USA > Massachusetts > Worcester County > Worcester > History of Worcester, Massachusetts, from its earliest settlement to September, 1836 : with various notices relating to the history of Worcester County > Part 4
USA > Massachusetts > Worcester County > Worcester > History of Worcester, Massachusetts, from its earliest settlement to September, 1836 : with various notices relating to the history of Worcester County > Part 4
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' And that further you will consider about the making peace. We have spoken to the people of Nashobah ( viz. Tom Dubler and Peter ) that we would agree with you and make a covenant of peace with you. We have been destroyed by your soldiers : but still we remember it now, to sit still; do you consider it again : we do ear- nestly entreat you that it may be so by Jesus Christ. O! let it be so ! Amen. Amen.'
Mattamuck, his mark N. Sam. Sachem, his mark &. Simon Pottoquam, Scribe į. Uppanippaquem, his ( mark ) C. Pakaskoag, his mark 2.3
Soon after this letter was written, about July 13,4 sagamore John ventured to visit Boston, to deliver himself to the Magistrates and make terms for his men. The Governor and Council, with policy equally
1 ' A true account of the most considerable occurrences that have happened in the warre between the English and Indians in New England,' reprinted in Drake's Indian Chron- icle, 131.
2 The letter is intended to be addressed to Gov. Leveret, Mr. Waban, and the chris- tian Indians who prayed to God.
3 The name of the residence of sagamore John was spelt by different carly writers thus : Pakachoge: Packachooge : Pakchoog : Pakachage : Pakachauge : Poppachaug : Poque- baug: Pakachewog : Pakashooge : Packashoag : Pakaskoag : Pacachoog. The best authority is for Pakachoag.
4 Drake's Indian Chronicle, 137. I. Mather's Hist. 43. Hub. Nar. 101.
25
JOHN. MATOONUS.
1676.]
wise and humane, had issued proclamations offering pardon to the In- dians who voluntarily came in and surrendered. Jolin expressed sin- cere sorrow for taking part against the English, engaged to be true to their interests in future, promised to give some testimonials of fi- delity, received assurances of security and protection, and was per- mitted to depart. On the 27th of July, he returned bringing with him an hundred and eighty of his followers. To propitiate favor, and purchase peace by an acceptable offering, he had treacherously seiz- ed that Matoonus, who had shed the first blood in Massachusetts on the beginning of the war at Mendon, with Nehemiah his son, both probably natives of Pakachoag, and brought them down bound with cords, to be given up to justice. Matoonus, having been ex- amined was condemned to immediate death. Sagamore John, with the new born zeal of the traitor, to signalize his devotion to the cause he adopts by extraordinary rancor against that he deserts, en- treated for himself and his men, the office of executioners. Matoo- nus was led out, and being tied to a tree on Boston common, was shot by his own countrymen, his head cut off, and placed upon a pole opposite to that of his son, who formerly suffered on the same spot for a real or supposed murder committed in 1671.
The historians of the period heap upon Matoonus, a load of abu- sive and uncharitable epithets. The great injury he received, the deepest the heart of savage or civilized man can suffer, affords, in their view, no apology for acts of violence, which although cruel, were according to the custom of war among his people. 'Sagamore John,' says Hubbard, ' that he might more ingratiate himself with the English, whose friendship he was now willing to seek after, did by a wile, get into his hands, one Matoonns, an old malicious villain, who was the first that did any mischief within the Massachusetts Colo- ny, July 14, 1675, bearing an old grudge against them as is thoughit, for justice that was done upon one of his sons, 1671, whose head since stands upon a pole near the gibbet where he was hanged up : the bringing in of this malicious caitife was a hopeful presage that it would not be long before Philip himself, the grand villain, would in like manner receive a just reward of his wickedness and murders.'
Increase Mather, another minister of that gospel which incul- cates the forgiveness of injuries, adds his testimony with equal bit- terness, in a sermon preached in 1677.1
' How often have we prayed that the Lord would remember the cruelty, treachery, and above all the blasphemy of these heathen !
1 Historical discourse on the prevalence of prayer, G.
4
26
WATTASACOMPANUM.
[1676.
