USA > Massachusetts > Suffolk County > Boston > Celebration of the centennial anniversary of the evacuation of Boston by the British Army, March 17th, 1776 > Part 10
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" Whereas, it is necessary that the house of Mr. John Vassal, ordered by Congress for the residence of His Excelleney General Washington, should be immediately put in such condition as may make it convenient for that purpose, therefore, Resolved, that Mr. Timothy Austin be, and hereby is, empowered and authorized, to put said house in proper order for the purposes above men- tioned, and that he procure such assistance and furniture as may be necessary to put said house in proper condition for the reception of His Excellency and his attendants."
In his confidential letters to Joseph Reed, Washington communicates his purposes and methods of a generous and impartial hospitality in that mansion, and also some of his embarrassments and discomfitures in the matter. The journals and letters of many distinguished men and women, which are extant, record that their writers shared those hospi-
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talities, with their impressions of the courtesy and dignity of the host and hostess.
It was a pleasant coincidence that Mr. Sparks, the biographer of Washington, and the editor of his voluminous papers, should have done much of his work of ahnost idolatrous love for the chief, in the house and room where so many of those papers were written.
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THE PROVINCIAL FORTIFICATIONS.
Some slight intrenehments of the nature of fortified lines, incident to the first steps towards the formation of a camp, had been made by the provincials when they first rallied at Cambridge. Upon the retreat from the redonbt on Breed's Hill, and from the rail fence, on June 17th, Gen. Putnam had in vain attempted to have a stand made on the higher summit of Bunker's Hill. But this point, seemingly of necessity, was yieldled to the enemy. Gen. Howe continued upon the ground, which was immediately seenred by strong works, commanding the Neck and the direction of the provincial camp. Only thirty or forty years ago these works, now wholly obliterated, were easily to be traced, and looked formidable in their softened outlines. Howe continned in com- mand of the British detachment in Charlestown, till he succeeded Gage as commander-in-chief, on the recall of the latter in the following October, when Gen. Clinton was sent to Charlestown. Putnam, with a corps of volunteers, on the night following the battle, working with heroie diligence, threw np intrenchments upon the high and beautiful rounded summit known with equal appropriateness by the two names of Prospect Hill and Mount Pisgah. There were two crests to the summit, one of them since known as Spring Hill, both of which, before the end of the month, were so strengthened as to be regarded tenable against an attack, while held by nearly four thousand men. The forces at Cambridge and Charlestown were in full view from this hill. Within the last ten years the spade and the pickaxe have been levelling it for the uses of thrift and health, principally to fill the basin of Miller's river, in East Cambridge. Here, too, until quite recent years, fosse and rampart had left their traces, and the site was a favor- able one for recalling the scenes of the past.
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In making so instantaneous a stand on this Hill, which continued to be one of the strongest points during the whole siege, and which was regarded at first as in venturesome proximity to the enemy in Charles- town, Putnam left two smaller hills between him and Bunker's Hill, to await the disposition of subsequent events. These were Ploughed Hill, so called because it was the only one of the neighboring summits which at that time had been cultivated, which has since been known as Mount Benedict, the site of a Roman Catholic convent-school, and which also is now being rapidly levelled ; and Cobble Hill, now covered by the Appleton wards and the grounds of the McLean Asylum. These two hills came in due season, when Washington had mastered his resources, to form part of his fortifications, and were intrenched and held in open defiance of the attempts made by the enemy to withstand their occu- pancy by a brisk bombardment by land and water. It seems to have been a matter of unexplained wonder, at the time, that the British should not have anticipated the provincials in taking possession of some of these summits, or at least have been ready to thwart every attempt at their fortification by their foe. But after Prospect Hill had been seized and strengthened it would have been exceedingly difficult, if not impossible, for the British to have taken and held either Plonghed or Cobble Hill. Besides, if they had held both of them, what more or next could they have done? It required their utmost efforts to hold their ground on their two peninsulas, aided by their gun-boats. They had early found that the cost of taking a hill from the provincials was very heavy, and as such hills were lavishly scattered upon the coast and clustered in the interior, they seem to have concluded that the provin- cials were likely always to have the larger share of them.
