USA > Massachusetts > Worcester County > Historical collections, Vol. II > Part 23
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45
The acts of Jefferson generally were well calculated to gain favor with the masses; his simplicity of manners, and plain mode of living and condneting the affairs of government, made a striking contrast, compared with the more precise, aris- tocratie, and courtly manners of Presidents Washington and John Adams, which gained him great favor with the people at large. It was this simplicity, and the avoidance of meas- ures calculated to excite alarm in the public mind, that laid the foundation for the prosperity of the Democratic party,
282
SOUTHBRIDGE.
and enabled it to control the affairs of the general government for many successive administrations.
The war message of John Adams in 1797 had a damaging effect, and together with the alien and sedition laws, although well intended, added to the unpopularity of his administration and the Federal party ; and, again, the attempt by Mr. Adams to adopt court manners and fashions created a disgust with the plain and practical portion of the community, which com- posed a great majority of the voters of the country.
To counteract the Federal policy, and the tendency of the central government to more concentrated powers, Mr. Jeffer- son drafted what has been known as the "Kentucky and Vir- ginia Resolutions," which appeared in 1798. And to further add to the popularity of the Jefferson or Republican party, the war against the emperor of Morocco and the Tripolitans was closed in 1803, through the gallant management of Com- modore Preble and General William Eaton, with favorable re- sults for American commerce. Again, the acquisition of the Louisiana territory, by the treaty with Napoleon, negotiated 30th of April, 1803, by Robert R. Livingston and James Mon- roe on the part of the United States, and Barbe Marbois in behalf of the French, for sixty millions of francs, or eleven millions two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, was of a character to give lasting renown to Jefferson's administration and the Republican party, which, with many other brilliant acts of his, closed his public life with great eclat with the people.
Under this favorable condition of political affairs with the Republican party, James Madison was elected to the presi- dency, March 4, 1809.
At this time, owing to the orders in council, and particularly the continued practice of the British government in detaining American merchant vessels at sea, and impressing the seamen into their naval service, great indignation existed against that
283
SOUTHBRIDGE.
nation ; and furthermore, all negotiations urged by the United States against those acts proved unavailing in procuring re- dress for past offenses or security against the future.
The orders in council, and the Berlin and Milan decrees, continuing with great detriment to American commerce, a new non-intercourse act was passed in 1810. This provided,
"That if either France or England repealed her obnoxious decrees, and the other did not within three months do likewise, then intercourse should be renewed with the one, while with the other non-intercourse should be continued."
In August the French minister of foreign affairs gave notice to the American minister that the Berlin and Milan de- crees had been revoked by the emperor; and in November Mr. Madison issued his proclamation announcing the fact, and declaring that the act of non-intercourse would be revived as to Great Britain, unless her orders in council should be re- voked within three months from that date. Great Britain declined, alleging no proper authority for the assertion of the revocation of the French decrees; and in March, 1811, Napo- leon disavowed the statement of his foreign minister, and American shipping continued to be made lawful prizes.
With all the efforts that the administration were able to make, with constant remonstrances by the American ministers at both the French and English courts, the capture of Ameri- can shipping continued.
The government was averse to war, while the non-inter- course laws were causing great irritation and opposition to the Republican party by those engaged in commerce, partien- larly in New England, where the administration was stigma- tized as cowardly and afraid to maintain the just rights of the people. Such was the state of the foreign and domestic rela- tions of the country at the beginning of the year 1812.
When remonstrating with the English government for their violation of the rights of neutrals, and demanding a change of
284
SOUTHBRIDGE.
their unlawful acts by the seizure of American ships and cargoes, and the impressment of their seamen, the American minister was informed that it was not the intention of Great Britain to depart from the position they had taken.
Under such a condition of affairs, Mr. Clay, John C. Cal- houn, and Mr. Lowndes advised measures of preparation for war. Upon this, Congress passed bills for an increase of the army and the navy, and for that purpose appropriated $1,000,000.
