USA > Massachusetts > Hampshire County > Easthampton > Historical address delivered at the centennial celebration, in Easthampton, Mass., July 4, 1876 > Part 2
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Excepting the massacre already referred to at Pas- commuck, no record has come to us of the death of any one, at the hands of the Indians, within our bor- ders, excepting Nathaniel Edwards of Northampton, who was shot and scalped in 1724, near the brook which crosses the highway, just south of the residence of Samuel Phelps.
Long before this, the Norwottuck Indians, of whom the lands were bought, had ceased to make Nonotuck their home. For twenty years after their sale of the lands, they dwelt here, in perfect peace with the set- tlers.
In 1664, they were allowed to build a fort upon certain conditions, such as that they should not har- bor hostile Indians, nor violate the Sabbath by bear-
11
DEPARTURE OF THE NORWOTTUCKS.
ing burdens upon it. This fort was probably the one on Fort hill, near its north-east point, overlooking the meadows, east of the present South street in North- ampton. Mr. Judd says that the forts of the Norwot- tucks were generally built upon a bluff, or high bank, projecting into a valley or intervale, near a stream. They also had a fort on Fort plain, the plateau in the rear of our East street school-house, overlooking the meadows of the Manhan and Connecticut. Here was the last residence of Indians within the limits of East- hampton. Their last place of habitation within Non- otuck was on another Fort plain, about half way from Northampton to Hatfield, where they had a fort on the high bank of the Connecticut, overlooking Had- ley Great meadow.
In 1675, they showed evident signs of hostility. This disposition was so marked, that the settlers de- termined to disarm them, peaceably if possible, but to disarm them at all events. Their negotiations failed, and they planned a surprise for the night succeeding August 24, 1675. But the Indians, anticipating the attempt, had fled, having killed an old sachem who would not go. Pursuit of them resulted in an en- counter, in which our troops lost nine men. One of the Indian women afterwards claimed that they lost twenty-six, though Mr. Judd doubts so large a loss. At all events, they retired up the valley and never returned to dwell. One, at least, of their women was friendly to the last, and warned " goodwife Wright" to get into the town with her children, and said she dared not to tell the news, for her tribe would then cut off her head. No doubt some of them, the women especially, left their ancestral home in fair Nonotuck with heavy hearts. Mr. Judd estimates that, at this
12
ANXIETY FROM THE INDIANS.
time, this clan or tribe numbered two hundred or more.
During this period the people were necessarily on the watch against the forces of Philip, and main- tained, during the war, a permanent guard, which, in 1676, two hundred years ago, numbered fifty. In the famous Turners Falls fight, in which our forces were under command of Captain Turner, and in which a decisive blow was struck against Philip, our Northampton soldiers were . under command of En- sign John Lyman ; and rendered efficient service.
But though no Indians resided in Nonotuck after the close of Philip's war, yet there were periods when the people were, with good reason, seriously appre- hensive of an attack ; and when families lay down at night not knowing what horror would befall them be- fore the dawn ; when in going to the field or town a weapon of war was a necessary appurtenance; and when the mother, at home with the children, felt the need of vigilant watch against a surprise. Especially does this appear to have been the case in the years 1745-6-7; for at this time watch houses were built, and a dwelling in each hamlet fortified. The houses of Joseph Bartlett at the mills, Samuel Janes at Pas- commuck, and Maj. Jonathan Clapp on the North- ampton road, were thus fortified.
During all these years, the population of this re- gion was enlarging ; new homesteads were being brought under cultivation ; and the people were es- tablishing a center for themselves. Occasional preach- ing services were enjoyed at the house of Landlord Bartlett ; and they at length felt that their numbers and property would warrant a separate town and church organization. Accordingly, in March, 1773,
13
EASTHAMPTON'S SEPARATION.
they began to press the matter of separation, repre- senting their desire that they might be in such cir- cumstances, that, with little difficulty, they could meet and transact business among themselves; but more especially that with greater convenience, and hopefully, with greater profit to themselves and their families, they might attend on public worship, and on the ordinances of God's sanctuary. The religious motive was thus uppermost in the minds of our fa- thers in seeking to build a new township.
