USA > Massachusetts > Worcester County > Historical collections, Vol. II > Part 24
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The journal of the doings of this convention was afterwards placed in the office of the secretary of state of Massachusetts for the inspection of all persons who might feel curiosity enough to refer to its contents. The treaty of peace, signed at Ghent on the 24th of December, 1814, becoming known by the proclamation of the president, the 18th of February, 1815, an effectnal quietus was given to all further movement against the administration, or for introducing amendments to the Constitution. But the next move in New England was. instead of regarding that instrument as giving too much power to the central government, further authority was deemed important.
Such was the state of parties and public excitement when Rev. Zenas L. Leonard delivered his oration, July 4, 1816, as follows :
ORATION.
"FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS-I. rise to congratulate you on the return of the fortieth anniversary of American Independence. Truc patriots hail the day with renovated joy and delight. The bosom of America burns afresh with the spirit of independence and the enthusiasm
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of liberty. The morning sun, as by a wondrous sympathy, arises with new beauties; the air is softened; and the fields on which we tread en- liven their verdure and invigorate their sweets.
" This is the joyous festival and jubilee of Columbia. The celebration of deliverance from the tyranny and oppression of Egypt's unrelenting monarch was carefully observed by the formal Hebrews till that nation was overthrown. The providential and hair-breadth escape of the Jews from the universal destruction plotted by vile Haman was long kept in remembrance by the anniversary of a joyful and a glad day. Special at- tention to the auspicious era which sundered the galling chains of British tyranny ought to expire only with liberty itself. Let the day be hal- lowed. Let solemn prayers, pious gratitude, devout acknowledgments, and becoming praises rise to the Great Jehovah, the Arbiter of Nations, who has graciously granted to us the inestimable blessings we enjoy.
" This day calls us to review the toils, privations, and sufferings of our forefathers. Driven by the hand of persecution from their native soil, and every endearment of civilized life. they sought an asylum in the wilds of the West. Imagination, aided by historical recollection, will paint to you their sorrows and hardships amid ferocious savages and beasts of prey. But that God who is a refuge in distress, and a present help in time of trouble, wonderfully prospered them in their laudable exertions. Britain, like Cain of antediluvian times, saw with a jealous eye the acceptable offering of the Pilgrims, and malignant envy rankled in her bosom. The vigilance and severity of commissioned task-masters and cruel exactors having failed to check their rising prosperity, she at length reached forth her murderous arm. Maternal friendship was her profession, while martial legions were sent to destroy. Our fathers found it difficult to believe the strange doctrine, that a fond parent de- lights in the distress and wretchedness of a beloved child. Truth at last obliged them to record her an unfeeling and inveterate enemy. It was no time now to hesitate between vassalage and freedom, tame sub- mission to British tyranny and the hazard of a dreadful conflict in arms. Independence was magnanimously declared, and on the tablet of every patriot's heart was deeply engraved, 'Liberty or death.' With prompt and dauntless step, our gallant warriors marched to the field of battle, as the great Carmel of decision. The Lord of Armies and God of War cast the arrows of indignation on the invading foe, and gave signal tri- umph to the American arms. Liberty once more unfurled her banners on our blood-stained shore; Peace waved her olive branch ; and Glory enblazoned the Eagle of the West. An astonished world gazed on the sublime result, and owned the hand of God.
" Hence arose a government of freedom, based on democratic princi- ples. While our Constitution, the offspring of American genius, secures to the citizen his rights, it gives energy and glory to the character of
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the nation. The State sovereignties, like the Pleiades of Heaven, are calculated to move in undeviating concert, each one emitting its own light and strength, yet the whole constituting but one grand constel- lation.
