USA > Massachusetts > Hampshire County > Easthampton > Historical address delivered at the centennial celebration, in Easthampton, Mass., July 4, 1876 > Part 4
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They looked after deserters and tories; they con- sulted for the public weal; and were in communi- cation with both the civil and the military authori-
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COMMITTEES OF SAFETY.
ties, and with one another. As a specimen of the spirit with which they were appointed, the following vote, passed by Belchertown, may be given. Hav- ing appointed a committee of safety, February 9, 1775, " to confer with similar committees from other towns," it was "voted by a great majority, that, if we hear of any routs, riots, or other unlawful assem- blies, we will immediately inform one or more of the committee, and will, in compliance to their advice, do anything that is reasonable, or within our power, to suppress them." It was also recommended, that, if they could not be otherwise suppressed, the aid of the committees from other towns be invoked. This favor they promised to reciprocate in case of need.
Northampton's first Committee of Correspondence, Inspection, and Safety, consisted of the following rep- resentative men : Maj. Joseph Hawley, Robert Breck, Ezra Clark, Dea. Josiah Clark, Jacob Parsons, Col. Seth Pomeroy, Elijah Hunt, Ephraim Wright, Elias Lyman, Lieut. Elijah Clark, Capt. Joseph Lyman, who afterwards led a company of recruits to join the northern army, Quartus Pomeroy, Martin Phelps, Ca- leb Strong, Jr., and Dr. Levi Shepherd.
There had, however, been a previous Committee of Correspondence, and also one of Inspection. These two were superseded by the new committee, which was to have the whole matter in hand.
The next committee consisted of the same persons, excepting that Abner Barnard and John Lyman were substituted for Col. Seth Pomeroy and Elijah Hunt.
The Southampton Committee of Safety consisted of Jonathan Judd, Jr., Samuel Burt, Elias Lyman, Aaron Clark, Jonathan Clark, Timothy Clark, Sam- uel Pomeroy, Samuel Clapp, and Israel Sheldon.
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COMMITTEES OF SAFETY.
May 8, 1775, the Provincial Congress authorized the Committees of Correspondence and Selectmen of the towns, " to take effectual care to disarm all who will not give assurance of their good intentions in re- gard to the interests of the country," and to " put it out of their power to obstruct, by any means what- ever, the necessary measures for the common de- fence." This was a precaution made necessary by the tory spirit, which here and there exhibited itself.
Local conventions of the Committees of Safety were occasionally held for mutual conference. One was held at Northampton, February 5, 1777, at which most of the towns of old Hampshire were represented. Nathaniel Dwight, chairman of Belchertown's com- mittee, presided over the convention. They took into consideration the suffering condition of the northern army, and sought to stir up the Committee of Supplies to send relief. Various other recom- mendations were made, one of which was a peti- tion to the General Court, to devise measures to sup- press toryism. They complain of "our inimical brethren," who, it appears, sneered at the General Court ; defied the selectmen to draft them ; counter- feited the paper currency ; paid no regard to the Com- mittees of Safety ; and endeavored to prevent the raising of a new levy of men.
A complaint made by Capt. Josiah Lyman of the Belchertown company in Colonel Porter's regiment, just before he set out for Canada, will illustrate this state of things. The document was addressed to the home Committee of Safety, of which Nathaniel Dwight, president of the aforesaid convention, was chairman, and, with sundry omissions, is as follows : "Josiah Lyman complains, and says that he was at 6
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COMMITTEES OF SAFETY.
Ware, with orders from Colonel Porter to enlist men to join the regiment in the proposed expedition to Canada ; and he and Luke Chapin having got seven men willing to enlist, Colonel - tells them, that the head men of the town was no ways obliged to encourage their men to go, and appeared to talk dis- couraging about their enlisting. Colonel -- 's son Moses said Colonel Porter was a d-d Tory, and he had as lief go under Tom Gage as go under him, and that he would not go under him if he might be his lieutenant-colonel. Colonel said he had some scruples upon his mind about him. I, the said Josiah, queried why he voted for Porter to go to Canada. He said he did not think he was a Tory, but that he was too fierce and heady. In all which I, the said Josiah, think I was much injured and abused."
