USA > Massachusetts > Suffolk County > East Boston > History of East Boston; with biographical sketches of its early proprietors, and an appendix > Part 6
USA > Massachusetts > Suffolk County > East Boston > History of East Boston : with biographical sketches of its early proprietors, and an appendix. > Part 6
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1 Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I. * 28, note ; Felt's Eccl. Hist. p. 128, 129, etc. ; Young's Chronicles, p. 347, n. ; New England Memorial, p. 111, note.
2 New England Memorial, p. 107, etc.
59
MR. MAVERICK'S CHURCH.
1630.]
other in those days were allowed to preach; nor, indeed, were separate congregations allowed until the civil war commenced, in 1642. Such was the rigor of government at that time, that Mr. Maverick and Mr. Warham would not have been allowed to form a Congregational church at Plymouth, were it not that those who thus associated were preparing to emigrate to New England, and were nearly ready to sail thither.1 Cotton Mather includes Mr. Maverick in his " First Classis " of ministers, which " classis," he says, " shall be of such as were in the actual exercise of their ministry when they left England, and were the Instruments of bringing the Gospel into this Wilder- ness, and of settling Churches here according to the Order of the Gospel." 2 It is, of course, not probable that Mr. Maverick would have been spoken of as in the actual service of his office, unless he had been a clergyman, (and of the church, of course), previous to the meeting at Plymouth. Besides, he is at that time spoken of as " the godly Mr. Maverick," as if he was well known, which would not be probable if he had been a private citizen. Prince, in speaking of the " eminent and noted min- isters" who came over in Winthrop's fleet, mentions " Mr. John Maverick, and Mr. John Warham, who had been ministers in the west country. These were the first who came to set up Christian churches in this heathen wilderness, and to lay the foundation of this renowned colony."3 It appears, from differ- ent authorities, that he was older than Mr. Warham, and in one place we find him mentioned as the "good old Mr. Maverick." 4 This point will have its weight upon another page.
The meeting at the hospital was a judicious step, fitted to preserve union, and secure their civil and religious liberty ; and the uniting themselves in a church previous to their embarka- tion gave a character and system, and definite purpose, to the enterprise, which would be of great use to the members when they should arrive in the new world. It is a fact worthy of note, that these were the first emigrants to this country known
1 Prince's Annals, pp. 369, 370.
2 Mather's Magnalia.
3 Prince's Annals, p. 281. Also Bradford's Hist. Mass. p. 23.
4 New England Memorial, p. 111.
60
HISTORY.
[1629.
to have prepared themselves in this manner with full ecclesias- tical privileges prior to leaving England. They came to this country as an organized church, and immediately on arrival they were ready to act as such, and thus had many advantages which were to be obtained only from concerted action.
The meeting at the hospital, and other attending circum- stances, are thus recorded in the quaint old style : -
" In ye year 1629, Divers Godly Persons in Devonshire, Som- ersetshire, Dorcetshire, & other places, proposed a Remoue to N. England, among whom were two Famous Ministers, viz. MR. JOHN MAVERICK (who I suppose was somewhat advanced in Age), & Mr. John Wareham (I suppose a younger man), then a preacher in the City of Exon, or Exeter, in ye County of Devon. These good People met together at Plymouth, a Sea-port Town in ye sd County of Devon, in order to ship themselves & families for New England; & because they designed to liue together, after they should arrive here, they met together in the New Hospital in Plymouth and associated into Church Fellowship and chose ye sd Mr. Maverick & Mr. Wareham to be their Ministers & officers; the Revd. Mr. John White of Dorchester in Dorcet (who was an active Instrument to promote ye Settlement of New England, & I think a means of procuring ye Charter) being present, & preaching ye forepart of ye Day, & in ye latter part of ye Day they performed ye work aforesaid." 1
Roger Clap, in his Memoirs, gives the same account, together with some personal matters. He says: "I never so much as heard of New England until I heard of many godly persons that were going there, and that Mr. Warham was to go also. I then wrote to my father, who lived about twelve miles off, to entreat his leave to go to New England; who was so much displeased at first that he wrote me no answer, but told my brethren that I should not go. Having no answer, I went and made my request to him; and God so inclined his heart that he never said me nay. For now God sent the rev- erend Mr. Maverick, who lived forty miles off, a man I never
1 Blake's Annals of Dorchester, 7-10; Gen. & Hist. Register, Vol. V. p. 389, etc.
61
THE MARY AND JOHN.
