USA > Massachusetts > Suffolk County > Boston > Celebration of the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the settlement of Boston, September 17, 1880 > Part 6
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When the scheme for colonizing New England by the London Company was first projected, many of the members- "gentlemen of good estate and reputation "-agreed to join the expedition with their families, provided the whole govern- ment of the Colony and the Patent were transferred to this
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country. The condition was accepted in August, 1629, and on the 20th of the following October the company "having extraordinary good commendation of Mr. Jolm Winthrop, both for his integritie and sufficiencie, as being every way well fitted and accomplished for the place of governor," elected him to that office.
The expedition was well equipped, and must have cost a large sum of money. It comprised eleven ships, and about eight hundred colonists, and has been well called the "great emigration." The organization of such an enterprise at the time shows great ability and great resources. It is difficult to explain its success without adopting the theory of Burke, who thought it was encouraged and paid for by the contributions of certain wealthy persons of note, who felt that they might themselves be driven, by the dangers of the times, to emigrate, and therefore wanted an established colony to fly to as a place of refuge.
The period was auspicious for the emigration. The government was so engrossed by home affairs that it could give only a divided attention to colonial matters, and slight efforts were made to restrict those who desired to emigrate, whether they took or not the required oath of "allegiance and supremacy."
No event of ancient or modern times is more interesting, as certainly none has proved to be more important in its influi- ence on the political institutions of the nations and the canse of liberty and civilization, than the emigration of this band of colonists in 1630. They were not moved to leave their homes by ignoble motives; by the lust of conquest, the greed of gold, or the desire for fabled fountains of immortal youth. They sought no coveted Atlantis, no Ophir or Cathay, where life could be maintained without toil, and where sunny atmospheres
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would give every sensuous delight and restore the glories of the lost Eden. They were men who lifted themselves above the enjoyments and vanities of this world, impelled by the con- trolling desire to worship their Maker in peace, as their hearts dictated. They knew that the land of their adoption was a wilderness; that dangers were to be encountered, sufferings to be borne, sickness, hunger, and cold to be endured; that the contest required heroic patience, unfaltering perseverance, and almost superhuman courage.
But they were of the tough English race; they were men of that unyielding fibre whom opposition only makes more resolute; they were men who had inherited the blood and nerve of those who fought on "Crispin's day; " they were compatriots of those who at Runnymede wrung the charter of their liberties from the reluctant hand of the despotie John, and they were equal to the work.
We almost feel, however, that they must have been supported and encouraged in the terrible ordeal to which they were subjected by glimpses through some spiritual manifestation of the splendid and magnificent future; that they saw in transfiguration their feeble colony developed into this great nation, with all its material, moral, and in- tellectual wealth; with its cities filled with the products of all the industrial arts; its ships whitening every sea; its railroads and telegraphs making the most distant places neighborhoods; its fields teeming with harvests sufficient to feed the millions of Europe; its public schools; its col- leges and seminaries of learning; its countless benevolent. charitable, and eleemosynary institutions; its free churches; and in all its cities and towns, in all its valleys, and on all its mountain-tops, everywhere, Civil and Religions Liberty!
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As John Winthrop, the governor of the proposed col- ony, was also the founder of Boston, a brief sketch of this eminent man seems here appropriate.
He was born at Edwardston, near the family seat at Groton, in the County of Suffolk, England, on the 22d of January, 1588, and was highly connected, being of an ancient family. He inherited a considerable estate, was educated at Trinity College, Cambridge, bred to the bar, and appears to have had a considerable practice. In 1627 he was appointed Attorney of the Court of Wards and Liveries, - a trust which yielded a handsome income. This appointment seems to have been obtained through political influence; but, from some reason which does not appear, probably because he had reprobated the cruel treatment of dissenters, and the policy of persecution which then ob- tained, he lost, in 1629, the favor of government, and with it his office. He then reverted to the project he had often before entertained of emigrating to America. His friends opposed it, and one of them wrote him that " the Church and Commonwealth here at home hath more need of your best ability in these dangerous times than any remote plantation, that all his kinsfolk and most understanding friends will more rejoice at your stay at home, with any conditions which God shall send, than throw yourself upon vain hopes with many difficulties and uncertainties," - adding, with much force, "that plantations are for young men that can endure all pains and hunger," and closing with the just re- mark, " How hard it will be for one brought up among books and learned men to live in a barbarous place where there is no learning and less civility!" But the sense of duty was the active principle in the character of our governor, and the key to his conduct through all his useful and
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honorable life. The objections of his friends were answered in a letter to his wife, in which he says, "It had pleased the Lord to call me to a further trust in this business of the plantation than either I expected or find myself fit for, being chosen by the company to be their governor. The only thing that I have comfort of in it is, that hereby I have assurance that my charge is of the Lord, and that he hath called me to this work."