Northampton acquiesced in their request; voted them £300 for religious uses ; and directed its repre- sentative in General Court to forward their petition. But the strenuous opposition of Southampton post- poned the final act till after the Revolution. Again in 1781-2, the matter was agitated, and a Northamp- ton committee reported that " the petitioners with their lands, together with those from Southampton who wished to join them, would make a respectable parish or town, and be fully sufficient to support the charges incident thereto." They recommended that their petition be granted, and the town adopted the recommendation, voting to give the new town one- eighth the public lands and other property. The act of incorporation as a district was not granted till 1785.
The first district meeting was held at the house of Capt. Joseph Clapp, which house is still standing, just north of the covered bridge. The warrant was di- rected to Benjamin Lyman as " one of the principal inhabitants," and he was moderator of the meeting, which chose Dea. Stephen Wright, Capt. Philip Clark, and Eleazer Hannum, selectmen.
Before this time, in anticipation of incorporation,
14
CHURCH ORGANIZATION.
certain individuals made preparation to build a house of worship ; and, in the Spring of 1785, a frame was erected. At the first business meeting of the district, true to their declared religious purpose, the citizens voted to provide a place of worship, taking for that purpose the frame already erected, and paying its owners for the same.
November 17, 1785, the first church was organized, also at the house of Capt. Joseph Clapp. The mem- bership of the church was seventy-two, of whom forty-six were from the church in Northampton, and twenty-six from that in Southampton.
Of this meeting Stephen Wright was moderator, and Capt. Philip Clark clerk, who, with Benjamin Lyman, were chosen deacons. Captain Clark declined filling this office, and two years later Obadiah Janes was chosen to it. Revs. Solomon Williams and Jona- than Judd, from whose churches the members of the new church had come, were present at the organiza- tion, as were Revs. Joseph Strong and Enoch Hale.
April 6, 1789, the church called Rev. Payson Wil- liston to become their pastor. Accepting the call, he was ordained August 13th, the sermon upon the occa- sion being preached by Rev. Noah Williston, and the consecrating prayer being offered by Rev. Richard S. Storrs.
That ordination was an event heavily freighted with the future of the town. It gave us the man who was the people's religious teacher for forty-four years, and their revered and honored father for twenty more. In his loins as yet, but there on that day, by anticipation, was also the man who gave Easthampton its manufacturing industries, and its distinguished position as an educational center. That
15
WAR OF THE REVOLUTION.
day gave Williston, with all that that honored name involves, to Easthampton. It was a great day for Easthampton, was it not ? August 13, 1789.
At the time of its organization the town is said to have contained about sixty-five families ; in all, some four hundred inhabitants. The population in 1790 was four hundred and fifty-seven.
Thus, in outline, I have sketched the beginnings of our goodly town ; its actual beginnings in settlement, together with the antecedent settlement of the mother town; its municipal beginnings in incorpora- tion ; its ecclesiastical beginnings in church organiza- tion. If you would know its territorial beginnings, you must ask the geologist, who, from the rocks, and the soils, and the configuration of the region, has read something of the physical history of these stately ranges, and smiling slopes, and beauteous intervales. The result of the conflicts and strug- gles of nature's mighty forces, forms the basis of that which, having been garnished by man's indus- trious hand, constitutes as fair a landscape as any on which the eye can rest.
But I must hasten to speak of that which is more germane to this day, the war of the Revolution and the part our fathers played.
THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION,
In its inception and early intention, was not a war for the acquisition of new privileges, but simply for the maintenance of the old and time honored. Al- though nominally colonists of Great Britain, our peo- ple, from the beginning, had enjoyed, almost com- pletely, the benefits of home rule. They had scarcely been compelled to feel the power of the mother gov-
16
THE REVOLUTION NOT AN INNOVATION.
ernment at all. By what Burke calls "the wise neglect " of Great Britain, we had been left to the government of our own affairs. The people spoke their minds in the town meetings, and sent their rep- resentatives to General Court to record their will, and to bring it into harmony with the will of their sister townships. The towns managed their own ecclesiastical, educational, and military affairs ; took part in the execution of justice through the local po- lice and jurors whom they chose; levied taxes for these and other purposes ; and discussed, in open meeting, questions relating to matters of public interest. The records of these town meetings are full of interest, and go far to show where the spirit of patriotism was fired to the requisite point. They are, indeed, the wonder and admiration of students of political philos- ophy, everywhere.