Luke Chapin, and several other eye-witnesses of the affair, confirm Captain Lyman's charges. Whether anything was ever done about it is not known. At this time, the aforesaid Colonel - was in command of the Fourth Hampshire regiment of militia, but was superseded by Colonel Porter upon his return from active service. That his arraignment of Porter was unjust, the confidence of Washington in Porter, as well as his own supersedure, abundantly proves. His motive was, probably, not Toryism, but personal jealousy ; for he seems to have retained the confi- dence of his townsmen, so far that he was afterwards influential in town affairs.
All accounts agree that the northern army suffered severe hardships. They were insufficiently supplied with clothing, and were often short of food. Small- pox and fevers ravaged the army fearfully. Of the
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COMMITTEES OF SAFETY.
garrison at Ticonderoga, a few months after the period covered by Porter's diary, Bancroft says : "The sick were very numerous and perishing in misery, and all suffered from want of clothing." There was, also, some lack of discipline, and consequently of efficiency, ow- ing partly to the short terms of enlistment, and partly to the independent spirit of the citizen soldiers, who were patriotic, but had not fully learned the need of subordination in military affairs.
On account of the hardship to be endured, deser- tions were frequent; and here the services of the Committees of Safety were called into requisition by the officers in the field. There is preserved among Colonel Porter's papers, a letter to himself from Major Hawley, chairman of our Committee of Safety. It is interesting, as showing the current state of affairs, the functions of the Committees of Safety, the motive and spirit of the deserters, and the attitude of the people towards them. It is dated July 7, 1776, and is as follows : "Sir :- Mr. Breck lately received a letter from Captain Chapin and Lieutenant Hunt," (who were in command of our men in Porter's regi- ment,) "informing him that several of their company had deserted. We immediately wrote to the com- mittees of every place where we thought they might secrete themselves, requesting the most effectual measures to secure them; but before they could have heard of it, those of this town came home. When called before the committee, they declared their de- sign to return back, as soon as they could properly furnish themselves with the necessary apparel; and mentioned the want of it as the occasion of their deserting. They desired the committee to fix the time of their return. From a consideration of their
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THE SPIRIT OF '76.
circumstances, we permitted them to stay till this day.
" We heard that those from Southampton were to be at Worthington at a particular time, and sent to apprehend them ; but are now convinced that they had no design to secrete themselves. They readily engaged to return, and said they always intended to ; and seemed extremely sorry for their indiscretion. As they have all conducted well heretofore, and are persons of good reputation, we wish and request on their behalf, that the greatest lenity may be shown them. The disapprobation of their conduct among their friends has been some degree of punishment ; and we beg leave to say that we imagine a temporary shame for misconduct, in minds that are ingenuous, will sometimes produce better effects than punish- ment attended with lasting infamy."
We, certainly, have no occasion to judge them more severely than did Major Hawley. Many things may be excused in a half-clad, poorly-fed soldier. The case was a desperate one, and no wonder that faith sometimes failed.
Colonel Porter's regiment set out for Canada in the midst of the carly snows of 1776. On the 25th of June, in the same year, the General Court ordered five thousand troops to be raised for six months' ser- vice. The Hampshire troops were to reinforce the northern army, and were offered each a bounty of £7. The quota of old Hampshire was seven hundred and fifty-four; of these, Northampton was to send forty-seven, and Southampton seventeen. Shortly after, other regiments were ordered from Hampshire and Berkshire, to join the northern army. In Sep- tember, Washington called for more of the militia;
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MAJOR CLAPP AND SONS.
and the General Court ordered every fifth man to march. Nor was this enough. In December, one- eighth of the Hampshire militia were ordered to join Schuyler and Gates. Bradford, in his History of Massachusetts, remarks : "Nothing but a devoted spirit of patriotism, and a strong love of liberty, could have prompted to such sacrifices and efforts. In other times, the expenses and exertions of the year 1776 alone, would have discouraged the inhab- itants. The greater part of the whole male popula- tion was engaged in the public service in the course of the year. It also required large numbers to attend the wagons of provisions and stores, and ship carpen- ters were sent to the lake to build boats ; and women and children were obliged to perform the ordinary labor of agriculture."
These were stirring times; and it is to be re- gretted that we have so incomplete a record of the names of the soldiers who served the country during this period ; though it seems that it must have in- cluded nearly the whole able-bodied male population.
As an instance of this, it may be related that Jonathan Clapp, son of Major Jonathan and brother of Quartermaster Benjamin, who ran the grist mill on the Manhan, had been compelled to resist his impulses to join the army, in order to serve the people at home as a miller, there being no other in the region. But as news came, in 1777, that the conflict was approaching between our army and Bur- goyne, he could no longer resist his impulses; and so he locked his mill and hastened towards the seat of conflict, though he was too late for the engage- ment.
