USA > Massachusetts > Bristol County > Rehoboth > Early Rehoboth, documented historical studies of families and events in this Plymouth colony township, Volume III > Part 9
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A picture of this Walker house, reproduced from a photograph taken about 1890, together with a picture of the original attic staircase, reproduced from a pencil sketch made by the author in 1892, will be found in Early Rehoboth, vol. I.
A comparison of the 1860 and 1890 pictures adds to our knowledge of the house and its surroundings. See ante, page 28. The 1860 photograph shows a stone wall in front of the property on the west side of the street now called North Broadway. This wall was not in existence in 1890, but for many years after that time this particu- lar strip of road was a quagmire. The roadway was later filled in to a depth probably equal to the height of the old stone wall.
The 1860 picture shows two magnificent elms, one in the fore- ground, and the other at the end of the house, both in vigorous con-
* Elysian-Belonging to Elysium; hence, supremely blessed or happy. Elysium-Greek My- thology. The Greek paradise or abode of the blessed dead, variously represented as in midair, or in the sun, or in the center of the earth next to Tartarus, or in the Islands of the Blest. A place or a condition of supreme delight; a paradise [Funk & Wagnalls College Standard Dictionary (1941), p. 380].
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Deacon Philip Walker, Poet
dition. The 1890 picture shows half of the elm at the left of the house to be dead. It eventually died and was cut down about ten years ago.
The right (northeast) end of the present house is the original part. The other end was added some hundred years later. Through the years no important structural changes have been made in the house, the sides of which are at present covered with shingles which were nailed over old clapboards fifty years ago. Many years since, all of the downstairs fireplaces were fitted with early type Franklin stoves. The original plank front door now serves as the cover for a cistern.
Some fifty years after Philip Walker was writing poetry in Reho- both there was another poet in the part of the town known as the Rehoboth North Purchase, set off in 1694 as the town of Attle- borough. His name was Joshua Barres and he seems to have suffered the proverbial fate of poets, poverty. At a Proprietors' Meeting in 1727 he presented a petition in the form of five stanzas of poetry asking the gift of ten acres of common land. For once his poetry paid dividends, for it got him not ten acres of land, but eleven.
At a meeting of the proprietors of the Rehoboth North Purchase held at Attleborough on the first Tuesday of June 1727 for a division of land, Joshua Barres presented the following petition :
"Your Honours Now I do Implore To Read my poor petition I hope your Hearts will open be To pitty my Condition.
"Ten acres of the Common Land I pray that you would give Then Thankfull I will be to you As Long as I do Live.
"Such a Kindness I must Confess from you I dont Deserve When I'm in Health I freely work Why should you Let me starve.
"From Day to Day my Dayly Bread I get it by my sweat But to my sorrow I Beg and Borrow When sickness doth me Let.
"No more in Rime Here at this Time No more I have at Hand And so I'll End your faithfull Friend And Servant To Command.
"Joshua Barres "Attleborough June ye 5th 1727".
"Upon the Hearing of the above said petition of Joshua Barres there were sundry persons in the said Meeting which Were proprie- tors Which gave him Land To Take up upon their Rights in the afore
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sd devision their Names are as followeth: William Whipple, Half an acre; Mr. David Freeman, one acre; John Slack, half an acre; Mr. Joseph Bucklen, one acre; Deacon Mayhew Dagget, one acre out of his Rights; Sam11 Tiler gives the one half of sd acre & Dagget the Rest; Mr. Nathaniel Carpenter, one half acre; Mr. Jonathan Sprague, Half an acre; Pentecost Blackinton, Half an acre; Decon Samuel Newman, one acre; Mr. William Richardson, half an acre; James Bucklen, half an acre; Mr. John Chadwick, a quarter of an acre; Mr. Samuel Day, one acre; Samuel Titus, a quarter of an acre; Doct. Thomas Bowen, half an acre; Capt. John Foster, half an acre; and Capt. Foster put up for Major George Leonard, one acre.