1630.]
saw before. He, having heard of me, came to my father's house ; and my father agreed that I should be with him, and come under his care; which I did accordingly. So God brought me out of Plymouth the 20th of March, in the year 1629-30, and landed me in health at Nantasket, on the 30th of May, 1630, I being then about the age of twenty-one years. Blessed be God, that brought me here!" "It was God that sent Mr. Maverick, that pious minister, to me, who was unknown to him, to seek me out that I might come hither."
" There came many godly families in that ship. We were of passengers many in number, (besides seamen,) of good rank. Two of our magistrates came with us, viz., Mr. Rossiter and Mr. Ludlow. These godly people resolved to live together ; and therefore, as they had made choice of those two reverend servants of God, Mr. John Warham and Mr. John Maverick, to be their ministers, so they kept a solemn day of fasting in the New Hospital in Plymouth, in England, spending it in preaching and praying; where that worthy man of God, Mr. John White, of Dorchester, in Dorset, was present, and preached unto us the word of God in the fore part of the day; and in the latter part of the day, as the people did solemnly make choice of and call those godly ministers to be their officers, so also the reverend Mr. Warham and Mr. Maverick did accept thereof, and expressed the same. So we came, by the good hand of the Lord, through the deeps comfortably, having preaching or expounding of the word of God every day for ten weeks together by our ministers." 1
The company set sail from Plymouth on the 20th of March, 1629-30, in " that great ship of four hundred tons," the Mary and John. The vessel was indeed a floating Bethel. Religious services were held daily, and the pious passengers seemed impressed with the duties and responsibilities they were soon to meet. The ship, under the command of "one Captain Squeb, arrived at Nantasket (now Hull) ye 30th of May, 1630. They had agreed with Capt. Squeb to bring them into Charles River, but he was false to his bargain, and turned them ashore at Nantasket and their Goods, leaving them in a forlorn wilder-
1 Young's Chronicles, pp. 346-348 ; Prince's Annals, p. 369.
6
62
HISTORY.
[1630.
ness. They got a Boat of some that had staid in ye Country, (I suppose for Trade, for there were some on Noddle's Island and at Charlestown that staid in ye Country for Trade with ye Natives,) and with their goods rowed (as I suppose) up to ye Mouth of Charles River, it being about 3 Leagues. They went up the River until it grew narrow and shallow, Intending there to set down, it being about ye place where Watertown now is. They had not stayed here but a few days but ye Rest of their company had found out a neck of land joyning to a place called by ye Indians Mattapan (Dorchester), so they set- tled at Mattapan.
" They began their Settlement here at Mattapan ye beginning of June, as I suppose, or thereabout, A. D. 1630, and changed ye name into Dorchester. Why they called it Dorchester I have never heard, but there was some of Dorcet Shire, and some of the town of Dorchester that settled here." 1
This Captain Squeb appears to have treated his passengers in a most shabby manner. Instead of bringing them up Charles river, according to his engagement, he landed the sea-worn wanderers with their goods upon Nantasket Point, and there left them " to shift for themselves in a forlorn place in this wil- derness." Says Roger Clap, " Capt. Squeb turned ashore us and our goods, like a merciless man ; but God, even our mer- ciful God, took pity on us," etc. On the next day after their arrival they obtained a boat from some of the old planters, and having laden her with goods and manned her with some able men well armed, they went up towards Charlestown to see whether the company could be accommodated there, while others went to explore the adjacent country for a location.2
At Charlestown the boatmen found " some wigwams, some few English, with an old planter who can speak Indian, and one house." 3 Continuing their course up the river, they landed their goods at Watertown. As evening came on, they were greatly alarmed on learning that a body of three hundred
1 Gen. and Hist. Reg. Vol. V. p. 390 ; Blake's Annals of Dorchester, pp. 7-10.
2 Felt's Eccl. Hist. p. 134.
: The " one house " was probably the one at Charlestown, " wherein lived Thomas Walford, a smith."
63
MATTAPAN.
1630.]