At the time of the battle of Bennington, which
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DELINQUENTS.
had shortly preceded Burgoyne's defeat, his father, Major Jonathan, who was in some public service, lay sick in Pittsfield, in care of the other son, Benjamin. The roar of the artillery was distinctly heard in Pitts- field, and filled the son with such ardor, that nothing but the extreme necessity of his father prevented him from rushing off for the fray.
Who led those companies from the Hamptons, which followed Captain Chapin's company of Porter's regiment, during the northern campaign, I am unable to say, saving that the Northampton records, in 1777, speak of " the men who went with Capt. Joseph Lyman to Ticonderoga last Summer." It will be remembered that Porter, in his diary, speaks of the arrival of these men. It appears, also, that one, Cap- tain Allen, led another company ; for, early in 1777, the town voted that " the persons who shall now en- gage in the service aforesaid, who belonged to Cap- tain Allen's company and Captain Chapin's company the last year, both officers and privates, shall have full compensation for all losses by them sustained in clothes and other articles." Each of these, and any others who would enlist, were to be paid a bounty of £15.
It was at this time reported, that some citizens had failed to do their proper share in promoting the pub- lic cause ; and accordingly the town chose a committee to see who were delinquent, and to assess them such sums as they judged to be their share. The clerks of the militia companies were to collect this money. Northampton appears at that time to have had four militia companies ; and the committee on delinquents in the fourth, which must have been our company, were Capt. David Lyman, Jonathan Janes, Samuel
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CAPTURE OF BURGOYNE.
Judd, David Chapman, and Joel Parsons. These, it will be noticed, are Easthampton names.
At this time, it was seen to be of great importance, that the enlistments be for three years, in order that the armies might not be liable to be crippled in a crisis, by the expiration of the soldiers' terms. En- listments for this term proceeded very slowly ; and the full levy was not secured till orders were issued for the several towns to raise their proportion by classes, making each class responsible for a man. The recruiting authorities were to make as good terms as they could with the men. The records of Northampton show that this course was taken here. How many, or who, Easthampton sent is not known ; but she must have sent her quota.
It was voted at that time, to allow each man, who had or who would enlist for three years, or during the war, £30; and to pay to certain marines a bounty of £10 for two years, and of £10 more for another year. If the families of soldiers in the Continental army were in need, it was voted to see them sup- plied.
April 23, 1777, two battalions of seven hundred and fifty men each, were ordered from Hampshire County, for two months' service around Ticonderoga. This would have required nearly one hundred men from Northampton. But the cup was not even yet full. The formidable advance of Burgoyne in Au- gust, demanded larger sacrifices. Berkshire and Hampshire, and afterward other counties, were or- dered to send on reinforcements. This levy called out every seventh man in the militia Large sums were expended in provisioning the troops, and in making passable the roads over our western hills.
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REQUISITIONS OF '78.
Great must have been the rejoicing of our people, when, at length, tidings came of the severe but victo- rious battles about Saratoga, and of the capitulation of Burgoyne on the 19th of October. I can never, however, think of the rejoicings of the victors, with- out thinking, too, of the heartache of those, by the blood of whose friends the victory was won. Who of our townsmen fell at Saratoga, I can not tell. But I make no doubt, that some hearts among us ached, when the brave victors returned ; but for all that it was matter for great rejoicing. The great nightmare, which had rested upon the breast of the State for more than a twelvemonth, was shaken off. The pet scheme of our enemies had failed. The im- mense drain upon the resources of the State would now, in some measure, be checked. The militia, some of whom had been long from home, were re- turned to their homes. Their immediate object was accomplished ; but the war was by no means over.
Burgoyne and his soldiers were conducted to Bos- ton, whence, on parole, they sailed to England. Their route to the sea-board lay through Northamp- ton and Hadley. Burgoyne was in custody of Colo- nel Porter, at whose house he spent a night. It is a fact of interest that that house is still occupied by Colonel Porter's descendants.