"Here it might be proper to inquire, how it happened that a democratic or republican form of government was deliberately chosen and adopted in America, provided any other form could be more eligible ? Had they been so minded, the Revolutionary heroes and statesmen, seconded by the soldiery, might have erected an aristocracy at once. From this to monarchy the transmigration would have been very easy. Anonymous letters proposing this very thing were thrown into the camp, previously to the disbandment of the army. Why, then, was republicanism alone set in honor ? The reasons are obvious. But one spirit (with some little exception) pervaded the cabinet, the army, and the whole body of the people. From St. Mary's to the Canadian boundary, the inhabitants knew both the sweets and the price of freedom. The country was united both to achieve and maintain independence. Aristocracy and monarchy, always calculated to enslave many and ennoble a few, met an indignant and condemnatory frown. As well may the lamb be expected safely to play in innocent gambols around the feet of the wolf and the tiger, as the people to enjoy their rights after the national prerogative passes into the hands of monarchists.
"Furthermore, the heroes and statesmen of those times were honest men and true patriots. They revolted at the idea of sacrificing the rights and privileges of the people at the shrine of their own selfishness and ambition. The tie of moral and social obligation to them was sacred. With utter abhorrence they viewed the invidious distinctions, sinecure emoluments, and exclusive privileges, generally attendant on despotic governments. To behold the American family free and happy was both their wish and their felicity. To the immortal Washington and his illustrious compeers, gold and power had no charms to bribe. Princi- ple frowned into the dust all the labored arguments of Alexander Hamilton against the adoption of our excellent Constitution.
"The choice of a republican form of government did not flow from a want of knowledge in political science. A band of resplendent charac- ters were raised up on the American shores in that age, for genius and wisdom second to none in all the world. These were called forth into active exertion by the oppressions of monarchy and the exigencies of the times. Many statesmen and philosophers of Europe have traced and exposed the deformities and machinations of despotism, and were the benefactors of mankind. Locke, Montesquieu, Rousseau, Hume, Stewart, and Smith have in their turns administered reproof to tyrants and hinted at the benign principles of a free government. But radically to canvass and perspicnously to describe the social compact, and then to systematize
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the political economy, has honorably fallen to the lot of the wise states- men of America. The problem advanced by Heraclitus, that . the only skill and knowledge of any value in politics is that of governing all by all,' is in this country no longer left in uncertainty. All the world now beholds a nation governed and yet free. What pedantic tyro of New England will presume to come forward and set his own wisdom and knowledge, in militant array, against the profound intelligence and wisdom of Washington, Franklin, Henry, Jefferson. Adams, and Madison.
" Another reason of the endearment of republicanisms to Americans was the cause of our father's flight to these inhospitable shores, still lived in bright remembrance. Religious persecution. the heterogeneous offspring of meretricious and unhallowed union of church and state, was generally abhorred (except in Massachusetts and Connecticut) equally as the ferocity of the panther or the poison of the rattlesnake. Inspiration had taught the people the rights of conscience and benevolence to men. Implicit faith in priests and friars, cardinals and bishops, creeds and liturgies, was seriously deemed an absurdity and a crime. The glorious Gospel pointed to a bulwark and guide, far distant from the corrupt and persecuting government of England. In the formation of their government, the people of the United States took special care to stran- gle the serpent in the cradle. The Federal Constitution has given no sacrilegious touch to the ark of God.
" All nations now saw America peaceful and happy under a free and liberal government. Our population increased almost beyond a parallel The wide-spreading forests were changed into fruitful fields. The American canvas was spread on every sea. and bore our commerce to the remotest nations of the globe. Wealth rolled in upon us like a flood. We were happy at home and respected abroad.