In matters of public as well as of municipal interest, the people were their own masters. The representa- tive bodies which they elected appointed the govern- or's council, and directed our militia, judicial, and revenue system. No tax had ever been levied upon us by imperial authority. The people themselves, had thus become trained to self government, to which they had shown themselves entirely competent.
Now the so-called Revolution, in its beginning, was the people's determination to maintain possession of this inheritance which they had received from their ancestors, and to perpetuate the system which had been in force for a century and more. They were, in short, not innovators, but conservators.
The growth and prosperity of the colonies, how- ever, excited the jealousy of the mother country; and a system of taxation was resolved upon, in order that
17
STAMP ACT-PORT BILL.
the colonies might become a direct source of rev- enue.
In 1765, the odious Stamp Act was passed; but was resisted by our people so strenuously, that it was re- pealed. Parliament, however, nullified the effect of the repeal, by reasserting the principle that they had a right, both to tax the colonies, and to legislate for them in all cases whatever. This assertion alarmed the colonies, and put them in the attitude of resistance. For they held dear the right of legislation for them- selves ; and our own Major Hawley but voiced the public sentiment, when he openly declared in General Court, " that he knew not how Parliament could ever have acquired a right to legislate over the colonies." Then came the tea tax, which the people everywhere met by the resolve to drink no tea.
The oppressive Boston Port Bill, which followed, was met by the " solemn league and covenant" to use no English goods during the continuance of the blockade ; a resolution which other open ports pat- riotically shared. It was requested that all the peo- ple of the province should unite in this resolution to use no imported goods. Governor Gage issued a proclamation forbidding the people to subscribe to the agreement ; and threatening, if they did so, to trans- port them to England to be tried for treason. An entry in the Belchertown records of this period, is of interest, as showing the effect of the threat upon the people of this region. Chose ten men "to inspect the town, and see that there is not any goods exposed to sale in Belchertown, that were imported after the 1st day of December last."
After the Port Bill came the Restraining Acts, the design of which was to exclude us from the coast fish- 3
18
REGULATION ACTS OF 1774.
eries. The royal Governors, Bernard, Hutchinson, and Gage, had proceeded on the assumption that the leg- islature of Massachusetts must act in entire subordi- nation to the administration in England ; and the evi- dent determination of Gage to insist upon it, intensi- fied the popular discontent. The military occupation of the province, one incident of which had been the Boston Massacre, increased the alarm.
But the measures which, of all others, if success- ful, would have been fatal to home rule, and the de- struction of the inherited popular liberty, were what are known as the " Regulation Acts of 1774." These ordained that the governor's council, as well as him- self, should be chosen by the king, who also was to hold in his hands the superior judges. Furthermore the inferior judges, and the sheriffs, were made de- pendent upon the will of the governor,-the king's creature ; while to the sheriffs, creatures of the gov- ernor, was entrusted the selection of jurors. Thus almost all officers were to be made creatures of the royal will. Besides, England itself proposed to take custody of the more important cases at law, trans- porting alleged offenders for trial. But the heaviest blow at our liberties, which these acts proposed, was the destruction of the town meeting, as a theatre for the expression of opinion and public discussion. It was decreed that no meetings should be held, saving for the election of municipal officers, except by ex- press consent of the royal governor ; and that only such matters as he allowed should be discussed.
The people saw that their ancient liberties were departing, and that time honored customs were being . disallowed more and more; and they determined upon resistance. " We broke no chain ;" said Mr. Dana in
19
RESISTANCE.
his oration at the Lexington Centennial, "we pre- pared to strike down any hand that might attempt to lay one upon us. There was not one institution, law, or custom, political or social, from the mountain top to the sea-shore, which we cared to change. We were then content to go on as parts of the British empire, holding that slack and easy allegiance we al- ways held, on the old terms of self-government and home rule." But that was not to be allowed, and our people determined to resist encroachments. Al- ready, even before these last acts subversive of the chartered rights of the province, our honored towns- man, Major Hawley, at that time a leading member of the colonial assembly, had become convinced of the necessity for action ; and had publicly declared that, " if the people would maintain their rights and liber- ties, they must fight for them."