"It was voted at the sd Meeting That Joshua Barres should have Liberty to take up the above said Land before any of the present Division be Laid out - Fourteen acres of land more or less, eleven acres of which was given sd Barres" [Proprietors' Records Rehoboth North Purchase, Town of Attleborough (copy at Taunton Registry of Deeds), vol. I, Books I, II, pp. 77-8].
This land was laid out to Joshua Barres on 29 Sept. 1727 by Thomas Wilmarth and John Slack, committee, and Anthony Sprague, sur- veyor [Ibid., vol. I, Books I, II, pp. 78-9].
CHAPTER III
THE MASSACHUSETTS MILITARY EXPEDITION TO MOUNT HOPE
On 21 June 1675, the day following the first attack by Philip on the people of Swansea, Gov. Josiah Winslow sent a letter to the Massachusetts Council asking for aid "only in protecting Plymouth Colony from the allegiance of Philip with the Narragansett and Nipmuck Indians which tribes are within the jurisdiction of Massa- chusetts", stating that if Plymouth could have "fair play" with their own Indians he trusted that they could take care of them- selves. On the back of the letter is a copy of the answer of the Council dated 21 June "at 5 o'clock", assuring him of immediate assistance and that they would dispatch messengers with all speed to both the Narragansetts and Nipmucks.
The same day the Massachusetts Council commissioned Capt. Edward Hutchinson, Seth Perry, and William Towers to take a warning message to the Narragansetts and to leave a letter with Roger Williams at Providence [Mass. Archives, vol. LXVII, papers Nos. 201, 202; Bodge, p. 88].
The following letter written from Wickford by Roger Williams to Gov. John Winthrop, Jr., at Connecticut, gives the details of the meeting between the Boston Commissioners, headed by Captain Hutchinson, and the Narragansett Indians:
From Mr. Smith's at Nahigonsik, June 25, 1675. Sir,-This inclosed of a former date comes to my hand again at Mr. Smith's. Mr. Smith is now absent at Long Island. Mrs. Smith, though too much favoring the Foxians (called Quakers) yet she is a notable spirit for courtesy toward strangers, and prays me to present her great thanks for your constant remembrance of her, and of late by Capt. Atherton.
Sir, this morning are departed from this house Capt. Hutchinson and two more of Boston Commissioners from the Governor and Council of Boston to the Narragansett and Cowesit Indians. They came (three days since) to my house at Providence, with a letter to myself from the Governor and Council at Boston, praying my advice to their Commissioners and my as- sistance, &c., in their negotiations with the Narragansett Indians. I (within an half hour's warning) departed with them toward the Narragansett. We had one meeting that night with Quaunoncku, Miantunnomu's youngest son, and upon the opening of the Governor's letters, he readily and gladly assented to all the Governor's desires, and sent post to Mausup, (now called Canoni- cus), to the Old Queen, Ninicraft and Quawnipund, to give us a meeting at Mr. Smith's. They being uncivil and barbarous, and the Old Queen espe- cially timorous, we condescended to meet them all near the great pond, at least ten miles from Mr. Smith's house. We laid open the Governor's letter : and accordingly they professed to hold no agreement with Philip, in this his rising against the English. They professed (though Uncas had sent twenty to Philip, yet) they had not sent one nor would: that they had prohibited all their people from going on that side, that those of their people who had made marriages with them, should return or perish there: that if Philip or his men fled to them, yet they would not receive them, but deliver them up unto the English.
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They questioned us why Plymouth pursued Philip. We answered: he broke all laws, and was in arms of rebellion against that Colony, his ancient friends and protectors, though it is believed that he was the author of mur- dering John Sossiman, for revealing his plots to the Governor of Plymouth, and for which three actors were two weeks since executed at Plymouth, (though one broke the rope, and is kept in prison until their Court in October.)
