USA > Massachusetts > Worcester County > Worcester > History of Worcester, Massachusetts, from its earliest settlement to September, 1836 : with various notices relating to the history of Worcester County > Part 3
USA > Massachusetts > Worcester County > Worcester > History of Worcester, Massachusetts, from its earliest settlement to September, 1836 : with various notices relating to the history of Worcester County > Part 3
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41
1 Hubbard's Nar. 135.
2 ib. 31.
15
INDIAN HOSTILITIES.
1675.]
it long remained, as the terrific memorial of justice. The father, a grave and sober Indian, appointed by Gookin constable of Pak- achoag, in his profession of Christianity, had not forsaken the vin- dictive principle so deeply cherished by his people. July 10, 1675,2 he visited Mendon, and revenged the loss of his offspring by the death of five of its inhabitants.1
This was the signal for the commencement of a desperate contest. Common danger produced that efficient union of the northern colo- nies cemented by the necessity of self preservation. The war was not of long continuance.
Energetic and rapid excursions laid waste the resources of the hostile tribes ; the allies, enticed to their support, foresceing their fate, grew cold towards ancient friendships : their supplies were destroy- ed : their wigwams consumed : and Philip and his forces, hunted from post to post, deserted their homes and took refuge among the Nipmuck villages, where they received shelter and reinforcement. Unable to maintain open fight, they continued an unsparing preda- tory warfare upon the exposed hamlets and garrisons. Alarm pre- vailed through New England. None knew when to expect the visi- tation of the foe, lurking unseen in the solitude of the forest, until the blow fell, as sudden as the lightning, and left its effects traced with fire and blood. The husbandman went forth to cultivate the field, armed as if for battle ; the musket and the sword rested by the pillow, whose slumbers were often broken, as the war whoop rose on the watches of night. The planters of Worcester, placed hard by the seat of the enemy, remote from friendly aid, with no dwelling of civilized man nearer than Marlborough on the east, Lancaster towards the north, and Quabaog, now Brookfield, westward, to af- ford assistance and support, were compelled to desert their posses- sions, and dispersed among the larger towns. The silence of deso- lation succeeded to the cheerful sounds of industry, and the village was abandoned to the wild beast and the fiercer foc.
1 This event is thus noticed by Mather. 'July 14, the Nipnep, or Nipmuek Indians, began their mischief at a town called Mendam ( had we amended our ways as we should have done, this misery might have been prevented ) where they committed barbarous murders. This day deserves to have a Remark set upon it, considering that blood was never shed in Massachusetts colony in a way of hostility before this day. Moreover, the Providence of God herein is the more awful and tremendous, in that this very day the church in Dorchester was before the Lord humbling themselves by fasting and pray- er on account of the day of trouble now begun among us.
The news of this bloodshed came to us at Boston, the next day, in Lecture time, in the midst of the sermon : the Seripture then improved being thal, Isai. 42: 24. Who gave Jacob to the spoil, and Israel to the robbers? did not the Lord? He against whom we have sinned.' Mather's Hist. 5.
16
NIPMUCK INDIANS.
[1675.
-
CHAPTER II.
King Philip's war, 1675, 1676. The Nipmuck country. Indian Settlements. Visit of Gookin and Elliot. Attack on Quabaog. Ephraim Curtis. Phinehas Upham. Henchman's expedition. Quinsigamond burnt. Ilenchman's second expedition. Sagamore John surrenders. Matoonus shot. Executions in Boston. Destruction of the Indians.
The natives of Quinsigamond were of the Nipmuck or Nipnet Indians. The territorial jurisdiction of this tribe is not accurately defined by the early historians. Gookin, high authority on such sub- jects, includes within 'the Nipmuck country,' as it was called, ten villages of Christian converts : Hassanamisset in Grafton ; Manchoag now Oxford; Chabanakongkamon now Dudley ; Maanesit, Quan- tisset and Wabquisset in Woodstock ; Packachaog in Worcester and Ward; Waentug now Uxbridge ; Weshakim now Sterling ; and Quabaog in Brookfield.1 From the position of these places, the do- main of the nation must have extended over all the south, and part of the north, of the County of Worcester, and included a portion of Connecticut. On the south were the fierce Pequots ; the Massachu- setts, inhabiting from the bay of that name to the interior, were on the east ; north, were the Pawtuckets, dwelling along the Merri- mack and its tributary waters. The western boundary is uncertain. It is possible that it was as remote as the Connecticut River and the possessions of the warlike Maquas or Mohawks. Elliot, in 1651, speaks of Nipmuck, as ' a great country lying between Conncetacot and the Massachusetts, called Nipnet, where there be many Indi- ans dispersed.' The Nipmucks enjoyed a wide region, abounding with lakes and rivers for fishing, forests for the hunter, and soil fa- vorable for their rude tillage. Their character was more gentle and peaceful than generally belongs to savage life. Surrounded by pow- erful and ferocious tribes, they had lost national independence. The chiefs and sagamores of the scattered hamlets were subordinate and tributary to their strong neighbors. When the planters first arrived, Wattasacompanum, was nominally ruler. But his authority was controlled, and his efforts to preserve the friendly relations which had always subsisted between his people and the English, were rendered ineffectual, by the superior influence and bolder spirit of the Sa- chems, who held his subjects by paramount allegiance to their wild
1 1 Mass. Hist. Col. i. 189. 2 3 Mass. Hist. Col. iv. 170.