For the sake of concert of action and public utter- ance, meetings of the people were everywhere held. Those assembling put themselves in peril ; for in so doing they set the new law at defiance. Berkshire held a Congress at Stockbridge, and took a noble and patriotic stand in regard to the evils that threatened our liberties. Among their recommendations was one that the 14th of July should be observed as a day of fasting and prayer, " to implore the Divine assist- ance that He would interpose and in mercy avert those evils with which we are threatened." A Pittsfield town meeting declared that they viewed it of the greatest importance to the well being of the province, that the people of it "utterly refuse the least submission to the said acts, and, on no consideration to counte- nance the taking place of those acts among us, but re- sist them to the last extremity."
20
COUNTY CONVENTION.
To this period belongs an unsigned paper found among the documents of Col. Elisha Porter of Had- ley, to which I have been kindly allowed access. " Voted, that we will never take, hold, exercise, or execute, any commission, office, or employment what- ever, under, by virtue of, or in any manner derived from, any authority pretended, or attempted to be given, by a late act of the British Parliament, entitled ' An Act for the Better Regulating of the Govern- ment of the Province of Massachusetts Bay in New England ;' and that we will heartily concur with the people of this county and province, in using our ut- most endeavors to maintain, secure, and defend, the charter, and constitutional rights of the people of this province ; and transmit them inviolate to posterity."
I hazard the opinion that this was a copy, or per- haps first draft, of a vote passed in a Hadley town meeting, which sent delegates to a convention of Hampshire County, held in Northampton, September 22 and 23, 1774, " to consult upon measures to be taken in this time of general distress in the province, occasioned by the late attacks of the British ministry upon the constitution of said province."
The president of this convention was Timothy Dan- ielson of Brimfield, who had just had the honor, with thirteen others, among them John Adams and James Bowdoin, to be rejected from the council by Governor Gage, after an election by the General Court; and who, with others, is mentioned by Bradford, after the Otises, father and son, Samuel Adams, and Major Hawley, as among the leaders in opposing the arbi- trary measures of the British ministry.
This convention passed, with great unanimity, a series of resolutions, in which they declared that the
21
FIRST PROVINCIAL CONGRESS.
county did not intend to withdraw from the king; but that the charter of the province ought to be kept in- violate. The resolutions also characterized the acts of the British Parliament as " subversive," and the acts of Governor Gage, the rightfulness of whose au- thority they doubted, as destructive of their rights ; declared the holding of a Provincial Congress at Con- cord to be necessary, as well as the holding of town meetings ; and exhorted the people to be diligent to acquaint themselves with the military art, under the direction of such persons as they might choose, and to furnish themselves with arms and ammunition. Conventions, with similar results, were held in most of the other counties in the State. Thus, while the people of our county declared their wish to be loyal to their sovereign, they also showed their determina- tion to maintain their vested and ancestral rights, even if, as Hawley had declared and as seemed likely, a resort to arms must be taken. ^
The necessity of a Provincial Congress, which the Convention declared, arose, in part, from the fact that the General Court had not been held for some time ; and that, if held, it was liable to be prorogued at any time, by the governor. Delegates, having been ap- pointed, assembled in Salem in October, 1774; chose John Hancock president ; and adjourned to Concord.
Our members of that Congress were Dea. Elias Ly- man of Southampton, and Col. Seth Pomeroy of Northampton, a veteran who had served under Pep- perell at the reduction of Louisburg. The latter was a member of the committee who were directed to pre- pare an address to Governor Gage, and one of three general officers who were chosen to command the military of the province. Another of the three was
22
PREPARATIONS FOR RESISTANCE.
Colonel Ward, who afterwards held general command at the time of the Battle of Bunker Hill, and who was made one of the first four major-generals by the Continental Congress. The third was Colonel Thomas who held command at Roxbury on that memorable day. Colonel Thomas, Colonel Pomeroy, and Colonel Heath, also of our colony, were three of the first eight brigadier-generals of the Continental army.