2. They demanded of us why the Massachusetts and Rhode Island rose, and joined with Plymouth against Philip, and left not Philip and Plymouth to fight it out. We answered that all the Colonies were subject to one King Charles, and it was his pleasure, and our duty and engagement, for one Eng- lish man to stand to the death by each other, in all parts of the world.
Sir, two particulars the Most Holy and Only Wise made use of to engage (I hope and so do the Commissioners) in earnest to enter into those aforesaid engagements.
First, the sense of their own danger if they separate not from Plymouth Indians, and Philip their desperate head. This argument we set home upon them, and the Bay's resolution to pursue Philip (if need be) and his partakers with thousands of horse and foot, beside the other Colonies, &c.
3. Their great and vehement desire of justice upon Tatuphosuit, for the late killing of a Narragansett young man [sic] of account with them, which point while we were discoursing of, and their instance with me to write to the Governor and Council of Massachusetts about it (which I have this morning done by their Commissioners) in comes (as from Heaven) your dear son Major Winthrop to our assistance, who affirmed that he saw Tatuphosuit sent bound to Hartford jail, and his father Uncas, taking boat with him. The Sachems said they knew it, and had written about it (by my letter inclosed) to yourself: but they were informed that he was set free, and was keeping his Nicommo, or dance in triumph, &c. Your son replied that either it was not so, or if it were, it was according to your law of leaving Indians to Indian justice, which if neglected you would then act, &c. In fine, their earnest request was that either Tatuphosuit might have impartial justice, (for many reasons, or else they might be permitted to right themselves, which the Commissioners thought might be great prudence (in this juncture of affairs) that these two nations, the Narragansetts and Mohegans might be taken off from assisting Philip (which passionately he endeavors), and the English may more securely and effectually prosecute the quenching of this Philippian fire in the beginning of it. The last night they have (as is this morning said) slain five English of Swansey, and brought their heads to Philip, and mortally wounded two more, with the death of one Indian. By letters from the Governor of Plymouth to Mr. Coddington, Governor of Rhode Island, we hear that the Plymouth forces (about two hundred) with Swansey and Reho- both men, were this day to give battle to Philip. Sir, my old bones and eyes are weary with travel and writing to the Governors of Massachusetts and Rhode Island, and now to yourselves. I end with humble cries to the Father of Mercies to extend his ancient and wonted mercies to New England, and am, Sir,
Your most unworthy Servant
Roger Williams. [Narr. Club Publications, vol. VI, pp. 366-369.]
Two days later Roger Williams wrote another letter from Wick- ford to Gov. John Winthrop, Jr., of Connecticut, as follows:
From Mr. Smith's 27 June, 75, (so called.)
Sir,-Since my last (enclosed) the next day after the departure of Capt. Hutchinson and the messengers from Boston, a party of one hundred Narra- gansett Indians, armed, marched to Warwick, which, as it frightened War- wick, so did it also the inhabitants here; though since we hear that the party departed from Warwick without blood shedding: however, it occasioned the English here (and myself) to suspect that all the fine words from the Indian Sachems to us were but words of policy, falsehood and treachery: especially since now the English testify, that for divers weeks (if not months) canoes
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The Massachusetts Military Expedition to Mount Hope
passed to and again (day and night between Philip and the Narragansetts) and the Narragansett Indians have committed many robberies on the English houses. Also, it is thought that Philip durst not have proceeded so far, had he not been assured to have been seconded and assisted by the Mohegans and Narragansetts.