The war wore on, with its varied success and de- feat; with its heavy drafts of men and military sup- plies. But the towns nobly responded to the calls. In the year 1778, there were several calls. On the 20th of April, requisition was made upon Massachu- setts for two thousand men, to recruit her fifteen decimated battalions in the Continental army. Hamp- shire's share was two hundred and forty-two; North-
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REQUISITIONS OF '79.
ampton's thirteen. On the same day, one thousand five hundred were ordered for the North River and Rhode Island, of which Hampshire was to furnish one hundred and eighty-two. Later in the year, this county had to furnish, for service in Rhode Island, and with General Stark at Albany, one hundred each. These calls would have required about thirty-three men from Northampton during the year.
The year 1779 saw no lightening of the burden. On the 8th of June, the county was asked for one hundred and two men for seven months' service in Rhode Island ; and for two hundred and twenty-eight nine months' men to recruit again her fifteen battal- ions. On the 9th of October, she was asked for four hundred and fifty, to co-operate with the forces sent by our ally, France. To each of these men was given, besides their regular Continental pay, a bounty of £16 per month; and to the latter, a bonus of £30 also, and 2s. mileage. It must be remembered that, by this time, paper was at a discount. The records show that Northampton bravely did her share of the work of this year. Repeated assemblies were held to institute measures for meeting the call. Now the town was borrowing money to pay the bounty ; now instructing the selectmen to get the men on as good terms as possible, but to get them at all events ; here a reference to those who went to Providence, and to those who went with Captain Cook to New London ; and there an order that a certain part of the bounty be paid in wheat at 4s., or "rie " at 3s., or corn at 2s. a bushel.
Although we know the burden of a four years' war, we are not fully able to realize the burden of an eight years' war, a part of it almost within hearing. 7
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CONTRIBUTIONS OF CLOTHING.
As the burden became heavier, men would stay at home if drafted, and pay a fine instead.
And it was not only men, but money, clothing and food, which were needed. At that time we had no factories. Our mothers carded and spun the wool, dyed the yarn, knit it into stockings, or wove it into blankets for the bed, or into cloth from which they cut and made the garments. When anything of this kind was needed, requisition was laid upon the towns. Committees were frequently appointed, either to so- licit or in some cases with power to make such de- mands as they judged proportionate, upon the vari- ous families. Many times, blankets were cheerfully taken from beds in use. In 1778-9 and 80, orders were passed for the collection of shirts, shoes, and stockings ; in one instance equal in number to one- seventh the males; in another to one-tenth the num- ber of males over sixteen, and half as many blankets. In one case Northampton's share of each was sixty- four; and in another about forty, and half as many blankets. And Southampton's share was about half as many. In the call of 1780, Elijah Hunt of North- ampton, was agent for Hampshire County. In 1778, a committee was appointed to go from house to house through the town, to collect "such things as they judged would be serviceable to the soldiers." These were to be sent to Albany " for the soldiers who went from this town." Jonathan Janes was the so- licitor in our section of the old town. August 9, 1779, £1,500 were voted to pay for clothing for the Continental army, and on November 9, £1,678. At the same time they appointed a committee to pur- chase grain for the army. In 1780, a supply of beef was ordered, and Northampton voted to purchase,
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REGULATION OF PRICES.
upon its credit, eleven thousand three hundred and sixty pounds. As showing the depreciation of the currency at this time, it may be mentioned that Belchertown's quota of beef was six thousand three hundred and sixty pounds, for which they had to pay £7,362. The records of Belchertown show three several calls for beef within a year.
One of the interesting and somewhat odd things on record as to those times, is the fact of the appoint- ment of the following distinguished citizens as a com- mittee " to procure cotton and linen rags, for the necessary purpose of making paper:" Simeon Par- sons, Levi Shepherd, Benjamin Tappan, John Lyman, Maj. Jonathan Clapp.
Inasmuch as it had been noticed, " that many per- sons have hoarded up great stores, for which they asked exorbitant prices, which tends to discourage the soldiers, wrong the poor, and 'sinque' the conti- mental currency," the four New England States, by a conference of committees, sought to fix the price of the necessaries of life. Their recommendations, rat- ified by the several legislatures, fixed the prices in the market centers. Massachusetts allowed local modification of the same.
This was in 1777; and in 1779, another State Con- vention was held in Concord, to regulate prices ; also a local convention in Northampton, " to agree upon a uniformity in the price of the articles, in the several towns in the County." Upon the basis of the agree- ment of 1777, Belchertown agreed upon a list of prices, which was probably essentially like that of the sister towns in this valley. It will be interesting to note a few of the most important or unique items.
