that, " as the charter provided the Council, or the major part of them, in the absence of the Governor and Deputy Governor, should have and exercise all the authority, which the Governor or Deputy Gov- ernor could lawfully exercise ; and as the late Gov- ernor and Deputy Governor had absented themselves, and refused to govern the province according to the charter, until the said Governor or Deputy Governor
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should return to his or their duty, or some Governor be appointed to govern the province according to the charter, they would consider the Constitutional Council, or the major part of them, as the Supreme Executive, and would acquiesce in whatever they should constitutionally do in that capacity."
Civil government now assumed a more settled and regular form in the province; and the patriotism and moral principles of the people induced them to render prompt obedience to the requisitions of the General Assembly. It was not until several months after this time, however, that the Judicial Courts were organized, and proceeded to the ordinary busi- ness of that department of government.
The provincial troops, with others collected at Cambridge and the vicinity, were formed into a regular, continental army, under the military Chief, whose virtues were as estimable as they were splen- did. The greatest exertions were made in the com- mon cause of freedom, and for the common defence of the country : And although the sacrifices and pri- vations occasioned by the struggle, were peculiarly distressing, the inhabitants did not shrink from the perilous enterprise. And through their wonderful constancy and bravery, civil and political blessings were secured, which it is ardently hoped, will be duly appreciated, and transmitted to the latest pos- terity.
APPENDIX.
No. I .- Page"75.
THE paper intended to be here inserted, (but which has been mislaid,) was written by a distinguished member of the House of Representatives, to one of the Governor's political friends on the supremacy of Parliament. The occasion was the unexpected prorogation of the Assembly by governor BERNARD, before they had time to reply to a labored message from him on that subject. The writer was supposed to be Mr. S. DEXTER. He took the ground which Mr. Oris had previously done, in his " Rights of the Colonies ;" admitting the supremacy of the British Legislature, and granting its authority to be superior to all other in the kingdom; but insisting that this power was not unlimited, since absolute supremacy belonged only to that Being, who was perfect in wisdom, justice, and goodness, as well as power; that there were certain rights belonging, naturally, to men, either as individuals, or as members of society, with which no govern- ment could justly and rightfully interfere : That in society even, some rights and some power remained, to be exercised by the individual citizens, or by any portion of them, for their own particular and immediate advantage; and which they might grant to their rulers, or not, as they might see fit. None but men of arbitrary principles, he said, would
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contend for a right in Parliament to do every thing and re- quire every thing of the subjects, without regard to justice, equity and the general welfare. In speaking of the natural and unalienable rights of man, he was more full and explicit in asserting, that the people were the source of all legiti- mate power, from whom it ought to emanate, and for whose sole good it was to be exercised. The supreme authority of the British Parliament, he contended, therefore, was to be limited by constitutional principles ; and that, when it was not exerted agreeably thereto, it became unreasonable and arbitrary, and was an usurpation. The contrary doctrine, he argued, would justify the most tyrannical and oppressive laws, and the subjects could have no remedy or preventive against absolute slavery. Adverting to the great political maxims recognized in Magna Charta, and more fully ac- knowledged in the revolution of 1688, and which had also been received as incontrovertible in Massachusetts, from its first settlement, he urged, with earnestness and force, the essential principle of a representative government ; that power resided, originally, in the people ; that both the legislative and executive departments were, therefore, con- trolabie by the will of the citizens, duly and deliberately expressed ; and that, when power was exercised, which had not been delegated, and was not regulated by considerations of justice and the common good, it ceased to be legitimate, and was to be considered despotic and tyrannical. On this ground, he considered the assumption of authority in the Bri- tish-Parliament, in which the people of the province were not represented, to make laws for them, and to lay taxes and duties, without their consent, to be altogether arbitrary and unjust. And he failed not to refer to the charter of Massa- chusetts, by which the powers of internal government were expressly granted or recognized, and the provisions of which, the patentees had never violated.
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No. II .- Page 84.