17
INDIAN SETTLEMENTS.
1674.]
governments, and they were drawn, reluctantly and unwillingly into hostilities.
The principal settlement of the Indians in Worcester, was on the hill rising in the south part of the town, and extending into Ward, called by them Pakachoag, now known as Bogachoag. It is thus de- scribed by Gookin, in his 'Historical Collections of the Indians in New England,' 1 written in Dec. 1674. 'This village lyeth about three miles south from the new road way that leadeth from Boston to Connecticut; about eighteen miles, west southerly, from Marlbo- rough ; and from Boston about forty four miles. It consists of about twenty families, and hath about one hundred souls therein. This town is seated upon a fertile hill, and is denominated from a delicate spring of water that is there.'
The western hills, bearing originally the appellation of Tataesset, corrupted, in common use, into Tatnuck, were occupied by smaller hamlets.
Wigwam Hill, on the eastern shore of Quinsigamond, was prob- ably a favorite place of residence for the people who ranged along its waters for fish and game. The name given by the planters indi- cates that it was once the site of the bark tents of the aborigines.
The remains of rude workmanship frequently discovered around these eminences, and the vestiges of primitive agriculture formerly scattered over our territory, show that the tribe once roving through our forests was numerous.
The benevolent exertions of self devoted teachers in diffusing the light of Christianity, had been extended to these villages, and as early as 1672, they had been here instructed in the doctrines of reli- gion and the ceremonial of the church.
On the 17th of September, 1674, John Eliot, well styled the apostle of the Indians, visited Pakachoag, accompanied by Gookin, who then held the office of superintendent, on his return from an excursion among the nations entrusted to his paternal guardianship. The description, left by the latter, affords a view of the condition of the population previous to the commencement of that war whose exterminating edge soon fell on their kindred.
' We took leave of the christian Indians at Chabanakongkomun, and took our journey, 17th of the seventh month,2 by Manchage to Pakachoog, which lieth from Manchage, north west, about twelve miles. We arrived there about noon.'
' We repaired to the sagamore's house, called John, alias Horo+
1 1. Mass. Hist. Col. i. 192. 3
2 28 September, 1674. N. S.
18
GOOKIN'S AND ELIOT'S VISIT.
[1674.
wanninit, who kindly entertained us. There is another sagamore belonging to this place, of kindred to the former, whose name is Solomon, alias Wooanakochu. This man was also present, who courteously welcomed us. As soon as the people could be got to- gether, Mr. Eliot preached unto them and they attended reverently. Their teacher, named James Speen, being present, read and set the tune of a psalm that was sung affectionately. Then was the whole duty concluded with prayer.'
' After some short respite, a Court was kept among them. My chief assistant was Wattasacompanum, ruler of the Nipmuck In- dians, a grave and pious man of the chief sachem's blood of the Nipmuck country. He resides at Hassanamesit : but, by former appointment calleth here, together with some others. The princi- pal matter done at this Court, was, first, to constitute John and Solomon to be rulers of this people and co-ordinate in power, cloth- ed with the authority of the English government, which they accep- ted : also to allow and approve James Speen for their minister. This man is of good parts ; and pious. He hath preached to this people almost two years, but he yet resides at Hassanamesit, about seven miles distant. Also they chose and the Court confirmed, a new constable, a grave and sober Indian, called Matoonus. Then I gave both the rulers, teacher, constable and people, their respective charges, to be diligent and faithful for God, zealous against sin, and careful in sanctifying the Sabbath.'