The lines between the opposing forces, within their respective intrench- ments, approximated so closely that the sentries exchanged news, banter and compliments, and deserters found an easy transit. Among the humors of the situation the provincials availed themselves of the oppor- tunity to send, on the wings of a favoring breeze, or by messengers with flags, large numbers of a satirical print, - of which a fac-simile is given on an adjoining leaf, - containing an address of remonstrance to the British soldiers, and a contrast of the bills of fare, the wages, and the looked-for rewards of the respective combatants on Bunker's and Pros-
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pect Hills. A small mill, a few houses, sheds, barns, and trees between the lines formed prizes contested in the later stages of the struggle.
On the same night following the battle at Charlestown a few New Hampshire troops occupied, and began to fortify, the lofty and swelling summit of Winter Hill, standing behind Prospect Hill, and midway between Cambridge and Medford. Under General Folsom the works here were so extended and formidable by the close of the month, that the hill, next to that in Roxbury to be soon referred to, became the most secure of all the provincial defences. A skirting of breastworks ran from the marsh lands near Charlestown Neck, all the way to the banks of Charles river in Cambridge, with several redoubts, half-moons, and more substantial earth-works on the elevated spots and exposed points along the course.
The most critical point to be secured and defended was that which should guard the only outlet from Boston by land, at Roxbury Neck. Here, too, the natural features of the region favored the plans of the provincials. Before the stand-pipe of the Cochituate Water Works was erected at the Highlands, in Roxbury, a stroller over the precipitous and rocky declivities of that eminence would have regarded it as a natural fortification, independently of the remains of the works still visible upon it. These works were constructed under the superintendence of Generals Thomas and Knox, and were very strong, and shot could be thrown from them into Boston. Breastworks and intrenchments on the low lands on both sides, across the roads, on Sewall's point, on the Meeting-house hill, and on the road to Dorchester, had been begun, and more or less advanced before the arrival of Washington. A redoubt had been begun on the Ten Hills Farm, to command access through the Mystic river. Colonel Gridley and his son, with such scientific and practical assistance as they could summon to aid them, gave their labor, as engineers, to these works, though with slender help from proper implements. Shot and shell were occasionally thrown from Boston while these works were in progress, but more than an offset to the mischief effected by them was made by some of the Indians and riflemen on the provincial side, who picked off the British sentries. Skirmishes at Boston Neck, shells thrown with some damage into Roxbury, and collisions between parties at the lines, seemed from the first to indicate the relations which were to
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continue between the besieged and the besiegers through the lengthened issne. Behind the Roxbury works was an elevation known as Wales Ilill, which was afterwards designated by Washington as a rendezvous if the enemy should break our lines at any point. Men in whale-boats were soon kept, at watch near the marshes to give intelligence of any movement of the enemy by water. There was a constant apprehension that all the above works might be assailed at any hour.
Washington, on his arrival, immediately divided his attention between the new organization of the rank and file necessary to initiate the con- tinental adoption of the army, and the examination of the fortifications. Ile found these works wisely and effectively begun, and he directed the strengthening and extending of them, filling exposed points, and seeur- ing safer communications between them. His scrutiny was sharp, and the severe discipline which he at once established, though it caused some fretfulness among a portion of those whose former heedlessness it rebuked, was very soon yielded to with added security to the camp.
It was not to be supposed that Gen. Howe on Bunker's Hill would be content with the narrow limits of his lines in the direction of Cambridge and Medford, and some threatening movements of his made Washington anxious about the two eminenees above referred to, Ploughed Ilill and Cobble Hill, which remained unoccupied. He planned a bold enterprise, and offered a strong provocation to Howe, when, on the night of Aug. 26, he ordered a working party of a thousand men, with a guard of twenty-four hundred, under General Sullivan, to occupy and intrench upon Ploughed Hill, which was directly within cannon range of Bunker's Ilill, and of gun-boats in the Mystie. The feat was successfully accom- plished with the loss of but two men, while a single ten-pounder on the Ten Hills battery sunk one gun-boat in the Mystic and silenced another. The enemy seemed to be preparing for an assault on the new works, and an anxious preparation was made to receive them, scanty as was the ammunition of the provincials. But it was a threat only. For a fort- night a desultory bombardment was continued, but each night and day strengthened the works, and the enemy gave over the ineffective assault upon them.