Indians had encamped "hard by." Fortunately for them, the " old planter " had accompanied the party; for, going to the Indians, he persuaded them to leave, and the explorers were left unmolested.1 This incident shows that this "old planter " must have resided here some time, as he had evidently learned the language of the Indians, and was sufficiently in their con- fidence and acquaintance to exert an influence over them. The devout Clap says, with a thankful heart, that God " caused many Indians (some hundreds) to be ruled by the advice of one man, not to come near us. Alas, had they come upon us, how soon might they have destroyed us! I think we were not above ten in number. But God caused the Indians to help us with fish at very cheap rates." 2 A friendly intercourse was imme- diately established between the Indians and the English, com- mencing with that most ancient form of hospitality, the offering of food. In this instance the Indians made the first advances. A shelter was erected here for their goods, but they did not remain long, for their companions found a neck of land suitable to keep cattle on, and this party was ordered to join them. "So we remove to Mattapan, begin the town, name it Dorchester, and here the natives also are kind to us." 3
The Mary and John was the first of the large fleet of ships, seventeen in number, which arrived in New England in 1630, having one hundred and forty persons on board.4 They landed
1 Prince's Annals, p. 277 ; Snow's Hist. Boston, p. 25; Young's Chronicles, p. 349.
2 Young's Chronicles, p. 350.
3 Prince's Annals, 278.
4 List of ships which arrived in New England in 1630 : -
1. Lion. 10. William and Francis.
2. Mary and John. 11. Trial.
3. Arbella.
12. Charles.
4. Jewel.
13. Success.
14. Gift.
5. Ambrose.
6. Talbot.
15. Another.
7. Mayflower.
16. Handmaid.
8. Whale. 17. Another sent out by a private merchant.
9. Hopewell.
See Prince's Annals; Young's Chronicles, p. 311, etc.
64
HISTORY.
[1630.
at Nantasket on the 30th of May. On the 14th of June, the admiral of the New England fleet arrived in Salem. In the vessel which bore this distinction came Winthrop and Isaac Johnson as passengers. Soon after their arrival, a party set out from Salem to find a suitable place for settlement, and in their excursion met with the party from the Mary and John. Says Winthrop, " As we came home (from Charlestown to Salem) we came by Nantaskott, and sent for Capt. Squib ashore (he had brought the west country people, viz. Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Rossiter, Mr. Maverick, etc., to the bay, who were set down at Mattapan), and ended a difference between him and the passen- gers ; whereupon he sent his boat to his ship (the Mary and John) and at our parting gave us five pieces." 1 The cause of this difference was, without doubt, the ill treatment of the pas- sengers as before stated. For his base conduct Captain Squeb was afterward obliged to pay damages.2
Having decided to settle at Mattapan, afterward Dorchester, they move thither " by the Lord's day," which they hallow with praise to him for his protection, and other appropriate acts of worship. Mr. Maverick and Mr. Warham, immediately on their arrival, put their already organized church into operation, the same day that church-fellowship was commenced at Water- town.3 The church at Watertown had not then been organ- ized; that at Dorchester emigrated as an organized body, thus conclusively establishing its priority.
The remainder of the week is spent by the Dorchester. emi- grants in " setting up cottages, booths, and tents " to protect their families, and on the following Sabbath they renew their vows of Christian faithfulness by partaking of the sacrament. Thus prepared with an harmonious organization, godly and honored ministers, and in the full enjoyment of those free relig- ious privileges for which they had sacrificed so much, they commence the experiment of colonial life. A common interest pervades the company ; the ends in view, whether principal or
1 Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I. p. * 28. " Five pieces " - a salute of five guns.
2 Trumbull's Hist. Connecticut, Vol. I. p. 8.
3 New England Memorial, p. 110.
65
ESCAPE.
1631.]
subordinate, have a common demand on their united efforts ; and a deep religious feeling controls all their actions and pur- poses, calls into exercise their best affections and powers, and insures the security of their highest welfare. In this manner did the Dorchester settlement commence, a fine example of a firm purpose and determined energy controlled and exercised by religious principle.
Mr. Maverick took the freeman's oath on the 18th of May, 1631, having made application on the 19th of October preced- ing,1 and appears to have been active in his duties as a pastor and citizen, and an instance is on record of his successful ser- vices as peacemaker. Prince states, that, " by the mediation of the reverend Mr. Maverick, Warham, and Wilson, governor Winthrop and deputy-governor Dudley are now happily reconciled." 2
An instance is recorded, by Winthrop,8 of the " wonderful working of a kind providence," in the preservation of the life of the Rev. Mr. Maverick and the meeting-house at Dorchester of which he had charge, and which contained the military stores. From his ignorance as a magazine keeper, and not having any apprehension of danger, he incautiously attempted to dry some wet gunpowder in a pan over the fire! The powder ignited from the heat of the pan, and, communicating with " a small barrel of two or three pounds," which was kept in the meeting- house as the only place of safety, exploded. The explosion, instead of blowing up the house and all its contents, as might have been expected, and thus have left the settlement unpro- tected from a savage foe, " only blackened the thatch of the house a little, and singed the parson's clothes." How very fortunate for the " parson," that it turned out only a " flash in the pan," instead of destroying the meeting-house and putting a sudden end to his earthly ministrations !