Having sent a grave and pious Indian to be a teacher at Nash- away, near Lancaster, with a letter of advice and exhortation, writ- ten and dated at Pakachoag, and nominated one of that tribe, who was present as constable, with power, 'to apprehend drunkards, take away their strong drink, and bring the offenders before himself for punishment ;' an office which the candidate refused to accept until he could consult his friends ; the exercises were concluded with singing a psalm and offering prayer, and they retired to rest. The next morning early they passed to Marlborough and thence re- turned to their homes.1
While the flame of war spread through the whole jurisdiction of Massachusetts, Quinsigamond was distinguished as the central point in a territory depopulated by hostilities, and as a post for military movements. Some of the christian Indians, during this gloomy period, repaired to Marlborough : but most of them, enticed by the persuasions and awed by the lofty spirit of Philip, united themselves
1 1. Mass. Ilist. Col. i. 192.
19
ATTACK ON QUABOAG.
1675.]
with him. As early as July, 1675, this bold and sagacious war- rior was at Pakachaog, and was accompanied westward by saga- more John, who participated in the attack on Quabaog. When this John surrendered himself at Boston, the year after, ' he affirm- ed' says Hubbard, 'that he had never intended any mischief to the English at Brookfield, but that Philip, coming over night among them, he was forced, for fear of his own life, to join with them against the English.'1 Many of our Indians went with him.
While the natives of Pakachoag were attempting the destruction of Brookfield, Ephraim Curtis, who may be considered as the first settler of Worcester, distinguished himself as a gallant soldier in repelling their attacks. Having actively engaged in military ser- vice, he received the commission of Lieutenant. The govern- ment, desirous of reclaiming the Nipmucks to their fidelity, repeat- edly sent messengers to their chiefs. On the 24th of July, 1675, Curtis held a conference with four of their sachems, and received assurances of their peaceful intentions .? Induced by deceptive promises, Capt. Edward Hutchinson, and Capt. Thomas Wheeler, were sent into the interior ; the former, commissioned to negociate a treaty, and the latter, in command of a military force of 20 men, for the protection of the embassy. Commencing their march from Cambridge, July 28, and passing the forsaken wigwams of the sava- ges, who fled before them to concentrate power for a heavy blow, they arrived near Brookfield, August 2. Having been amused by delusive appointments for meetings, they were led into a narrow de- file, between a steep hill and deep swamp. Two or three hundred Indians rose suddenly from their ambuscade, and, with the first fire, killed eight and wounded five men, including both the commanders. The survivors of the ill fated company, with difficulty, effected a re- treat to the town, where they fortified one of the largest houses.
' Within two hours after our coming to the said house, or less,' says Wheeler, in his narrative,3 ' the said Capt. Hutchinson and my- self posted away Ephraim Curtis of Sudbury, and Henry Young of. Concord, to go to the honored council, at Boston, to give them an
1 Hubbard's Narrative, 101. 'One eyed John accuses sagamore John to have fired the first gun at Quaboag, and killed Capt. Hutchinson.' Sewall's Journal. 2 Hub. Nar. 35.
3 See the very interesting tract, reprinted in the New Hampshire Historical Society's Collections, ii. 5, written by Captain Thomas Wheeler, entitled 'A True narrative of the Lord's providences in various dispensations towards Capt. Edward Hutchinson and my- self, and those who went with us, into the Nipmug country, and also to Quabaog, alias Brookfield.'
20
CURTIS. UPHAM.
[1675.
account of the Lord's dealing with us and our present condition. When they came to the further end of the town, they saw the ene- my rifling of houses, which the inhabitants had forsaken. The post fired upon them, and immediately returned to us again ; they dis- cerning no safety in going forward, and being desirous to inform us of the enemies actings, that we might the more prepare for a sudden assault by them.'
This assault followed with great violence but was bravely resisted. During the night, the attack continued, and the Indians attempted to fire the house, with combustibles. 'I' says Wheeler, ' being de- sirous to hasten intelligence to the honored Council of our present great distress, we being so remote from any succor, it being between 60 and 70 miles from us to Boston, where the Council useth to sit, and fearing our ammunition would not last long to withstand them, if they continued so to assault us, I spake to Ephraim Cur- tis, to adventure forth again on that service and to attempt it on foot, as the way wherein there was most hope of getting away undis- covered : he readily assented, and, accordingly, went out; but there were so many Indians every where thereabouts, that he could not, pass, without apparent hazard of life ; so he came back again ; but, towards morning, the said Ephraim adventured forth the third time, and was fain to creep on his hands and knees for some space of ground, that he might not be discerned by the enemy, who waited to prevent our sending, if they could have hindered it. But, through God's mercy, he escaped their hands, and got safely to Marlborough, though very much spent, and ready to faint, by reason of want of sleep before he went from us, and his sore travel, night and day, in that hot season, till he got thither, from whence he went to Boston.'