To understand correctly the conduct of Winthrop in the important movement he was about to undertake, and reach the motives which governed him, we must remember that a strong religious spirit, developed in him from childhood, per- meated his whole nature and character. It was earnest, intense, and controlling. Like most Puritans, he carried his religion into his daily habits and ways, ever looking after the manifestation of the will of Providence; ever looking after the prompting of the Spirit ; ever invoking the Divine guidance and support in all the concerns of life, and ever disposed to subordinate mundane to eternal things. This is most con- clusively shown in his numerous letters to his family and friends and in his diary.
Ilis moral was equally developed with his religious nature. Ile was amiable, kind-hearted, sympathetic, sincere, and truthful. He had great capacity for affection, and was singularly gentle in temper and free from vindictiveness. Generous in forgiving the errors of others, he was magnani- mous in confessing his own.
Ilis intellect, at the age of forty-three, when he was pre- paring to leave England, was well developed by his collegiate education, his professional studies, and his intercourse with learned men ; but his life thus far had not been marked by any of those events which bring out the traits of character
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that distinguish great men. His time had been chiefly occu- pied in the quiet routine of professional and official duties and the care of his estate. He had shown in these industry and systematic habits; but it does not appear that there was any- thing in his record to justify the belief or to indicate that he possessed those great qualities of the statesman and magis- trate, constructive and executive capacity, which the important enterprise he was engaged in required. It is not easy to understand how the London Company found out "that he was every way fitted for the place of governor."
It had been said that in many respects, mentally and morally, he resembled Washington. It would not be difficult to show the resemblance, and it may be observed that if both these great men had died in middle life - Winthrop, at the time he emigrated, and Washington before he took command of the American army - the places accorded to them in the Pantheon of illustrious statesmen would have been far different from those they now occupy. Thus it is, that opportunity and occasion, as well as genius and capacity, are necessary for the attainment of fame.
It may be that the Massachusetts Company recognized the great truth that moral excellence and religious principles are the only solid foundations upon which statesmanship can be based, and, where these obtain, all the other essentials are sure to develop. The colonists were not expecting to conquer by arms the country they were to settle. They were to cul- tivate the arts of peace, and not those of war. They sought the worship of God and the spread of the gospel, and moral character, and not military genius, was needed in their leader.
But, whether or not there was good reason at the time for the selection of Winthrop to lead the colony and preside over its destinies, it must be admitted that it proved most fortunate.
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The success of the enterprise was largely due to his sagacious foresight, his prudence, his moderation, and his excellent judgment. His influence was felt in all the affairs of the col- ony. He was the first to perceive the importance of a union of the colonies for mutual benefit, and as early as 1637 sug- gested the scheme of union between the four New England colonies which was consummated in 1643, and was the proto- type of the more extensive and powerful Confederation of 1775, which, as was observed by a contemporary historian, "also originated from Massachusetts, always fruitful in projects of independence." It is evidence of the general belief in the administrative capacity of Winthrop that he was elected first president of this early confederation. It is evidence of his success in the management of the affairs of the colony that he was twelve times elected its governor, and in those days the governor was what the term indicates, - a leader, a director, and a controlling power.
He gave a tone to the polity of the colony and shaped the character of its institutions through all its earliest history. This influence survives to-day, and it is not too much to assert that the differences, social and moral, to be seen between the descendants of those who landed with Winthrop, or afterwards joined him, and the representatives of the other English colo- nies in America, may be explained by the personal influence of our early governors, but especially of Winthrop.
The Commonwealth has shown its appreciation of his eminent services by placing at the capitol, in Washington, in the national gallery of statuary commemorative of "citizens illustrious for their historie renown or distinguished civic or military service," a statue of this great magistrate. Josiah Quincy has well said " that had Boston, like Rome, a conse- crated calendar, there is no name better entitled than that of
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Winthrop to be registered as'its Patron Saint." The city, as a part of the commemorative exercises of this occasion, dedi- cates to-day a bronze duplicate of the Washington monument as a grateful tribute to its founder. It stands in Scollay's square, not far from the spot where he lived and died. Illus- trious man! your honor, your name, and your praises shall long survive.
"Semper honos, nomenque tuum, laudesque manebunt."
It was the original design of most of the emigrants to settle in one place, to be called Boston, after Boston in Eng- land, in honor of the Rev. John Cotton, who lived there, and who was expected to join them.