It was not until the 22d of November that the other hill was occupied, after there had been a sharp struggle at Lechmere's Point rising from
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the marshes near it. The works here were made under Generals Put- nam and Heath. This, which was one of the most daring enterprises in the whole series, was accomplished without meeting the slightest opposi- tion from the enemy. A battery was a few days after planted at the Point, and in the severest weather of December, this was extended and effectively strengthened. The British violently contested the completion of. the works at this Point, with water batteries. It was at the most anxious crisis of affairs in the American camp, as the term of enlistments was expiring, and new recruits came in but slowly, and there was still au alarming deficiency of powder. The new works approached most closely of any to the thickly occupied part of Boston, and with proper artillery most destructive operations might have been performed from them. From time to time such military compliments as the resources of the provincials allowed them to send passed from Cobble Hill and Lechmere Point into Boston, and from letters written there at the time it seems that they caused much consternation. These works, with the strength- ening of those at Sewall's Point and Lamb's Dam on the right wing of the camp, completed the provincial defences.
RAIDS ON THE HARBOR ISLANDS.
There had been a skirmish on Grape Island, lying near the South shore of the Bay, on Sunday, May 21, between a party of the British who had gone there in sloops to remove some hay, and a party of countrymen from Weymouth, in which the latter burnt some eighty tons of hay and a barn, and took off the cattle. On the 27th of the same month, in obedience to an order of the Committee of Safety for the removal of live stock from the islands, a party of provincials went for the purpose to Hog and Noddle's Islands. They were fired upon from the vessels, and some marines put off in boats to prevent the undertaking. Of these, two were killed and two were wounded. The provincials succeeded in driving off three or four hundred live stock, and, when reinforced, disabled a British schooner which grounded, stripped her of guns and sails, with clothing and money, and then burned her while under fire from a sloop. Four of the provincials were wounded only, while of the British many were killed. Within the four following days other raids
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were made by the provincials on Noddle's, Pettick's and Deer Islands, securing large numbers of sheep, cattle and horses, with hay. In the last expedition, on the night of June 2, a British barge was captured with four prisoners.
On the 12th of July a party of a hundred and thirty-six men, under Major Greaton, who had led the exploit at Deer Island, landed from whale-boats on Long Island, where the British had stored a large quantity of hay for their horses. While the party were burning this, with the house and barns, they were cannonaded from some of the vessels, one of which with barges approached the island. The party barely succeeded in escaping with the loss of one man.
Though the 20th of July was a day appointed for solemn fasting and prayer, and orders had been issued for its most devout observance, with a pause from all needless work, the troops going to worship fully armed, the temptation presented itself to a party, under Major Vose, of Heath's Regiment, starting before daylight, to land from whale-boats at Nan- tasket Point. Here they dismantled and burned the light-house, carrying off' the apparatus, and afterwards brought away a large quantity of barley and hay. They were fired upon from the vessels, two being wounded. The party also made a raid on Point Shirley. Not satisfied with this one successful enterprise of darkening the harbor, it was determined to prevent the rebuilding of the light-house on which work- men were soon engaged. A party of three hundred men, under Major Tupper, was ordered there the last day of the month, who effected a landing, killed a dozen of the workmen, made prisoners of the rest, and destroyed the reconstructed works. Being left by the tide they were assailed by a strong force in boats, one of which was sunk by a field piece on Nantasket Point, with several of its men. The party got off with the loss of but one man, having killed and taken fifty-three of the enemy. The Major and his party received the next day the special thanks of the Commander-in-Chief, in general orders, for their gallantry. The Admiral of the fleet annonneed the destruction of the lights in the harbor and at Cape Ann. No single act of the provincials cansed more chagrin to the enemy than this. When reported in London it was made the theme for most biting sarcasm. They were soon to hear of yet more daring and luniliating success of the provincials on the water, in the
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capture of store-vessels laden down with all the muniments and supplies of war, without a gun on their decks. On Sept. 27 two hundred men, under Major . Tupper, landed from whale-boats on Governor's Island, burned a small vessel ready for launching, and brought off cattle and horses with full impunity.