Intelligence had reached Marlborough before the arrival of Ephraim Curtis, and Major Simon Willard, whose memory has been unhappily slandered by tradition, had marched for the relief of the little band surrounded by more than three hundred Indians.
On the Ist of September 1675, another of the early settlers of Worcester, Lt. Phinehas Upham, advanced, with a force of 100 men under the command of Capt. Gorham, into the Nipmuck country. The object of the expedition was to destroy the planting fields and burn the wigwams of the Indians, to deprive them of shelter and food during the winter. Gookin complains that they attacked only the villages of the praying converts, while Pakachoag, where there was abundance of corn was left untouched.1
1 Gookin's Hist. Christian Indians in American Antiquarian Sociely's Collections.
21
HENCHMAN'S EXPEDITION.
1675.]
In November following, the enemy's forces captured the people of Hassanamesit, while employed about their harvest. Wattasa- companum, the chief ruler and assistant, who had held court with Gookin in 1674, was prevailed with to unite with Philip, and his example drew after him most of his subjects. When information of this movement reached the Council, Capt. Henchman and Capt. Sill were immediately despatched to range the country with two compa- nies. Having visited Grafton, and rescued some captives, 'they marched ' says Gookin in his Narrative of the sufferings of the christian Indians 1 ' to a place called Packachoage, about 10 miles distant from Hassanamessit, towards the north west, where was plenty of good indian corn, and, in this place they hoped to meet some of the enemy. Coming to the place, they saw signs of In- dians, that had been lately there, but, it seems, were withdrawn upon the approach of the English. Here our forces took up their quarters one night, there being two wigwams, which were good shel- ter for our soldiers, the weather being wet and stormy. The next morning, our forces searched about the cornfields, to find the ene- my, but could not discover them, though, in all probability, the ene- my saw them in all their motions, and concealed themselves ; for this is their ordinary way ; to lie hid in thick swamps and other se- cret places, and to move as our men do scatter themselves, in small parties, and lie close, observing all our men's motions. The Eng- lish, in their search, found above 100 bushels of Indian corn newly gathered, and a great quantity of corn standing. About 10 o'clock in the forenoon, the English Captains and their soldiers marched back to Hassanamessit. Being gone about two miles on their way, Capt. Henchman, missing as he apprehended, his letter case, where- in his writings and orders were, he sent back two Englishmen, and the Indian Thomas, on horseback, to see at the wigwam where he lodged, to find his papers : these messengers, accordingly, going back, the Indian led them the way, and ascending up a steep hill, at the top whereof stood the wigwam, as soon as ever he discovered it, being not above six rods distant, he saw two Indian enemies, stand- ing at the wigwam door, newly come out, and four more, sitting at the fire, in the house. At which sight he bestirred himself, and, looking back, called earnestly ( as if many men were behind, com- ing up the hill ) to hasten away and encompass the enemy. One of the enemy, thereupon, presented his gun at our Indian ; but, the gun missing fire, ( probably the moist rainy weather had put it out of
1 American Antiquarian Society's Collections.
22
QUINSIGAMOND BURNED.
[1675.
case ) whereupon, the rest of them, that were in the wigwam, came all out, and ran away as fast as they could, suspecting that the Eng- lish forces were at hand. And then, Thomas, with his two comrades, having thus prudently scared away the enemy, they thought it sea- sonable also to ride back again to their company as fast as they could. And, indeed, there was good reason for it ; because Thomas, the In- dian had only a pistol : one of the Englishmen, who was their chir- urgeon, a young man, had no gun : the third had a gun, but the flint was lost :"so that they were in ill case to defend themselves, or offend the enemy : but, God preserved them, by the prudence and courage of the Indian : which deliverance, one of the Englishmen directly acknowledged to me, attributing their preservation, under God, to this fellow : so they got safe to their captain, who, in the interim, searching diligently, had found his letter case, and staid for these messengers.'1
The buildings, deserted by the planters of Worcester, were des- troyed by the Indians, Dec. 2, 1675 : an event in which Mather dis- covers a special admonition of the displeasure of divine Providence. The expedition against the Narragansets was then about to march. ' But before they set out,' says the annalist, ' the churches were all upon their knees before the Lord, the God of armies, entreating his favor and gracious success in that undertaking. This day of Pray- er and Humiliation was observed December 2d : when, also, some- thing happened, intimating as if the Lord were still angry with our prayers : for, this day, all the houses in Quonsukamuck were burnt by the Indians.'2
During the winter, the hostile Indians were scattered through the country between Marlborough and Brookfield. A large body gath- ered round Wachuset. Philip having visited Canada, they remain- ed for the most part inactive. On his return, the tomahawk was again lifted, and torture and death resumed their work. On the first of February, 1675,3 the Nipmucks destroyed the house of Thomas Eames in Framingham. Three of the men of Pakachoag were af- terwards executed in Boston for this burning. A curious inventory of the loss sustained by the sufferer was afterwards presented to the General Court, in which a wife and five children are included among the articles of furniture and items of property for reimbursement.