Mr. Madison acquiesced, yet with the hope that war might not be the result. But on receipt of the declaration of the British minister, making known that the English government had decided to make no change of their course upon Ameri- can commerce and seamen, a large part of the American people were urgent for war, and, on the 1st of June following, Mr. Madison transmitted a special message to Congress, in which he reviewed the whole controversy, and expressed in strong language the encroachments of Great Britain upon the rights of the country.
This message being referred to the committee of foreign affairs, they made report the 3d of June following, giving a basis for a declaration of war. The measure was soon adopted in the house by a vote of 79 to 49, and after a delay of four- teen days the senate declared in its favor by a vote of 19 to 13. Mr. Madison, on the 18th, approved the same, and issued his proclamation accordingly, and urged preparation by the people to meet the demands of the contest to follow.
The British Admiral Warren arrived with his fleet at Hali- fax in September, and opened negotiations with Mr. Madison for a provisional accommodation with the United States government, and an immediate cessation of hostilities with a view to peaceful arrangements. Mr. Monroe, then secretary of state, replied that this government was willing to treat upon the proposition, provided Admiral Warren was authorized
285
SOUTHBRIDGE.
to negotiate for suspending in future the impressment of American seamen ; this not being agreed upon, war ensued. In March, 1813, the whole coast of the United States was de- clared by England in a state of blockade, except New Hamp- shire, Massachusetts, and Rhode Island.
It is not the design here to write the history of this war (as that is not the particular object of this article), but to refer to some of the acts of the party of opposition touching this war, and the Republican party, then controlling the affairs of the government.
It is evident from the terms of the proclamation by the government of Great Britain, upon the blockade, that it was well understood there that a powerful party in New England was opposed to Mr. Madison's administration, and that great bitterness prevailed in that section towards the party in power and their measures. Furthermore, the lukewarm course adopted by New England in support of the war, and the refusal to supply the quota of troops demanded by the requisition of the President, was also well known by the British Parliament.
This lack of support to the government in this severe crisis of its affairs was very unpatriotic, and justly deserved the cen- sure passed upon the leaders in the State administrations of this Eastern section of the Union, at that period. It, no doubt, had much to do in preventing the attempt to stay hostilities, when negotiation was made for that end.
Among the many disturbing elements that operated at this period to increase the exasperated state of party feeling, and to throw odium upon the Federalist leaders in New England, was that which was called the "John Henry Plot." This may be explained by quoting President Madison's message to both houses of Congress on the 9th of March, 1812, which is as follows :
"I lay before Congress copies of certain documents which remain in the department of state. They prove that, at a recent period, whilst
286
SOUTHBRIDGE.
the United States, notwithstanding the wrongs sustained by them, ceased not to observe the laws of peace and neutrality towards Great Britain, and in the midst of amicable professions and negotiations on the part of the British government, through its public minister here, a secret agent of that government was employed in certain States, more especially at the seat of government in Massachusetts, in fomenting disaffection to the constituted authorities of the nation. and in intrigues with the dis- affected for the purpose of bringing about resistance to the laws, and eventually, in concert with a British force, for destroying the Union, and forming the eastern part thereof into a political connection with Great Britain.
"In addition to the effect which the discovery of such a procedure ought to have on the public councils, it will not fail to render more dear to the hearts of all good citizens that happy union of these States, which, under Divine providence, is the guarantee of their liberties, their safety, their tranquillity, and their prosperity."*
The papers alluded to by Mr. Madison no doubt came from John Henry, as it appears that he opened a correspond- ence with James Monroe, secretary of state, in connection with that business, in which he remarks :
"In making this communication, sir, I deem it incumbent on me dis- tinctly and unequivocally to state, that I adopt no party views; that I neither seek or desire the patronage nor countenance of any government, nor of any party ; and that in addition to the motives already expressed, I am influenced by a just resentment at the perfidy and dishonor of those who first violated the conditions upon which I received their confidence ; who have injured me, and disappointed the expectations of my friends ; and left me no choice but between a degraded acquiescence in injus- tice and a retaliation, which is necessary to secure to me my own respect."