Two days since, the Governor and Council of Rhode Island sent letters and messengers to Mausup (Canonicus) inviting him to come to them to Newport, and assuring him of safe conduct to come and depart in safety. His answer was, that he could not depart from his child which lay sick: but (as he had assured the Boston messengers) so he professed to these from Newport, that his heart affected and sorrowed for the English, that he could not rule the youth and common people, nor persuade others, chief amongst them, except his brother Miantunnomu's son, Nananautunu. He advised the English at Narragansett to stand upon their guard, to keep strict watch, and, if they could, to fortify one or more houses strongly, which if they could not do, then to fly. Yesterday, Mrs. Smith (after more, yea most of the women and children gone) departed in a great shower, by land, for Newport, to take boat in a vessel four miles from her house. Sir, just now comes in Sam. Dier in a catch from Newport, to fetch over Jireh Bull's wife and chil- dren, and others of Puttaquomscutt. He brings word that last night Caleb Carr's boat (sent on purpose to Swansey for tidings) brought word that Philip had killed twelve English at Swansey, (the same Canonicus told us,) and that Philip sent three heads to them, but he advised a refusal of them, which some say was done, only the old Queen rewarded the bringers for their travel. Caleb Carr saith also, that one English sentinel was shot in the face and slain by an Indian that crept near unto him: that they have burnt about twelve houses, one new great one (Anthony Loes): that Philip had left his place, being a neck, and three hundred of Plymouth English, Swansey and others know not where he is, and therefore Capt. Oliver (being at Mr. Brown's) rode post to Boston for some hundreds of horse: that some hurt they did about Providence, and some say John Scot, at Pawtucket ferry, is slain. Indeed, Canonicus advised the English to take heed of remaining in lone out places, and of travelling in the common roads.
Sir, many wish that Plymouth had left the Indians alone, at least not to put to death the three Indians upon one Indian's testimony, a thing which Philip fears; and that yourselves (at this juncture) could leave the Mohegans and Narragansetts to themselves as to Tatuphosoit, if there could be any just way by your General Court found out for the preventing of their con- junction with Philip, which so much concerneth the peace of New England. Upon request of the Government of Plymouth, Rhode Island hath set out some sloops to attend Philip's motions by water and his canoes: it is thought he bends for an escape to the Islands. Sir, I fear the enclosed and this will be grievous to those visible spirits, which look out at your windows: mine, I am sure to complain, &c., yet I press them for your and the public sake, for why is our candle, yet burning, but to glorify our dreadful former, and in making our own calling and election sure, and serving God in serving the public in our generation.
Your unworthy servant,
[Ibid., vol. VI, pp. 370-372.]
Roger Williams.
Massachusetts quickly responded to Plymouth's call for help by sending an expeditionary army of five companies, two leaving Bos- ton on 26 June, another on the 27th, followed by two more on the 28th, accompanied by six wagons of provisions and supplies, supple- mented by a sloop and brigantine by water with additional provisions and supplies; in all about 400 men under the command of Capt. Thomas Savage, the Massachusetts commander-in-chief. These troops marched to Swansea and joined the Plymouth Colony forces already there numbering about 120 men under the command of
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Early Rehoboth
Capt. James Cudworth, Plymouth Colony commander-in-chief. The combined army numbered about 500 Englishmen, besides the Plymouth Colony friendly Indians.
The Massachusetts Expeditionary Force remained in the field for twenty-four days, from 26 June to 19 July 1675, at the expiration of which time four companies returned to Massachusetts, leaving one company of about 120 men under the command of Capt. Daniel Henchman to act with the Plymouth Colony force in guarding Philip in the Pocasset Swamp.
The net military results of the expedition amounted to little or nothing. From 5 July to the 10th most of the Massachusetts forces were in Pettaquamscut negotiating a treaty with the Narragansett Indians. The treaty was signed by Maj. Thomas Savage, Capt. Edward Hutchinson, and Mr. Joseph Dudley, representing Massa- chusetts, and by Maj. Wait Winthrop and Mr. Richard Smith rep- resenting Connecticut. On the part of the Indians, four called "Councellors and Attornies" signed for Canonicus, Ninigret, Mata- taog, old Queen Quaiapen, Quananshit, and Ponapham, the six then sachems of the whole Narragansett Country. The English witnesses were Captains Henchman, Prentice, and Paige and Joseph Stanton, the Connecticut Indian interpreter.
Article VI of the treaty provided that if the sachems or any of their people should capture Philip alive and turn him over to the English they should be paid forty "Trucking-cloth" coats, or for his head, twenty like coats.