Prices of labor. Farm hands, in haying or harvest,
1
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EASTHAMPTON'S SOLDIERS.
not to exceed 3s. a day, and their dinner. A man, and two yoke of oxen, in the Spring, 6s. a day. Car- penters, 3s. 8d. a day. Women tailors, Is. a day. Housemaids, 3s. a week. Man's board, 6s. a week. " A dinner at the tavern, without cyder to drink with it, 10d." Farm produce. Rye, 4s., corn, 3s., peas and beans, 6s., potatoes, 1 to 1}s. a bushel. Fresh pork, 4d., beef, 3¿d., mutton and veal, 2¿d., cheese, 6d., butter, 8d, wool, 2s. per pound. Yard wide flannel, cotton, and linen, 3s. 6d. a yard. Best men's shoes, 8s. a pair. This was a legislative, anti-monopoly movement. What effect it had, the town records at least, do not state.
We regret that we have not a more complete rec- ord of the names of the soldiers of the Revolution- ary period. But men were too busy then with doing, to think very much about recording their deeds.
We of this town should be especially glad if we knew who, in the district which afterwards was made Easthampton, to remember as our representatives in the great struggle ; though we do not ascribe to the soldiers all the glory. The whole people shared in the hardships of the period. Especially was this true of the period which culminated with the surrender of Burgoyne. Everything not absolutely essential to the support of those at home, was then sent to the army. But though all the people shared the hard- ships, we should be glad to know who rendered actual military service ; but our desire can be only in part gratified.
I have been able to find no record of the names of Northampton's soldiers, and we are left only to the statements handed down from that time by word of mouth. Putting these together, Rev. Luther Wright,
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EASTHAMPTON'S SOLDIERS.
in a note appended to his Historical Sketch of East- hampton, says : " Among those engaged more or less in the service of their country, were Captain Joseph Clapp and Quartermaster Benjamin Clapp, Dr. Ste- phen Wood, and his sons Daniel and David ; the father died in the service at West Point. John Clapp, who was in the army four years, Benjamin Lyman, Jr., Stephen Wright, Jr., David Clapp, who never returned, Levi Clapp, Eliakim Clark, afterwards captain, Barzilar Brewer, and Willet Chapman. The last two died in the army. Moses Gouch served through the war."
I can add only the names of Phinehas Clark, Zadoc Danks, Stephen Wright, the father of Samuel Brooks, formerly of this town, and Daniel Braman.
On a previous page, I have spoken of the service of Major Jonathan Clapp and his sons, Jonathan and Benjamin. The latter was out twice, once with Washington at and about White Plains, N. Y. Two of Burgoyne's captured soldiers were, for a time, quartered with him in Easthampton. They were men of education and good parts. On one occasion, during his absence, his wife asked one of them to say grace at the table. This he did, and, somewhat irreverently, characterized the dish of meat as " bones," and his host as a rebel. Such trifling did not suit the Puritan and patriotic wife; and, on the return of her husband, they were treated to a good round lecture, and given to understand that it did not become prisoners to be too captions.
Phinehas Clark was, on one occasion, stationed as a guard on an important post, when an officer under- took to persuade him to allow him to pass without the countersign, urging that his business was most important. But the guard halted him by the deter-
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EASTHAMPTON'S SOLDIERS.
mined threat to pierce him with his bayonet in case of further advance; whereat the officer, who was Washington in disguise, revealed himself, and ex- pressed himself as satisfied with the guard's soldierly conduct. On another occasion, when he was ill, he was placed on guard ; and was overcome by sleep. He was arrested and tried by court-martial ; but his illness (which should have exempted him from duty) and his youth, were plead in extenuation so warmly, by his comrades of Northampton, that his life was spared ; and he received only the nominal punish- ment of a day in the guard-house. It is said that the confinement probably saved his life, as the day was so excessively hot that many on duty were fatally sun-struck.
Benjamin Lyman, Jr., was the first of our citizens to enlist in the Continental army, which he did at the age of sixteen years. He was in the battle of Ben- nington. The story is preserved among his descend- ants that he was acting as a scout at the time of the capture of Major Andre ; and that he helped to conduct Andre to head-quarters, holding the rope in his hands while Andre was pinioned. During the night, while they were traveling, Andre stumbled over some obstacle and fell, after which he complained of having suffered injury by the fall. On this account young Lyman gave him a little looser rope. He was also one of those who kept guard at the sad time of Andre's execution.
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