This was the first meeting-house built in Dorchester, and was erected on Allen's Plain for the first associated church in England which came to this country as such, under the charge
1 Farmer's Register, p. 346 ; Prince's Annals, p. 355.
: Ibid. p. 401.
3 Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I. * 72.
6 *
66
HISTORY.
[1635.
of the Revs. Mr. Maverick and Warham. It was built of logs, in 1631, was about twelve feet in height, and was surrounded with palisades. In addition to its more appropriate uses, it was the place of deposit for military stores, and the place of refuge in case of alarm from the savages.1 It is not to be wondered at that the old divine should have claimed the meet- ing-house, cum privilegio, as a magazine keeper ; for to whom could the key of the fortress which contained the military stores be committed by the church with more propriety than to the guardian of their souls ? But, however well versed he may have been in spiritual warfare, it is evident, from this attempt to dry powder over a fire, that he was not worldly wise in the use of carnal weapons. This hairbreadth escape of Mr. Maverick is justly reckoned among the many instances of that " wonder- working providence " of which those godly people, in their emigration to the new world, had so large experience.
Before 1635, strange as it may seem, complaints were made in some towns that "the people were straitened for want of room." At Dorchester and Newton, particularly, were these complaints heard, and the ultimate result was the settlement of Connecticut.2 Without doubt, other reasons, and those more powerful, urged this migration. Bradford, in speaking of this removal to Windsor, says that they " hereing of ye fame of Conightecute river, had a hankering mind after it." 3 Glowing descriptions had reached them of the beautiful valley of the Connecticut, and the country had been commended to them as " a fine place for habitation and trade." 3 In the early part of May, 1635, a party from Dorchester made an overland journey to the " New Hesperia," and settled at Windsor, where they were located when Sir Richard Saltonstall's bark arrived.4 The company established themselves near the Plymouth trad-
1 Blake's Annals of Dorchester.
2 Barry's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. p. 215.
3 Bradford's Hist. Plimoth Plant'n, p. 338.
4 Barry's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. p. 218. " Hubbard suggests that jealousy had something to do with this removal ; for ' two such eminent stars, such as were Mr. Cotton and Mr. Hooker, both of the first magnitude, though of different influence, could not well continue in one and the same orb.'"
67
REMOVAL.
1635.]
ing house, of which Gov. Bradford complained, regarding them as infringing upon the rights of others who had prior possession and purchase of the Indians, and the Dutch sent to Holland for commission to deal with the new-comers.1 " The greatest differances fell betweene those of Dorchester plantation and them hear; for they set their minde on that place, which they had not only purchased of ye Indians, but where they had builte ; intending only (if they could not remove them) that they should have but a smale moyety left to ye house, as to a single family ; whose doings and proceedings were conceived to be very injurious, to attempt not only to intrude themselves into ye rights and possessions of others, but in effect to thrust them out at all." 2 These troubles about the right to the soil and the different settlements were of a serious nature, but were adjusted after a time, although "the unkindnes was not so soone forgotten." 3 This company consisted of about one hun- dred men, with women and children, mostly from Dorchester. Still cherishing the principles which brought them from their native land, they were actuated mainly with the wish to spread the blessings of the religion they professed. And as they pur- sued their weary journey of fourteen days, they were constant in their worship of God, in whom they trusted for protection. The dark old forests echoed the psalms and hymns with which they lightened their steps, and as the voice of prayer and praise ascended to heaven, the Indians were attracted by the strange and impressive sight, and "looked on with silent admiration." 4
This removal of the Dorchester people was very disagreeable to their ministers ; but as the greater part of the church went, the pastors decided to go also ;5 and Mr. Warham joined them in September, 1636, leaving his colleague, Mr. Maverick, who intended to do the same in the following spring.6 But death
1 Winthrop, I. p. * 166.
2 Bradford's Hist. Plimoth Plant. p. 338.
3 Ibid. Bradford gives a pretty full account of these difficulties, and the learned editor, in his notes, refers to other authorities .- Winthrop, I. * 181.
4 Felt's Eccl. Hist. p. 222.
5 Vol. IX. Mass. Hist. Coll. p. 148.
' Felt's Eccl. Hist. p. 249; Young's Chronicles, p. 480, note; Bradford, p. 36; Barry, I. 219.
68
HISTORY.