The Nipmucks were engaged in the attack on Lancaster, Feb'y. 10, 1675,4 rendered memorable by the simple narrative of Mrs. Row-
1 See Hubbard's Nar. 45.
2 Increase Mather's History, 19.
3 Feb. 12, 1676, New Style.
4 Feb. 122, 1676, N. S.
23
HENCHMAN'S EXPEDITION.
1676.]
landson's captivity ; and, probably, participated in the depredations on other towns. The troops of Prentice, Savage, Mosely, and the other distinguished leaders of the time, frequently traversed the ter- ritory along the Connecticut road, to seek or pursue the foe. Par- ties were sometimes stationed at Quinsigamond, to await reenforce- ments or watch the operations of the enemy.
In April, 1676, three companies of infantry under Captains Sill, Cutler and Holbrook, and three of cavalry, with Capts. Brattle and Prentice, and Capt. Henchman who was commander in chief, were sent out towards Hassanamessit. Having been released for a time from service, on the 30th of May, Henchman was again despatched from Boston, to meet a corps from Connecticut, to scour the forest on both sides Connecticut River, to distress the enemy and prevent their fishing in those waters. The two parties were to unite at Brookfield, but Henchman turned aside to attack a party at Wesh- akim ponds. This service successfully performed, he proceeded westward and met the troops of the neighboring colony at Hadley. The object of the campaign accomplished, the men of Massachusetts returned. The instructions of the Council, dated June 10, state that Philip, with several sachems, but with few fighting men, had then planted at Quabaog and Pakachoag. On arriving near the last named place, they found that Philip and the Narragansets were gone several days before. On the 30th of June, Henchman, having halted at Marlborough, made a report from which the following pas- sages are extracted.
' By advice, I drew out a commanded party, under the conduct of Capt. Sill, viz. sixteen files of English, all my troop, and the Indi- ans, excepting one file, being all we could make provision for ; for what, with the falling short of the bread promised us, and a great deal of that we had proving mouldy, the rest of the men had but one biscuit a man to bring them to this place. This party we order- ed towards Wachuset, and so to Nashaway, and the Weshakim Ponds, and so to return to this place. The commanded party we left at Quonsiquomon, where they intended to stay awhile for the last scout we sent out. Eleven prisoners we had in all ; two of the eld- est, by counsel, we put to death, the other nine the commissary is ordered to convey to Boston.'1
From this time the fortunes of Philip rapidly declined. The spir- it of disaffection spread among his allies, and the formidable con- federacy his genius had formed was parted. The confidence he had
1 Hubbard Nar. 86.
24
SAGAMORE JOHN'S LETTER.
[1676.
inspired was lost, and the dread of the English power revived, as unsparing vengeance was visited on the hostile tribes.
Sagamore John, alarmed at the dangerous condition of affairs, pru- dently sought safety by timely submission. In the early part of Ju- ly, he opened a negotiation for peace with the government in Bos- ton.
A curious letter, composed by a christian Indian who had learned to write, supplicating mercy in very imperfect language, is preserved in one of a series of tracts, first printed in London in 1676.1 John subscribed this paper, as a highland chieftain would have done, with the name of his clan. It was signed by other Nipmuck sagamores, and sent by a party with a white flag, July 6, 1676, from Nashaway.
' Mr. John Leveret, my Lord, Mr. Waban, and all the chief men our brethren, praying to God .? We beseech you all to help us ; my wife she is but one, but there be more prisoners, which we pray you keep well : Mattamuck his wife, we entreat you for her ; and not only that man, but it is the request of two Sachems, Sam Sachem of Weshakim and the Pakashoag Sachem.'
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.