EXTRACTS from the replies of the above named Noble- men-Lord POULETT said, " If any thing could add to the satisfaction which I have all along found in defending, to the utmost of my ability, the rights and privileges of the colonies, it is the public mark of favor, which you have been pleased to transmit me, by order of your Assembly, signify- ing their approbation of my conduct. At the same time, I must confess it was no more than the duty I owed to our mother country required of me, whose interests are so closely interwoven with her colonies, that I cannot look upon them in any other light than as inseparable. Permit me to return the Assembly my sincere thanks for the honor they have conferred on me, and to assure them that I can never con- sider myself as a friend to Great Britain, without being a friend to them. Fixed in these sentiments, I conclude with a most earnest prayer that Great Britain and her colonies, in future, may never have any jarring interests."
Sir J. SAVILLE-" I beg you to express for me the high sense I have of the honor done me by the public appro- bation of the House of Representatives, of my conduct in the late important measures-the manner of doing this, I leave with you, only requesting, that it may be such as best to testify my regard and respect for the House, the value I set on their approbation, and the zeal I shall always retain for the true interests of Great Britain and her colonies. I conceive their interests to be so inseparable, that it is impossible to lose sight of the one, if one truly consults the other. And I persuade myself you will agree with me in thinking, that whoever inculcates a contrary doctrine, must be at least a sadly mistaken friend to one, if not indeed a fatal enemy to both."
GEORGE COOK, Esq .- " I beg the favor of you, Sir, to return my grateful thanks to the House, and to assure them of my constant attention to the welfare and support of the British colonies, and of their rights and privileges ; and that I have
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received this signal mark of their esteem, with the more satisfaction, as it flows from the Representatives of loyal and free subjects."
Hon. GEORGE HOWARD-" I can safely aver that the princi- ples I acted upon were dictated by the real sentiments of my heart. I shall ever retain the most grateful and lively sense of so flattering a distinction, which will not fail to produce one of the most pleasing recollections of my life. I beg you to assure the House of the sincerity of these sentiments, and that I shall always be most anxious to promote and cement, as far as I am able, the united interests of Great Britain and her colonies."
Mr. DOWDESWELL, Chancellor of the Exchequer-" Let me beg you, to assure the House of Representatives, of the grateful sense I have of the favorable opinion they are pleased to entertain of me, and that I shall always esteem it my duty to promote, as far as my poor abilities will enable me to do it, the general interests of Great Britain and her colonies."
General CONWAY-" I beg you to assure the House of Re- presentatives, that I am truly sensible of this great honor conferred on me, and that I shall always be happy, when my public conduct may be thought, in any degree, to merit the approbation of so respectable a body."
Lord EDGCOMBE-" I am as sensible of the little claim I have to so distinguished a mark of their favor (the House of Repre- sentatives) as I am of the honor it does me to receive it; and I hope no conduct of mine will ever give them cause to change the favorable opinion they have been pleased to entertain of me ; as no man wishes more sincerely a perfect harmony between the mother country and her colonies, or will be more ready to promote the real interest of both."
J. BARRE, Esq .- " It gives me the greatest pleasure to find that my poor endeavors in Parliament have been thought deserving the public approbation of so respectable a body. I am highly sensible of the honor they have done me, and beg you to assure them that I shall seize every occasion to pro- mote the interests of the colonies, and to cultivate that union
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and harmony, which at present so happily subsists between them and the mother country."
Duke of NEWCASTLE-" Nothing does me greater honor, or gives me more satisfaction, than to find that my endeavors for his Majesty's service, for the honor, prosperity and wel- fare of all his dominions, meet with the approbation of those concerned in them. It has always been my utmost endeavor, during the long course of my being in the service of the public, to promote, to the best of my abilities, the true in- terest of his Majesty, his royal family, and, as essential to it, the welfare and prosperity of all the British colonies, and their happy connexion with the mother country, so necessary to both. It was with great pleasure, that I saw his Majesty and his Parliament had thought proper to remove some incon- veniences, which I always feared might prove prejudicial to both. And nothing gives me more comfort than to find that those measures have met with the proper returns to the King, and a due sense of their obligations to their mother country. As these have been the motives of my conduct, the colonies may depend, that in whatever station I am, I shall always act on the same principles."