In connection with these bold ventures of the provincials, to secure their own property on the harbor islands, it is amusing to read the secret - disclosures which Burgoyne made at the time in a private letter to Lord George Germaine, dated Boston, Aug. 20, 1775. He wrote about. Graves : -
"It may be asked in England, what is the Admiral doing?
" I wish I were able to answer that question satisfactorily ; but I can only say what he is not doing.
" That he is not supplying us with sheep and oxen, the dinners of the best of us bear meagre testimony ; the state of our hospitals bears a more melan- choly one.
" Ile is not defending his own flocks and herds; for the enemy have repeatedly plundered his own islands."
"IIe is not defending the other islands in the harbor; for the enemy, in force, landed from a great number of boats, and burned the light-house at noonday (having first killed and taken the party of marines which was posted there) almost under the guns of two or three men-of-war.
"Ile is not employing his ships to keep up communication and intelligence with the king's servants and friends at the different parts of the continent ; for I do not believe General- Gage has received a letter from any correspondent out of Boston these six weeks.
" Ile is intent upon greater objects, you will think, supporting in the great points the dignity of the British flag, -and where a number of boats have been built for the enemy, privateers fitted out, prizes carried in, the king's armed vessels sunk, the crews made prisoners, the officers killed, -he is doubtless enforeing instant restitution and reparation by the voice of his cannon, and laying the towns in ashes that refuse his terms. Alas! he is not. British thunder is diverted or controlled by pitiful attentions and mere Quaker-like seruples ; and under such influences, insult and impunity, like righteousness and peace, have kissed each other."
The King had written to Lord North, on July 28, " I do think the Admiral's removal as necessary, if what is reported is founded, as the mild General's" [Gage].
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INCIDENTS IN THE PROVINCIAL CAMP.
It was a remarkable coincidence that while a local conflict, arising from a controversy between the mother-country and one of her provinces, was about to transpire on the heights of Charlestown, the Continental Congress at Philadelphia should have adopted measures for national- izing that controversy, and for making the provincial forces the nucleus of a continental army. It was a great step for the continental delegates from Massachusetts and the other New England provinces to have secured that result. Some of the most curious details of the debates and business, and of the workings of secret influences, at Philadelphia, which have come to light, reveal to us with what astuteness and sagacity the Massachusetts delegates managed to keep their special aims and wishes in abeyance, that they might not appear to force their local interests and partialities upon the action of their Southern associates. The peculiar traits and views of the leaders and the people of this region were not altogether attractive to the members of the Congress from other sections, and it was but shrewd calculation on the part of the two Adamses, Hancock, and others, to allow the common feeling, which they desired, to grow naturally without being forced through their obtrusion of it. If there was to be a continental adoption of a provincial army, it must have a Southern commander. Happily Providence and Virginia came to the help of policy in furnishing one. How General Ward accepted the necessity which superseded him in his office calls for no discussion here. There was no expression or manifestation of any other feelings, than those of delight and welcome, with warm-hearted and respectful addresses to Washington, when he appeared on the scene. The extensive and level space of Cambridge Common displayed before his eyes the material in men and accoutrements, such as they were, on which his exacting task began.