Returning from Pettaquamscut, the Massachusetts forces ar- rived at Rehoboth on 15 July where they quartered for the night. The next morning, hearing of no Indians nearer than a greatSwamp at Pocasset, eighteen miles from Taunton, they marched twelve miles to a house at Mattapoiset, midway between Mount Hope and Pocasset Neck. On 17 July they marched twenty miles to Taunton; arriving in the evening and finding the people generally gathered into eight garrison houses. The next day was Sunday. On Monday, 19 July, they marched eighteen miles to the Pocasset Swamp * where Captain Cudworth had found Philip and fought him on 16 July. The Plymouth and Massachusetts forces entered the swamp, fought until dark, and then abandoned the fight with the loss of two English and five or six wounded, as told by Captain Cudworth.
Hubbard said that "It was judged that the Enemy by this Means brought into a Pound, it would be no hard Matter to deal with them,
* The Pocasset Swamp is located in what is now the town of Tiverton, R. I. The contemporary historians, Mather and Hubbard, and the Boston merchant in his letter to London, all speak of this "great swamp seven miles long". Captain Church, who was familiar with the country simply called it "a swamp".
An inspection of the United States Geological Map, the Massachusetts-Rhode Island, Fall River Quadrangle Survey, edition of 1944, shows the large "Pocasset Cedar Swamp", roughly about three-quarters of a mile square, with an extreme length from southwest to northeast of one and a quarter miles. The north end borders on the Fall River and State line with a series of smaller swamps stringing along south through Tiverton for a distance of six or seven miles. This is by no means a single swamp for there is plenty of high land between these small swamps, as will be seen by the contour lines on the map shown opposite page 70.
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The Massachusetts Military Expedition to Mount Hope
and that it would be Needless Charge to keep so many Companies of Soldiers together to wait upon such an inconsiderable Enemy, now almost as good as taken whereupon most of the Companies [four] belonging to the Massachusetts were drawn off, only Capt. Henchman with an hundred Foot being left there together to attend the Enemies Motion, being judged sufficient for that End".
At no time during the whole Indian War were King Philip and his warriors cornered and confronted by such an overwhelming number of armed soldiers, who outnumbered them probably some five or six to one. The military tactical error of the English in withdrawing their superior forces at the very time when victory was in their grasp for the reason that the enemy was too small in numbers to fight, is something new in the history of wars. Up to this time the total loss of life in this war had been only about thirty English killed, and approximately the same number of enemy Indians.
This military blunder was the most serious made in the war and was to prolong it for more than a year with the subsequent loss of some 600 English lives, a figure larger than the total number of armed soldiers who had Philip cornered in the Pocasset Swamp. Had a decisive all-out battle been fought, the number of English killed could not possibly have been more than a tiny fraction of the number who eventually lost their lives.
The whole military strategy at this time seems to have been not to risk the lives of soldiers by fighting, but rather by a parade of troops in force to overawe the Indians, with the idea that this would prevent the Narragansett Indians of Rhode Island and the Nipmuck Indians of Massachusetts from coming into Plymouth Colony to the assistance of Philip.
There can be no doubt that it was in the Pocasset Cedar Swamp on the extreme north where Philip, Weetamoe, and their Indians were attacked by the English on 19 July. All the other swamps south in this chain were too small to hide effectively a body of Indians large enough to require one hundred wigwams as reported by Hubbard. Another thing to be remembered is that the English built Fort Leverett southwesterly of the great swamp for the pur- pose of preventing the Indians from escaping, and that when they actually escaped it was out of the north end of the swamp into open country and straight on over the Taunton River. See map.
None of the contemporary historians left any record of the or- ganization of the military forces sent by Plymouth and Massachu- setts colonies to Swansea. In June Capt. James Cudworth was commander-in-chief of the Plymouth Colony forces. Between this time and 4 Oct. 1675 he had been advanced to the rank of Major when the court "re-established him in the office of General or com- mander-in-chief" [Plymouth Colony Records, vol. V, p. 175].