* John Henry was a subject of Great Britain, had for a time resided in the United States, and was now a resident of Canada, and employed by Sir James H. Craig, governor of Can- al, as a secret and confidential agent to travel in New England, and to use his efforts to alienate, if possible, certain leading persons in that section of the country from their allegi- ance to the United States, and exert their influence to divide the country. His head-quarters were to be Boston, which shows that the English government entertained that a project of division was an experiment not altogether of a doubtful character, nor the forming of a northern union, including the Canadas and New England. To encourage such a belief there had probably been some intimations from disaffected politicians in the latter quarter whose political aspirations had exceeded their discretion. giving an idea that a result of that description or similar, for the advantage of England, might be effected.
287
SOUTHBRIDGE.
The letter, of which this is but a small part, bears date "Feb- ruary 20, 1812," and was addressed from Philadelphia.
It also appears that the British minister, on the 11th of March, 1812, at Washington, denied all knowledge of this affair, and in closing his letter to Mr. Monroe says :
"The undersigned, however, can not but trust that the American government and the Congress of the United States will take into con- sideration the character of the individual who has made the communi- cation in question, and will suspend any further judgment on its merits, until the circumstances shall have been made known to his majesty's government."
There is no doubt that John Henry was so employed, as the letter by Herman W. Ryland, the secretary to Sir James Craig, the Governor of Canada, fully shows such fact ; but, subsequently, to clear themselves of the odium of so disgrace- ful an act of meanness, when openly carrying on an apparent friendly negotiation, the English government felt bound to deny the imputation, and cast abuse upon their agent, who, not being successful to the extent anticipated, did not receive the reward that was held out as an inducement for the ignoble duty in which he was engaged.
The following is the Canada governor's secretary's letter :
" (Most Secret and Confidential.) " QUEBEC, January 26, 1809. " To John Henry :
" MY DEAR SIR-The extraordinary situation of things at this time, in the neighboring . States, has suggested to the governor-in-chief, the idea of employing you on a secret and confidential mission to Boston, provided an arrangement can be made to meet the important end in view, without throwing an absolute obstacle in the way of your professional pursuits. The information and political observations heretofore received from you, were transmitted by his excellency to the secretary of state, who has expressed his particular approbation of them; and therein, no doubt, that your able execution of such a mission as I have above sug- gested would give you a claim, not only on the governor-general, but on his majesty's ministers, which might eventually contribute to your advantage. You will have the goodness, therefore, to acquaint me, for
288
SOUTHBRIDGE.
his excellency's information, whether you could make it convenient to engage in a mission of this nature, and what pecuniary assistance would be requisite, to enable you to undertake it without injury to yourself.
"At present it is only necessary for me to add that the governor would furnish you with a cipher for carrying on your correspondence; and that in case the leading party in any of the States wished to open a com- munication with this government, their views might be communicated through you. I am, with great truth and regard, etc.,
"HIERMAN W. RYLAND,
"Secretary to Sir James Craig, Governor-General of Canada."
" (Most Serret and Confidential.) "QUEBEC, February 6, 1809. " To John Henry :
"SIR-As you have readily undertaken the service which I have suggested to you, as being likely to be attended with much benefit to the public interests, I am to request that, with your earliest convenience, you will proceed to Boston.
" The principal object that I recommend to your attention is the endeavor to obtain the most accurate information of the true state of affairs in that part of the Union which, from its wealth. the number of its inhabitants, and the known intelligence and ability of several of its leading men, must naturally possess a very considerable influence over, and will, indeed, probably lead the other Eastern States of America in the part they may take at this important crisis.
"I shall not pretend to point out to you the mode by which you will be most likely to obtain this important information ; your own judgment and the connection which you may have in the town must be your guide. I think it, however, necessary to put you on your guard against the sanguineness of an aspiring party ; the Federalists, as I understand, have at all times discovered a leaning to this disposition, and their being under its particular influence at this moment is the more to be expected from their having no well-founded ground for their hopes of being nearer the attainment of their object than they have been for some years past.