We have a very lively description of the camp, as it appeared im- mediately after Washington had taken command, from the pen of the Rev. Wm. Emerson, of Concord, a chaplain of the army : -
" There is great overturning in the camp as to order and regularity. New lords, new laws. The Generals Washington and Lee are upon the lines 19
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every day. New orders from His Excellency are read to the respective regi- ments every morning after prayers. The strictest government is taking place, and great distinction is made between officers and soldiers. Every one is made to know his place and keep in it, or be tied up and receive thirty or forty lashes according to his crime. Thousands are at work every day from four till eleven o'clock in the morning. It is surprising how much work has been done. The lines are extended almost from Cambridge to Mystic river, so that very soon it will Be morally impossible for the enemy to get between the works, except in one place, which is supposed to be left pur- posely unfortified to entice the enemy out of their fortresses. Who would have thought twelve months past that all Cambridge and Charlestown would be covered over with American camps, and cut up into forts and intrench- ments, and all the lands, fiells, orchards, laid common, cattle feeding in the choicest mowing-land, whole fields of corn eaten down to the ground, and large parks of well-regulated locusts cut down for firewood and other public uses. This, I must say, looks a little melancholy.
" My quarters are at the foot of the famous Prospect Hill, where such great preparations are made for the reception of the enemy. It is very diverting to walk among the camps. They are as different in their form as the owners are in their dress ; and every tent is a portraiture of the temper and taste of the persons who encamp in it. Some are made of boards and some of sail- cloth ; some partly of one and partly of the other. Again, others are made of stone and turf, brick or brush; some are thrown up in a hurry; others curiously wronght with doors and windows, done with wreaths and withes in the manner of a basket. Some are your proper tents and marquees, looking like the regular camp of the enemy. In these are the Rhode Islanders, who are furnished with tent-equipage and everything in the most exact English style. However, I think this great variety is rather a beauty than a blemish in the army."- (Sparks' Washington.)
CORRESPONDENCE OF GENERALS LEE AND BURGOYNE.
A curious episode, which must have furnished a momentary excitement in the camp, occurred at this time. The impulsive and unstable Charles Lee, who had been commissioned as a Major General by the Congress, had served under Burgoyne as a British officer in Portugal. When Lee, before he had been commissioned, heard of the arrival of Burgoyne in Boston, he addressed him from Philadelphia, on June 7th, a letter which did not reach him until a month afterwards. He wrote in strong
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terms of affection and respect, yet as to one "seduced into an impions and nefarious service, by the artifice of a wicked and insidions conrt and cabinet," whose " wickedness and treachery he has himself experienced" in his former military relations. Ile expresses gratification that, as he had learned, Burgoyne had come here, not of his own seeking, but on the ยท King's positive command, but assures him that his errand is mean and unrighteous, and will prove a failure, as the colonies will never yield to the usurpation and tyranny of the. court. He protests against the silly confidence of the British that the provincials are cowards and will not fight. He is amazed also that his loved and revered friend, Gen. Howe, should engage in such a cause. Yet, whatever " the accursed misrnlers " shall dictate, Burgoyne shall have his personal affection.
By permission of his superior, Burgoyne replied to this letter on July 8th, soon after it came to his hands, addressing Lee in friendly and familiar terms, trying to offset his pleadings, and then proposing to meet him for an interview, and a discussion, at Brown's house on the Neck, with respective covenants and parole of honor for the safe return of both parties. Lee submitted Burgoyne's letter to the Provincial Congress, suggesting that if the interview should be allowed, they would designate a gentleman of their body to be a witness of it with him. Mr. Elbridge Gerry was appointed for that purpose, and the Congress addressed a hesitating letter to Burgoyne informing him of the appointment. But here the matter was arrested. The Congress did not approve of the proposed meeting. Withont mentioning this fact, Lee addressed Bnr- goyne a short note from Cambridge, July 11th, in which he says, that as they both have unalterably formed their convictions, an interview would only create jealousies and suspicions. He closes thus : " I must, therefore, defer the happiness of embracing a man whom I most sincerely love, until the subversion of the present tyrannical ministry and system, which I am persuaded must be in a few months, as I know Great Britain cannot stand the contest."
This correspondence was made public and freely commented upon at the time, on both sides of the water. But there has come to light this year a confidential paper, which adds an amusing and startling ingredient to it. It is a letter of Burgoyne's to Lord North, inclosing the corre- spondence with Lee. The latter had spoken of the minister as " the
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