This prayer hath been heard in Heaven . . Matoonus, who
was the first Indian that treacherously shed innocent English blood in Massachusetts colony, he some years before pretended something of religion, being a professor in general, ( though never baptised, nor of the inchurched Indians,) that so he might the more covertly manage the hellish design of revenge, that was harbored in his devil- ish heart : but at last sagamore John, with some of his Indians, un- expectedly surprised him and delivered him to justice.'1
Sagamore John, with nineteen of those who surrendered with him, were placed under the charge of Capt. Thomas Prentice, in Cam- bridge. During the succeeding winter, they escaped to the woods, and although closely followed, eluded pursuit. Three of the com- pany were executed, with some of their associates, for burning the house of Thomas Eames. Of their fate Sewall makes this brief re- cord in his journal : 'Sept. 13, eight Indians shot to death on the (Boston) common.' Thirty were sold as slaves, under the milder name of putting out to service. The residue of the captives were confined to Deer Island, where many died by famine and exposure without suitable food or shelter from cold.
The assistant Wattasacompanum, better known in the annals of the time by the appellation of Captain 'Tom,2 was made prisoner, June 11, 1676, with his daughter and two young children. Hench- man, announcing the capture, reports that this man was said to have left the enemy early in spring, intending to give himself up to the English, but dared not come in for fear of their scouts. The min- utes of his trial allege, that 'Capt. Tom was not only an instigator to others over whom he was made a captain, but also was actually present and an actor in the devastation of some of our plantations.' Although the company of friendly Indians, who had done good ser- vice to the colony, petitioned for his release, he was executed June 22. 'He was,' says Gookin,3 ' a prudent, and, I believe, a pious man, and had given good demonstration of it many years. I had particular acquaintance with him, and cannot, in charity, think oth- erwise concerning him in his life, or at his death : though possibly he was tempted beyond his strength ; for had he done as he ought, he should have rather suffered death than have gone among the wicked enemies of God's people.'
1 Mather states that one of the sons of Matoonus was brought in with him, which is confirmed by the following entry in Sewall's MS. Journal, 'July 27, 1676. Sagamore John brings in Matoonus and his son : shot to death the same day.'
" Shattuck's Concord, 62. 3 Hist. Christian Indians, in Am. Ant. Soc. Col.
27
1676.]
EXECUTIONS. REMOVAL OF INDIANS.
During the summer, military executions were frequent in Boston. Thirty Indians were shot in one day on the common. The return of troops from victorious expeditions into the interior, was often fol- lowed by judicial slaughter, only to be defended on the ground of necessity. The captives were sometimes treated as traitors, and blood profusely shed. The heads of the sufferers, exposed near the spot where they fell, were ghastly memorials of the stern character of vindictive justice.
An order of Council, August 30, 1675, directed that all Indians desirous of approving their fidelity should repair to Natick, Pun- kapaug,1 Wamesit,2 Nashobah,3 and Hassanameset, to be confined within a circle drawn at the distance of a mile from the centre of the dwellings. The christians of Quinsigamond, about this period went to Grafton, where they were afterwards surprised by a large force and compelled to join the enemy, as is stated, although it is not probable strong compulsion was needed to induce them to take part with their countrymen. Some were at a fort occupied by the converts of Marlborough. Measures of severity were adopted, invol- ving innocent and guilty in common suffering, scarcely admitting defence. The friendly Indians were principally transported to Deer Island. Taken away from their cornfields without being permitted to gather the harvest, without the resources of hunting, with slender provision for their support, many died for want of food and shelter from the inclemency of winter. The change of residence was some- times effected without regard to the feelings or convenience of the victims. Those of Marlborough, surrounded by a company under Capt. Mosely, who had been commander of a privateer by sea before he became captain of soldiers, were taken into custody, their hands tied behind them, and fastened to a cart rope, they were driven away.4 The act was disclaimed as unauthorised, but the officer was not pun- ished nor the captives released.
With the death of Philip, the animating spirit of the lostile confed- eracy, Aug. 12, 1676, the war ended. Its progress arrested the ear- liest efforts for settlement, and destroyed the little village beginning to rise in Quinsigamond : its termination left the soil almost without a relic of the aboriginal population. When the white settlers com- menced building here, there were between two and three hundred of the natives. They possessed extensive planting fields, and had set appletrees obtained from the English. The light of christianity
1 Stoughton. 2 Lowell. 3 Easterly part of Littleton.
4 Allen's Northborough, in Wor. Mag. ii. 147. Biglow's Natick, 36.
28
SECOND INDIAN DEED.