"In the general terms which I have made use of in describing the object which I recommend to your attention, it is scarcely necessary that I should observe, I include the state of the public opinions, both with regard to their internal politics and to the probability of a war with England; the comparative strength of the two great parties into which the country is divided, and the views and designs of that which may ultimately prevail.
" It has been supposed that if the Federalists of the Eastern States should
289
SOUTHBRIDGE.
be successful in obtaining that decided influence which may enable them to direct the public opinion, it is not improbable that, rather than submit to a continuance of the difficulties and distress to which they are now subject, they will exert that influence to bring about a separation of the general Union. The earliest information on this subject may be of great consequence to our government, as it may also be that it should be informed how far, in such an event, they would look up to England for assistance, or be disposed to enter into a connection with us.
" Although it would be highly inexpedient that you should in any manner appear as an avowed agent, yet, if you could contrive to obtain an intimacy with any of the leading party, it may not be improper that you should insinuate, though with great caution, that if they should wish to enter into any communication with our government, through me, you are authorized to receive any such, and will safely transmit it to me ; and as it may not be impossible that they should require some document by which they may be assured that you are really in the situa- tion in which you represent yourself, I inclose a credential to be pro- duced in that view ; but I most particularly enjoin and direct that you do not make any use of this paper unless a desire to that purpose should be expressed, and unless you see good ground for expecting that the doing so may lead to a more confidential communication than you can otherwise look for.
"In passing through the State of Vermont, you will, of course, exert your endeavors to procure all the information that the short stay you will probably make there will admit of. You will use your own discretion as to delaying your journey, with this view, more or less, in proportion to your prospects of obtaining any information of consequence.
"I request to hear from you as frequently as possible; and as letters directed to me might excite suspicion, it may be as well that you put them under cover to Mr. -- , and as even the addressing letters always to the same person might attract notice, I recommend your some- times addressing your letters to the chief-justice here, or occasionally, though seldom, to Mr. Ryland, but never with the addition of his official description. I am, etc ..
"JAMES H. CRAIG."
COPY OF THE CREDENTIALS GIVEN BY SIR JAMES H. CRAIG TO MR. HIENRY :
SEAL. " The bearer, Dr. John Henry, is employed by me, and full confidence may be placed in him for any communication which any person may wish to make to me in the business committed to him. In faith of which I have given him this under my hand and scal at Quebec, this 6th day of Febuary, 1809.
.J. H. CRAIG."
290
SOUTHBRIDGE.
Following his instructions, John Henry entered upon his dishonorable mission as a spy, in the same month, and at Windsor, Vermont, addressed his first letter, and on the 5th of March, at Boston, writes again. These letters, fifteen in number, were continued till May 25 following, and then closed ; and Mr. Henry, by request of Secretary Ryland, returned to Canada.
It appears that, through some misunderstanding between Henry and his employers (the governor of Canada and the British government), he became dissatisfied, and failing to obtain the redress or the remuneration he demanded for his services, turned traitor, and through a pretense of producing important papers (as was supposed), that would show treason- able aets by parties in New England, connected with his mis- sion, induced President Madison to pay him fifty thousand dollars.
It is proper here to say that there were not found among the John Henry papers matter that directly showed any acts of treason on the part of citizens of either Massachusetts or the other States of New England; nevertheless, great excite- ment was produced, which had the tendency to cast odium upon that section of the Union.
By many it was believed that treasonable acts were implied, by the attempt of the governor of Canada; presuming that overtures had previously been made from that quarter which drew out the John Henry mission ; but if not, much wrong had been done the country by the course there pursued that had the tendency to lead the British government to believe that a division of these States was possible.
The declaration of war before mentioned withdrew, for a time, public attention from this lesser but ignoble transaction.