"Meanwhile our transatlantic mother felt internally disturbed, and forbore to tender us her congratulations. We had committed crimes too deadly to be forgiven. We had cast off allegiance to her crown, despised her menaces, and conquered her on the field of battle. To add to her mortification, propitious Heaven prospered us by sea and land. Her policy was now intent on a new mode of warfare. The language of her privy councils, like that of Voltaire in another case, was, "Strike, but conceal the hand." To anglicise the American people, corrupt their republican principles, and recolonize their character, by the agency of secret schemes, was now the plan. To effect this, means of en- couragement were not wanting. Similarity of language, commercial alliance, the freedom of the press, the return of many of the tories after the war, and an overweening fondness among the people for foreign manufactures, seemed to promise success to the clandes- tine experiment. The artful dissemination of her contaminating
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principles, through the medium of Porcupines' Gazette, and the vending of her politics by wholesale and retail in her merchandise, were for a considerable time in simultaneous operation. The prejudices, justly im- bibed in the Revolution, had been insensibly wearing away. Engaged in active business and important enterprises, we, as a nation, had for- gotten to suspect the enemy in ambush. In somnific nonchalance, we were verging to the vortex of ruin, and saw not our danger. At length, Britain, imagining a great portion of the people in the Union had become strongly attached to her interest, thought it might answer to try more bold and overt experiments to deteriorate the American Republic. Our seamen were taken by force from merchant and fishing vessels, and dragged into abject and pestilential confinement on board her ships of war. Loud and strong were the remonstrances of our government, yet no redress could be obtained. Progressing in her infringements and violations, she added barbarity to insult. She shed the blood of our citizens in our own waters in time of peace. Infamous edicts and orders in council next testified, in bold evidence, British friendship towards the United States. What the real design of these oppressive measures was, let Alexander Baring tell. This writer, as well as others in England, has fairly proved, it was "war in disguise." Soon our property was pillaged to a vast amount, our commerce mutilated, our flag outraged, our rights infringed, and our national honor insulted.
" At this memorable period, France, engaged in war with her old im- placable enemy, also violated our neutral rights, depredated our com- merce, and committed outrages against our sovereignty and independ- ence. For these enormities no apology will be rendered. We had sufficient causes of war with both nations. Both had essentially injured us, and either refused or neglected to make indemnity. Trying was our situation, and awful the dilemma into which we were now thrown. A recourse to arms to obtain redress was a painful thought to our pacific minds. Moderation and forbearance astonishingly marked the character of our nation. Britain, more especially, possessed the power of annoy- ance. Her thousand ships of war rode triumphant on the ocean. Our maritime interests were peculiarly vulnerable to her gigantic strength, and there was no want of disposition to improve the advantages of her clandestine war. Years had been spent in fruitless negotiation. Iler long-cherished hope brightened from another source, without the limits of her own jurisdiction. Her insidious arts and vile stratagems to divide the American people, in her own calculations, had well succeeded. Much was expected from the aid and co-operation of a certain portion of our citizens, whom parliamentary speakers were pleased to style . the British party in America.' Let my voice be solemn and let the pulsation of my heart be changed, while I advert to a subject so delicate and so unpleasant. Can it be possible that any should be found in the Ameri-
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can family prepared to justify the repeated aggressions and barbarities of an ancient, unrelenting foe ? If it be possible, let it not be told in Dartmoor, nor published in the streets of London, lest the sons and daughters of proud Albion triumph!
"To divide and then destroy had been the object during many revolv- ing years. One part, alas! was really effected, and the other was hoped soon to follow. This was a period calculated painfully to try the souls of all patriotic and unapostatized Americans. To consent to the loss of all that had been won by the hardships, pangs, and blood of our fathers, was impossible. On the other hand, war, with all its direful concomi- tants and consequences, presented a dismal prospect. Congress, as the last expedient of hope, had recourse to a restrictive system to save our property from the rapacious grasp of the enemy, and. at the same time, if possible, to excite in him, by aiming a blow at his interest, a sense of his unjustifiable wrongs. Our own divisions, however, prevented the desired effect. Baleful clouds lowered over our once happy country, and destruction stared us in the face. A surrender of our Independence, or a bold and magnanimous defense with the glittering sword, were the only alternatives left for us. Everything had been offered to restore amity and friendly relations, except our sovereignty and national honor. The cup of conciliation was at last completely exhausted, and the regular constituted authorities of the nation declared war against Great Britain and her dependencies.
"Some present this day, whose heads bear the blossoms of age and honor, no doubt can recollect their contemplations and deep sensibilities at the commencement of the Revolution. Language fails to paint them, but retrospective thought can call them forth in review. Fathers, you are led to realize the painful emotions and impressive views of mil- lions in this country, in the late appeal to arms, for the preservation of our rights and liberties. Fresh in remembrance are the poignant anxie- ties and sleepless hours at night I experienced, at that momentous period. I must solemnly and uprightly declare, I then thought, and now think, that a resort to the plains of war alone could save our fair inheritance of freedom from a total overthrow.