This first Provincial Congress also appointed a com- mittee of safety with executive powers. They also directed municipal tax officers not to pay money to the treasurer of the province, who was under the in- fluence of the governor ; but to Henry Gardner, Esq., whom they constituted receiver-general. Ours was the first town to respond, paying to Treasurer Gard- ner, by the hand of Major Hawley, the first money he had received. At this time, Belchertown " voted by a great majority, to defend the constables, both in col- lecting their taxes, {as some threaten in this day of calamity, now all law is stopped and all executive authority is put down,) and in paying over the money when collected, to said Gardner."
The standing committee appointed by the Provin- cial Congress, many of whom were military officers, were directed to ascertain the quantity of arms, can- non, and gunpowder in the province, and to encour- age military discipline among the citizens. Militia companies were speedily organized everywhere, and the people determined to be ready for armed resist- ance. Southampton showed its determination to be ready, by voting a sum of money for some person to instruct the Minute Men in learning the military art ; also to give the Minute Men ninepence a time, for six half days in learning military exercises.
23
TIIE CONFLICT BEGUN.
To the point of armed resistance, events were rap- idly tending. In February, 1775, Parliament declared Massachusetts in rebellion. The instructions of Dart- mouth to Governor Gage were, "The sovereignty of the king over the colonies requires a full and absolute submission." To this Gage replied, "The time for conciliation is over ; the forces must take the field ; " and he called for twenty thousand soldiers, to enforce the " subversive " acts of Parliament. Meetings of the people were still held, some of which Gage at- tempted to disperse by his soldiers. Massachusetts was under martial law. The spirit of the people was resolute and undaunted. The issue was fairly made up. Neither party would retire ; and on the 19th of April the collision came at Lexington and Concord ; with what results the country knows; and all the · world knows; for the first shot was heard around the world.
The Provincial Congress had adjourned to May ; but its Committee of Safety, in pursuance of their execu- tive powers, at once convened it ; and it proceeded to adopt those measures which were " indispensable for the salvation of the country," one of which they deemed to be the raising of an army of thirty thou- sand men. They called for nearly half that number from this State. The committee had already, by cir- cular, urged the towns to lose no time in sending troops to Boston. "Our all is at stake ;" they said, " every minute is infinitely precious." The appeal met a prompt response. Men flew at once to arms. A few brief hours, after receipt of the tidings, sufficed to start a company from many a town. Hampshire was not behind her sister counties: Col. Timothy Dan- ielson of Brimfield, whom Gage had recently rejected
24
UPRISING OF THE PEOPLE.
from sitting in the council, led a Hampshire regiment to meet Gage in arms.
In this regiment was the Northampton company of sixty-nine men, commanded by Capt. Jonathan Allen, and Lieuts. Oliver Lyman and James Shepherd. The Southampton company of forty-six men, a few of whom were from Northampton and Norwich, was commanded by Capt. Lemuel Pomeroy, and Lieut. Jonathan Wales. Nine days after the battle, South- ampton voted "to do something to support our friends and brethren that have gone into the army." " Voted to pay for two-thirds of the provision that is provided for Capt. Lemuel Pomeroy's company." A committee of nine was chosen to collect the provision and dispatch it by team.
Capt. Abel Thayer of Williamsburg could not wait for his company, and hastened for the scene of action with ten men, where he was joined by twenty-one others. The other towns were equally zealous. Col. Ruggles Woodbridge of South Hadley, commanded a Hampshire regiment, part of which served with the gallant Prescott within the redoubt at Bunker Hill.
At midday, April 21, tidings reached Berkshire, and the next morning Colonel Patterson of Lenox was leading to Boston a regiment of northern Berkshire men, completely armed and equipped, and mostly uniformed. At Bunker IIill this regiment built and defended Fort No. 3 in Charlestown; aided in the siege of Boston till its surrender ; proceeded thence to Canada via. New York ; retreated with the army to Ticonderoga where it fortified Mount Independence ; rejoined Washington in New Jersey ; crossed the Del- aware with him, and fought at Princeton and Tren-
25
POMEROY AT BUNKER HILL.
ton; and was in at Burgoyne's surrender; thus serving through the whole period most gallantly and with fearful losses.
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