Winthrop first landed in Salem, June 22, 1630; but, as Lieut .- Governor Dudley said, "Salem pleased us not," and they soon left for Charlestown, where they proposed to settle. The water, however, proving bad, Winthrop removed to the peninsula which now forms the chief part of Boston. At a meeting of the Court of Assistants, held on the 7th of September, old style, the 17th of September, new style, 1630, it was ordered that the peninsula previously called by the Indians Shawmut, and by the English Tri-mountain, should be called Boston. We date the foundation of our city from that day. In 1632 the General Court declared "that it was the fittest place for public meetings of any place in the Bay," and from that time it has continued to be the capital of the Commonwealth. It seems that the Plymouth colonists had been attracted by the natural advantages of Shawmut as a place for settlement, for a party sent ont by them soon after their landing, to explore the country, brought such favorable accounts of the place that they expressed the wish " that they had settled there."
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Among the first acts of the colonists upon their arrival in New England was the formation of a church. The cove- nant was signed July 30, 1630, and this was the foundation of the First Church of Boston. The meetings of the con- gregation were originally held under the shade of an oak tree, literally a house not made with hands. The first meeting- honse was built in 1632, and was said to have had mud walls and a thatched roof. It was located in State street, where Brazer's building now stands. In 1639 a new house was built on the site in Washington street now occupied by Joy's buildings. The cost was paid by the weekly church collec- tions. This fact is interesting as showing that thus carly the people of Boston initiated the policy of supporting re- ligion by voluntary contributions, without recourse to rates or taxation by law. In 1711 the house was destroyed by fire and rebuilt. In 1808 the society removed to a new meeting-house on Chancy street, where it remained until 1868, when it removed to the beautiful church on Berkeley street, where, under the charge of its present excellent pastor, it is successfully performing its Christian work. Esto perpetua !
As the colonists had made so many sacrifices to obtain the precious privilege of the free exercise of their religion, unmolested and in peace, they were determined that these sacrifices should not be made in vain, that this privilege should be maintained against all enemies.
To this end, in 1631, "an order was made that for the time to come, none should be admitted to the freedom of the body politic, but such as were church-members." "This - extraordinary order," Hutchinson says, "continued in force until the dissolution of the government, it being repealed in appearance only after the restoration of Charles II." There
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is reason to believe, however, that the order was not rigidly enforced for some years previous to its repeal. In 1664 it was enacted that frecholders, twenty-four years of age, "rated at ten shillings to single rate, and certified by the minister to be 'orthodox in their principles,' and 'not vicious in their lives,' might be admitted freemen, though not church-mem- bers." Thus they kept in their own hands all power of preventing those who differed from them in religious opin- ions from interfering in civil or ecclesiastical affairs. By this curious inconsistency the early settlers, who, in common with the great body of the Puritans, objected to the union of Church and State in the old world, found themselves advocating the same combination in the new.
This jealousy of other sects was early shown towards the Episcopalians, when some of them, under the lead of Dr. Robert Child, ventured to present to the General Court, a remonstrance and humble petition for " their rights under the laws of England which could not be disturbed by the govern- ment here." Not only was the prayer of the petition denied, but the petition was regarded as seditious and the petitioners heavily fined. Governor Winthrop in his journal says that Dr. Child, when brought before the Council, "fell into a great passion, but considering he was a man of quality, a gentleman and a scholar, proper respect should be shown him; " but if "he gave such big words and would behave himself no better, he should be confined in prison and clapped in irons." We don't know what sized words were allowed respectful peti- tioners to the General Court in those days, but if any Dr. Child of the present day should be similarly treated he would doubtless use polysyllabic words- words a foot and a half long - sesquipedalia verba. It may be observed, to show the independent spirit of the early colonists in respect to England,
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that when the petitioners filed an appeal from the judgment of the court to Parliament, the court would neither read nor accept it. Thus, in 1646, - sixteen years only after the land- ing of the Puritans, - Winthrop and the other members of the court, in order to prevent the English Church from taking root here, were obliged to act as defiantly to the mother-country as their descendants did in the next century, when she sent us the tea we would not have.
When the Old South Society was importimed to let the Episcopalians worship in their church, they refused, and gave this reason for so doing: "Ye land and house is ours." Our Puritan fathers claimed that "y" Boston was theirs," and all who might endanger the free exercise of their religion must keep away. They knew what they were about, and the results show that their policy, under the circumstances, was wise and judicious.