The organization of the Plymouth Colony forces was as follows: Capt. James Cudworth,* General and Commander-in-chief; Capt.
* James Cudworth was one of those who had houses in Scituate in September 1634 when Rev. John Lathrop arrived there. The following January he was admitted a freeman of Plymouth
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Mathew Fuller,* Surgeon; Lieut. Benjamin Church; Lieut. Na- thaniel Thomas, Commandant of the Mount Hope garrison; and Mr. Constant Southworth,f Commissary. There were 116 men in Captain Cudworth's company, and 20 at Mount Hope garrison under Lieutenant Thomas.
When it comes to a study of the organization of the Massachu- setts forces we have much original source material, thanks to Rev. George Madison Bodge for his research in the Massachusetts Ar- chives and John Hull's Journal of Accounts, all of which will be found, well documented, in his Soldiers in King Philip's War (3rd Ed., 1906).
The instructions of. the Massachusetts Court to Thomas Savage as major of the expeditionary forces to Swanzey under Major General Denison as commander-in-chief of the colony read: "and in case the Lord should disenable yr General so as to take him of the service you shall take charge and command of all according to the commission given unto him", etc. [Mass. Archives, vol. XLVII, p. 207; Bodge, p. 90]. Major Savage had been commissioned for this service before 24 June 1675. General Denison was ill andMajor Savage served in his place.
The organization of the Massachusetts forces was as follows: Maj. Thomas Savage,¿ commander-in-chief; Mr. Joseph Dudley, § chap-
Colony. He afterwards removed to Barnstable but returned to Scituate in a few years. He was a deputy from Barnstable in 1640 and 1642; from Scituate in 1649 and for several years afterwards; captain of the Scituate militia in 1652; an assistant 1656 to 1658; and a commissioner of the United Colonies in 1657. He was a firm friend of toleration, and being judged a "manifest opposer of the government" was left out of the magistracy and the board of commissioners and deprived of his military command in 1658. In 1660 he was disfranchised but was restored in July 1673. In 1674 he was chosen an assistant and served until 1680. In Philip's War, 1675, he was chosen "General and Commander-in-Chief of all the forces that are or may be sent forth against the enemy". In 1681 he was chosen Deputy Governor and Commissioner and the same year was appointed to pro- ceed to England as agent of the Colony to obtain a new charter which should include Narragansett. He went on his mission to England in the summer of 1682. On his arrival he contracted smallpox, of which he died [N. E. Hist. & Gen. Register, vol. XIV, p. 101].
* Matthew Fuller, son of Edward, a brother of the famous Dr. Samuel, was at Plymouth in 1642; went to Barnstable, in 1652, where he was the first physician. He was lieutenant of the Barnstable company in 1652; a deputy from Barnstable in 1653; went with Captain Miles Standish as lieutenant in the Dutch expedition in 1654; fined 50s. in 1658 for "speaking reproachfully of the Court, etc."; appointed on the Council of War the same year; Captain in 1670; chosen "Surjean general" for the Dutch expedition in 1673. At the October Court following the first conflicts in Philip's War there was allowed "to Capt. Mathew Fuller as surjean generall of the forces of this collonie and for other good service, p'formed in the countryes behalfe against the enemie, in the late expeditions, or which may be done in the future, as occation may require, 4s a day". He died in 1678 [Freeman's Hist. Cape Cod, ii, 324; Savage's Gen. Dict., ii, 217; Plym. Col. Rec., ii, 37, 45, 50; iii, 17, 24, 55, 150, 153; v, 48, 136, 175, as printed in foot-note in Church's Entertaining Hist. (Dexter Ed., 1865), vol. I, p. 26]. Church said that "Capt. Fuller told him that for his own part he was grown ancient and heavy and he feared that the travel and fatigue would be too much for him" [Ibid., vol. I, p. 27].
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