Now followed the cold, and as many in the country candidly believed, the unpatriotic acts of the New England States in meeting the demands of the proper authorities of the country.
.
291
SOUTHBRIDGE.
Instead of prompt action, query was made as to
" Whether the exigencies contemplated by the Constitution of the United States exist so as to require them to place the militia in the ser- vice of the government at the request of the president, to be commanded by him pursuant to act of Congress."
This question was referred to the following judges : Theoph- ilus Parsons, Samuel Sewall, and Isaac Parker, who decided, as might have been expected, as political questions then stood in New England in their relations to the general government : " In our judgment there were many strong reasons in favor of the opinion (quoting a letter from the secretary of war to Lieutenant Governor Smith, of Connecticut),
"That the commanders-in-chief of the several States have the right to decide whether any of the constitutional exigencies existed which authorized the calling forth of the militia by the president."
This does not sound like the expounding of the powers of the general government under the Constitution, as set forth by Daniel Webster in his reply to Robert Y. Hayne, or like the spirit of New England generally since that period, but more like the emanations from the late leaders of the Rebellion.
The result of this opposition called forth what has been known as the " Hartford Convention," assembled the 15th of December, 1814. This body was constituted as follows :
MASSACHUSETTS.
George Cabot, Nathan Dane,
Samuel Sumner Wilde, Joseph Lyman,
William Prescott,
Stephen Longfellow, Junior,
Harrison Gray Otis,
Daniel Waldo,
Timothy Bigelow, Joshua Thomas,
Hodijah Baylies,
George Bliss.
Chauncy Goodrich, John Treadwell, James Hillhouse,
CONNECTICUT.
Nathaniel Swift, Calvin Goddard, Roger Minot Sherman. Zephaniah Swift.
292
SOUTHBRIDGE.
Daniel Lyman,
Samuel Ward,
RHODE ISLAND. Edward Manton. Benjamin Hazzard.
NEW HAMPSHIRE.
Benjamin West,
Mills Olcott.
VERMONT. William Hall, Junior.
In reading the report issued from this body on that occa- sion at Hartford, there are, among other things set forth, the following :
" But when abuses, reduced to a system, and accumulated through a course of years, have pervaded every department of government, and spread corruption through every region of the State, when these are clothed with the forms of law, and enforced by an executive whose will is their source-no summary means of relief can be applied without re- course to direct and open resistance."
" It is truth, not to be concealed, that a sentiment prevails to no in- considerable extent. that the administration have given such construc- tions to the Constitution, and practiced so many abuses under color of its authority, that the time for a change is at hand."
"Finally, if the Union be destined to dissolution, by reason of the multiplied abuses of bad administration, it should, if possible, be the work of peaceable times and deliberate consent.
" Some new form of confederacy should be substituted among those States which shall tend to maintain a federal relation to each other."
They seemed to regard the Constitution as such an embodi- ment of evils as to be almost incapable of amendment, to wit :
"To enumerate all the improvements of which that instrument is sus- ceptible, and to propose such amendments as might render it in all re- pects perfect, would be a task which this convention has not thought proper to assume."
Before closing, a final resolution was passed :
.. That the Hon. George Cabot, the Hon. Chauncey Goodrich, and the Hon. Daniel Lyman, any two of them, be authorized to call another meeting of this convention, to be holden at Boston, at any time before new delegates shall be chosen."
293
SOUTHBRIDGE.
In the written history of that convention, given by Theo- dore Dwight, Esq., the secretary, he remarks :
"That the document (their report) was immediately published and extensively circulated through the country."
This is true, and it is also true that very few among the great mass of the American people entertained like views with the members of this convention, of the general provisions of the Constitution, and the great necessity of amendments there- of, or the bad opinion of these members of the administration of President Madison. It is further true, as Mr. Dwight has expressed it :
" It has been a never-failing source of profit to the leaders of the party in power; the public resentment was excited against the opposers of the war, and particularly against the New England States, and the Hartford convention became the theme of universal calumny and reproach."
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.