Lord SHELBURNE-" I have had the honor to receive a vote of the House of Representatives, approving my conduct at the last session of Parliament. It was founded on principles of general public good, applied to the important points then laid before Parliament. I beg you to assure the House, that I esteem their approbation a very great honor, and of my sincere wishes for the prosperity and welfare of the province."
Duke of RICHMOND-" Permit me to desire that you would make known to the House of Representatives, the high sense I have of the honor they have done me in the vote of thanks which you transmitted me. Such a mark of their approba- tion of my conduct in relation to the British colonies, is very flattering to me. ' For though I can claim no other merit than that of heartily concurring in the important points which were só resolutely carried through by the administration : Yet it is a great satisfaction to me to find, that I was right
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in my persuasion, that those measures would not only restore tranquility to the colonies, but produce great benefit to them and returns of gratitude to the mother country. In whatever station I may be, it will be my wish to see the prosperity of his Majesty's American dominions rise to the greatest height, both on their account, and because of the advantages that must necessarily result from thence to the mother country."
Mr. PITT, Earl of CHATHAM-" The honor of your letter, communicating to me a public testimony of so high a nature, found me in a severe fit of the gout, which long disabled me from using my hand. Give me leave now to offer my hum- ble acknowledgments, and to, assure you, that though late, they are not less warmly dictated by a sense of respectful gratitude towards the House of Representatives of Massachu- setts. They will allow me to add, that I shall always esteem myself particularly fortunate, whenever the just discharge of my duty here, meets with approbation in America."
The agent in England observed, in a letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, " that Lord STANHOPE and Mr. Speaker ONSLOW were particularly pleased with the vote of thanks-their hearts are warm in your cause ; and the Speaker desired me to assure your House he esteemed it the highest honor which could be conferred on him."
No. III .- Page 213.
SOME part of this reply of the House is worthy of insertion, as it fully discovers the spirit and feelings of the people in this season of alarm and distress-" When complaints are made of riots and tumults, it is the wisdom of government, and it becomes the Representatives of the people, especially, to inquire into the real causes of them. If they arise from oppression, as is often the case, a thorough redress of griev- ances will remove the cause, and, probably, put an end to the complaint. It may be justly said of the people of this province,
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that they seldom, if ever, have assembled in a tumultuous manner, unless they were oppressed. It cannot be expected, that a people, accustomed to the freedom of the English con- stitution, will be patient while they are under the hand of tyranny and arbitrary power. They will discover their resentment in a manner which will naturally displease their oppressors ; and, in such a case, the severest laws and the most rigorous execution, will be to little purpose. The most effectual method to restore tranquility, would be to remove their burdens, and to punish all those who have been the procurers of their oppression."-" The instance your Honor recommends to our attention, admitting it to be true, cannot be more threatening to government, than those enormities which have been known to be committed by the soldiery of late ; and have strangely escaped punishment, though repeat- ed, in defiance of the laws and authority of government."- " A military force, posted among the people, without their express consent, is itself one of the greatest grievances, and threatens the total subversion of a free constitution; much more, if designed to execute a system of corrupt and arbitrary power; and even to exterminate the liberties of the country. The Bill of Rights, passed immediatety after the Revolution (of 1689) expressly declares, that the keeping of a standing army within the kingdom, in a time of peace, without the consent of the Parliament, is against law : And we take this occasion to say, with freedom, that the keeping of a standing army, within this province, in a time of peace, without the consent of the General Assembly, is equally against law. Yet we have seen a standing army procured, posted and kept within this province, in a time of profound peace, not only without the consent of the people, but against the remon- strance of both Houses of Assembly. Such a standing army must be designed to subjugate the people to arbitrary mea- sures. It is a most violent infraction of their natural and constitutional rights. It is an UNLAWFUL ASSEMBLY, of all others. the most dangerous and alarming : And every instance of its restraining the liberty of any individual, is a crime, which infinitely exceeds what the law intends by a riot. Surely then
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