"First, our infant gallant navy led on in bold attack, and with undaunted prowess disputed the invincibility of the vaporing mistress of the ocean. As aggressions and infringements had been committed against us-mainly on that element, it seems kind Heaven prospered our naval enterprises almost to a miracle. Instead of having the gratification to behold our war-vessels swept from the surface of the Atlantic, in six months, as by one desolating stroke, England had the mortification to behold American bravery and skill gain an unexpected ascendancy. The early intelligence that the Constitution had, in fair action, riddled, water- logged, captured and sunk the Guerriere, with scarce any injury to her-
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self, afforded a bitter pill to British taste. This was viewed by thou- sands in Europe, a portentous augury of more grievous losses and morti- fying defeats, which the sequel of the war proved correct. In the naval department, through the whole of the conflict, achievements and victories pressed on in a general tide of glory. It is true the Chesapeake was lost, but not for want of bravery and skill, but from mere misfortune. Also the President struck her colors, because three British frigates, of equal or superior force, had the surprising magnanimity to attack her. I believe in no one instance where the striped flag was doused to the Herculean strength of Great Britain, was there any honor lost to the American arms. Surrounding nations beheld the wondrous drama with astonishment; and acknowledged the interposing hand of Providence.
" On the land, however, in the first campaign, we were not successful. Many in New England were prompt to assert that, as the tried and dis- tinguished officers of the Revolution had mostly returned to the slumbers of the tomb, we could do but little against the invincibles of Europe. Some of this description, who yet survived, were at first intrusted with command. But how did they succeed? Citizens, let the name of Hull, of Detroit memory, who doubtless had seen more of British gold than British honor or British arms, this day remind you. It was not till younger men, prompted by national feelings and martial enthusiasm, led the brave sons of Freedom to the charge, that victory on the land declared in favor of our just and righteous cause. In the two last campaigns, the army covered itself with unfading laurels, and rose on par with the navy. But while our renowned heroes were in the full career of victor- ious achievements by sea and land, articles of peace were signed at Ghent. A few days after this, Providence, as if to leave an indelible stamp of its approbation on the American cause, at the closing scene, permitted that most glorious and unparalleled victory to take place under the standard of the immortal Jackson.
" The hand of propitious Heaven has been as signally displayed in the last as in the former struggle. Bright evidence of this fact beams on our recollection, from Erie, Thames, Bridgewater, Plattsburg, Balti- more, and New Orleans, and also from the many wonderful triumphs of our flag on the ocean. While we, in humble gratitude, recognize the in- terposing arm of the Great Jehovah, it becomes us not to forget those who jeopardized their lives in their country's defense. . The sword of the Lord and of Gideon,' was the exordium of an ancient Hebrew song commemorative of victory.
"The names of Hull (of Guerriere memory). Decatur, Bainbridge, Lawrence, Jones, Porter, Burrows, Warrington, Biddle, Perry, and Macdonough of the navy ; and the names of Harrison, Jackson, Pike, Boyce, Brown, Miller, Ripley, Scott, Coffee, and Macomb, of the army, will meritoriously be written in characters of gold. Generations, yet
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unborn, will associate them with the illustrious names of Washington, Morgan, Green, Mercer, and Montgomery. These will be endeared to every true American while liberty exists, and the pages of history re- main unobliterated. Those who fell gloriously contending for their country's rights will remain embalmed in the memory of patriots and freemen. Laurels encircle their sleeping dust. The weeping-willow stands bending over their tombs, and gratefully imparts its mournful shade. Methinks I hear this day a silent language from their darksome urns addressed to ns, 'For you we fought. for you we bled and died.' Never forget the inestimable worth of liberty. Contemn tyranny even in its most specious garb. Choose rather to die in Freedom's glorious cause than live in vassalage to a ruthless despot.
" War must be considered a very grievous calamity on any nation, and it never can be just only on the defensive scale. The late war, as it regards America, was, in its design and character, defensive. When one man is obliged to have recourse to legal coercion to obtain his just due from another, and lays an attachment on property, does he commit an offense or a crime? He was necessitated to take measures apparently offensive to defend his bona fide interest. Thus has our government been necessitated reluctantly to reeur to the only dernier resort to ob- tain just recompense for injuries long repeated. Israel's God has deigned to smile on the undertaking. Great Britain has once more succumbed to the United States, and we are permitted to regale under the shadow of the olive.