[1636-7.
prevented him from leaving the place of his first ministrations in the new world : he died on the 3d of February, 1636-7, being about sixty years of age. Winthrop, in mentioning his death, calls him " a man of a very humble spirit, and faithful in furthering the work of the Lord here, both in the churches and civil state;"1 a compliment as high and honorable as it is truth- ful and well deserved. He probably died in Boston, and was buried in the first burying-ground in Dorchester.2 Nothing has come down to posterity which shows him other than a good citizen, a devoted pastor, a prudent, and at the same time firm and fearless, "defender of the faith," and a sincere Christian ; uniting the qualities of citizen, pastor, and patriot in a happy manner.
It is greatly to be regretted, that the records of the lives of some of the first settlers are so meagre in their details; still, this very paucity makes us the better study and appreciate the few particulars which have been preserved. Especially in regard to all of the name of Maverick, the strange lack of material from which to make a connected account of the family is to be regretted when we consider the important part which some of the name have borne in the colonial history.
1 Winthrop, I. * 181.
2 Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. I. 98 ; Vol. IX. 170.
- --
CHAPTER III.
SAMUEL MAVERICK; HIS PERSONAL HISTORY.
SAMUEL MAVERICK, of Noddle's Island, was a son of the Rev. John Maverick, of Dorchester, and was born in England about the year 1602, as appears from a deposition given by him on the 8th of December, 1665. Being the son of a clergyman, he undoubtedly received a good education (as is evinced by his public letters), and thus was well fitted to fill the various impor- tant positions which he occupied. As the time of his birth is of considerable importance in settling some disputed points, the deposition is inserted here entire : -
" Samuel Mauerick aged 63 yeares or thereabouts, deposeth that sometime last yeare, having some speech wth Samuell Ben- net Sent of Lynne, as to a match intended betweene his son Sam1 Benett Jun" & a dau. of Capt. Wm. Hargrave of Horsey doune Mariner. The sd Bennet sent did promise that if his sonne should marry wth sª Hargraues dau. he would make over to him the house he now liues in with barnes stables, lands &c. belonging to sd farme & £80 of stock, wth this prouisoe that sª Bennet Jun" should yearly pay his father during his life £20. if he needed it or demanded it and to the best of my remem- brance he wrote so much to Capt. Hargraue. He also tyed his sonne not to alienate the premises wthout his consent dureing his life. Thus much he testifieth and further saith not. Boston Decr 7th 1665 Taken upon oath the 8th Dec. 1665
Samuele Marrricke
Before Thomas Clarke, Commiss.
[John Gifford Aged 40 yeares, testifies to the same affair.]" 1
1 Suffolk Deeds, Lib. 4, fol. 328.
70
HISTORY.
[1602.
According to this deposition, therefore, he was born about the year 1602, and must have been comparatively a young man when he first came to this country.
The questions have arisen, whether Samuel Maverick of Noddle's Island was the son of the Rev. John Maverick, and whether he was the royal commissioner. These questions can be correctly answered, and proof will be presented to show that Samuel Maverick of Noddle's Island was the son of Rev. John Maverick, and was the royal commissioner. Upon these dis- puted points, numerous authors have made the essential mis- take of stating that the son of Samuel Maverick, the original grantee of Noddle's Island, was the royal commissioner ; and even Mr. Savage, who is usually so correct in his facts and dates, and is so excellent an authority upon historical matters, indorses the same errors when he says: " In the Chronological Observations, p. 252, appended to his (Josselyn's) Voyages, he (Samuel Maverick) is strangely confounded as the father of Samuel Maverick, Esq., the royal commissioner in 1664, with the Rev. John Maverick, minister of Dorchester;" and at the close of the note Mr. Savage adds, " He died March 10th, 1664." 1
The learned editor of Winthrop's Journal, in this short sen- tence, has fallen into both of the errors alluded to in the quota- tions above given, and the additional one of placing the death of the commissioner in 1664. He evidently supposes that the son of Samuel Maverick of Noddle's Island was the royal commissioner, and that the first grantee of the Island was not the son of the Dorchester divine. In tracing the history of Samuel Maverick in chronological order, it will be proper here to consider only the question as to his parentage, leaving to a more appropriate spot the discussion of his identity with the royal commissioner. That he was the son of the Rev. John is made perfectly clear by Josselyn, who says :2 "1630. The Tenth of July, John Winthrop Esq; and the Assistants arrived in New England, with the Patent for the Massachu- setts, they landed on the North side of the Charles River, with
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