Most of the carly colonial legislation had relation to church affairs. The church-members, as such, decided all matters pertaining to both church and town. In fact the church settled all religious and secular concerns. In order to make the people deport themselves in a proper and godly maner, their habits, customs, dress, modes of living, and methods of transacting business, were largely regulated by law, and nothing illustrates so well the temper and disposition of the people of Boston in the olden time as this curious, absurd, and meddlesome legislation, so inconsistent with modern notions of personal liberty. It doubtless origi- nated in the determination of our Puritan ancestors that the vicious habits and profane ways of the court followers in the old country should not be transplanted here if severe penal enactments could prevent it. There can be no doubt that such legislation, and the social, religious, and political
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systems adopted by the founders, was the best that could have been devised for a successful struggle with those ene- mies of the infant colony, - the unbroken wilderness, the Indians, the English Church, the prejudices of English opinion, the traditions of English society, and, most for- midable of all, the jealous and despotie spirit of the English government. There can be no doubt that the fibre of brain and body which came from the Puritan Church discipline, achieved the victory and enabled the feeble colony, in face of all opposition, to grow to the great proportions it subse- quently reached. Under this discipline Winthrop and his associates would have shown the same great traits of char- acter, the same steady valor, the same tenacity of purpose, the same inflexibility of will, the same earnestness springing from religious enthusiasm, which at a later period distinguished the Puritans in the mother-country in their contest with the crown, if they had been called to defend with arms the cause of civil and religious liberty. Louisburg, Quebec, and many other well-fought battles of the French wars, and their frequent contests with the Indians, attest their martial capacity, and show their consanguinity with those who fought at Naseby and Marston Moor.
The growth of Boston was at first slow. Those who came out with Winthrop suffered so much, from sickness and scarcity of food, that at times the safety of the colony was seriously threatened, and on this account Boston was called " Lost-town." It is a noteworthy fact, that when we were threatened with famine, in 1630, the danger was averted by food sent from Ireland, so that the corn we gave in after years to feed her starving thousands was but the return of what we had of her in our own distress. Thus literally the bread cast upon the waters was returned after many days.
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In all the suffering and despondeney of the first years of the colony the courage, constancy, and judicious manage- ment of Governor Winthrop never abated. With the skill of the statesman, the firmness of the magistrate, and the tenderness of a parent, he encouraged and sustained the sinking faith of those who had been entrusted to his care, and animated them with renewed energy.
The first settlers of Boston clearly saw the power of knowledge and the value of popular education. They knew their influence on social progress and the prosperity of the State.
They knew that liberty, civil and religious, for which they had sacrificed so much, could never be maintained if the people were ignorant. They, therefore, provided as early as 1635 for the maintenance of a "free school-master." Winthrop, in his journal in 1645, notes "that divers free schools were erected," and it is quaintly observed in the law establishing these schools "that the stronghold of Satan consisted in the ignorance of the people, and all means should be employed to counteract the ould deluder."
Boston has always expended large sums for school purposes, -"yearly contributions, either by voluntary allowance or by rates of such as refused." Thus it will be seen that here in Boston was first established the principle-since almost ummi- versally adopted in this country-of educating the people at the public cost. All the legislation of our ancestors shows their deep interest in this important matter; for they enforced upon the towns, by penal enactments, the obligation to support free public schools, and inaugurated a policy which, in after years, induced their descendants to provide, by law, for the compulsory school attendance of all children. They were determined that the "ould delnder" should have no chance in this town, however it might be elsewhere.
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The great interest now felt by the citizens of Boston in the cause of education, as has been shown, commenced ab urbe condita, and if the artist had put a spelling-book in the hand of Winthrop in the statue we dedicate to-day, instead of the Bible, the representation would have been quite as appropriate, and as historically correct. Knowledge has made us what we are. Through popular intelligence we have been able to establish and preserve free institutions, and attain the extraor- dinary material prosperity which distinguishes our beloved city.
No one can read the history of Boston without being struck by her early opposition to negro slavery. In 1611 a law was passed "that there shall never be any bond slavery in the colony," and in 1646 the General Court enacted that "it was bound by the first opportunity to bear witness against the heinous and crying sin of man-stealing, as also to prescribe such timely redress for what was past (referring to the kid- napping of certain negroes), and such a law for the future as might sufficiently deter all others belonging to the colony to have to do in such vile and most odious courses." These laws, however, seem to have been afterwards repealed or dis- regarded, for, in Randolph's report on the state of the country to the Lords of the Committee of Colonies, in 1680, it is ob- served that there were "not above two hundred slaves in the colony, and those were brought from Guinea and Madagas- car." Thus, notwithstanding the feeling of the carly colonists, as expressed in the laws just mentioned, slavery continued to exist. In 1727 slaves were advertised for sale in the news- papers over the names of their owners; but soon afterwards purchasers were requested to "inquire of the printer and know further," the owners being apparently ashamed to be known as being engaged in such business. In 1766 the rep-
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resentatives of Boston, in the General Court, were instructed to advocate the total abolition of slavery; and, at the town meeting in March, 1767, the question was put if the town would adhere to this instruction, and it passed in the affirm- ative.
It will thus be seen that the people of Boston who were at the time preparing to assert their own liberties felt the necessity of carrying out the principles upon which they were based to their logical consequence, and therefore proposed the liberation of their own slaves. I may here observe that slaves were never held by many of our citizens, or in any large numbers. Soon after the adoption of the Constitution of Massachusetts, the Supreme Court of the Commonwealth held that slavery was abolished by the Bill of Rights in that instrument.
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