" What have we really gained? is an interesting question. We have won much, and saved everything dear to an American. The barbarous prac- tice of the impressment of our seamen, and the piratical seizure of our property on the great highway of nations, have now ceased. The infa- mous system of paper blockade, so destructive to neutral rights, will doubtless be abandoned. The resources and abilities of America have been developed to the astonishment of England and all the world. Terror, dismay, and chagrin have been carried to the admiralty and cabinet of the 'fast-anchored isle.' An acknowledgment is frankly made that, in point of generalship, maritime skill, practical science, and diplomatic ability, America has scarcely a superior. We have the surest pledge we can have against future impositions from foreign governments. Britain has of late made rapid. progress in that lesson she began so many years ago to learn at Bunker's Hill. While she is compelled to fear, she will respect. Our Constitution and liberties are more firmly established than ever. Like the oak on the wind-beaten hill, they have gathered strength from every successive shock. The speedy subjuga- tion and pacification of the piratical states of Barbary were events which grew out of the war. Instead of the ratification of the famous sine qua non, Britain has lost the right of trading with the natives in the extended regions of the North-west.
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" Faction, which plotted the prostration of the colossal pillars of our republic, has been woefully balked. At a time when troubles and diffi- culties from a foreign quarter rolled upon us like a deluge, this haggard monster lifted in New England his deformed head. It stood near the plat of ground once stained with the blood of martyrs, and, with a mouth speaking great swelling words, thus addressed : 'It is time the power should be taken out of the hands of the people. The swinish multitude are their own worst enemies. They have forfeited their right to govern. Now, the fact is, Britain has done us no essential injury, and her govern- ment, monarchy and all, is far preferable to the government of the United States. Let us contrive a plan to get the New England States to secede from the Union; notwithstanding all that Washington has said to the contrary, make peace with our good friends at Castine, and enjoy regale- ment under the reviving shade of Albion's splendid throne. This will give a death-blow to republicanism, and a firm and honorable establish- ment will soon follow.' Hence arose that Cataline conspiracy called the Hartford convention. Relative to the honors and success of this romantic and unique enterprise, the faithful historian, in fair detail, will trans- mit a narration to ages and generations long to come. It will be remem- bered its origin was unpatriotic, and its honors were spurious. It had its birth in Massachusetts, and Connecticut out of mere hospitality afforded it a grave. New Hampshire and Vermont, though strongly requested, refused to visit it in its last agonies, or even drop one sympathetic tear. Rhode Island, being so little interested in its memory, neglected to assume the badge of sorrow. On its monument is inscribed in large capitals :
'MENE, MENE, TEKEL, UPHARSEN.' ' Weighed in the balances and found wanting.'
. SIC TRANSIT GLORIA FACTIONIS.' · So passes the glory of factions.'
' UPNOS AIONIOS.' · Eternal slumber.'
" To return from digression, let us seriously inquire : Has not every attempt to bring a reproach on the sovereignty of the people, and unhinge the empire of liberty been completely blasted? The president, elevated to the national chair by popular suffrage, has neither been turned out of office, nor compelled to resign. With the illustrious Madison the enemy has made a treaty of peace. The old song of French influence is lost in the quiet geographical studies of the islands of Elba and St. Helena; and yet our national councils move on in their wonted course. We are in peaceable possession of our meeting-houses, our sa- cred Bibles, and our Constitution. We are at peace with all nations,
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and under entangling alliances with none. Blessings flow to us in un- numbered streams. Our uncultivated lands in the West and South are settling with unparalleled rapidity. Our fields are clothed in verdant beauty, and our flocks and herds prosperously feed on ten thousand hills. The benign and meliorating influences of the Gospel are extending in triumphs hitherto unequaled. Science and the mechanic arts progress. Bigotry and intolerance are sinking into disrepute, even in their own territories. The Tree of Liberty is in full bloom, and joy beams in the countenance of Columbia.
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