[1677.
had dawned upon them, and some advance had been made in civili- zation. By the sword, by famine, by violent removal, and by flight, they were nearly exterminated. When the second plantation was attempted, only superannuated old men, women and children, remain- ed of the red people : those able to bear arms had been slain, or dis- persed, seeking refuge in Canada among the French, or migrating far westward beyond the reach of the power they had too much pro- voked for their own safety. The whole nation perished, leaving no monuments of their existence on our lands, and no remains except little articles of ornament, rude utensils of culinary art, and rough weapons of stone, discovered in their former dominion.
CHAPTER III.
1677 to 1713. Second settlement. Indian deed, 1677. Meeting of Planters, 1678. Henehman's agreement, 1684. Citadel. Survey. Mills built. Name of Worees- ter. Lots laid out. New Committees. Capi. Fitch's letter. Queen Anne's war. Town abandoned. Digory Serjent killed. Elisha Ward. Indian Hostilities. Pe- tition for resettlement refused, 1709.
Peace having been reestablished, the Committee earnestly endea- vored to procure the settlement of the town. The little remnant of the Indians, who survived the perils and sufferings of war, had re- turned to their homes. On the 6th of Dec. 1677,1 the right of Pan- nasunet, a sagamore who had not subscribed the former instrument of conveyance, was purchased of his heirs and relatives. The deed 2 was executed by Anthony, or Wannashawakum, otherwise, Wan- noshanohannawit, and Abagail, his wife, 'daughter and only heir of Pannasunet :' Nannaswane, the widow ; Sasomet, and his wife Quassawake, sister of the deceased proprietor ; who are described as ' all natives and inhabitants, they and their ancestors, of Quinsiga-
1 Middlesex Registry of Deeds. Lib. 3. Page 318.
2 The subscribing witnesses to this deed were the apostolic John Eliot, Nathaniel Goo- kin of Cambridge son of Daniel Gookin, James Speen, Waban and Simon Betoghan. James Speen was of Natick, and distinguished for fidelity to the English.
Thomas Waban was of Natiek, the son of the earliest convert to Christianity, for a long time, Clerk, Justice of the Peace, and constable of the Indian lown.
Simon Betoghan was probably the seribe by whom the letter of the sagamores was written.
The grantors probably lived on Wigwam Hill.
29
MEETING OF PLANTERS.
1678.]
mond,' and who covenanted that they had good and just title, and natural right and interest in the territory, and that they would war- rant its enjoyment. The same good faith and equity governed in this as in the former contract. The receipt of full satisfaction for this release of dower and inheritance, in trucking cloth and corn, is acknowledged.
Although the storm of war had passed over, the recollection of its destructive visitation was still fresh. No serious fears could be entertained of immediate disturbance of the repose of the Colony, by the dispersed and defeated enemy. In the interval of peace, the Committee, in 1678, directed the Planters to return before the year 1680, and build together so as to defend themselves : but, in their own words, ' there was no going by any of them, or hope that they would so do : for divers of them being importuned to go, would not.' The exposed and remote situation of the place, affords sufficient ex- planation of the refusal.
A meeting of those interested in the plantation was held in Cam- bridge, March 3, 1678.1 Gookin, Henchman, and Prentice of the Committee were present, with Joel Jenkins, Richard Dana, Philip Atwood, Thomas Brown, John Paul, Thomas Groves, John Fay, Thomas Hall, Thomas Skinner, John Bemis, Richard Tree, Mis- cal Flagg, John Upham, William Taylor, Benjamin Webb, and Si- mon Meylin, whose names are entered on the margin of the original record. The following paper expresses the result of their delibera- tions.
1. ' It is agreed by all the persons named in the margent, that, God willing, they intend and purpose, if God spare life and peace con- tinue, to endeavor, either in their persons, or by their relations, or by their purses, to settle the said plantation sometime the next summer, come twelve month, which shall be in the year of our Lord 1680.
2. ' They do engage to build in a way of a town, according to a model proposed by Major Gookin and Major Henchman, or some model equivalent thereunto, for the attaining these six ends ; 1st, se- curity from the enemies in case (of alarm) : 2d, for the better conve- nity of attending God's worship : 3d, for the better education of their children in society : 4th, for the better accommodation of trades peo- ple : 5th, for better helps to civility : 6th, for more convenient help in case of sickness, fire or other casualty.
3. ' That the most convenient place is to be chosen and pitched
1 March 14, 1679, N. S.
30
HENCHMAN'S AGREEMENT.
[1684.
upon to build the town, sometime this next summer, by the commit- tee, or the major part of such of the people as go up to view the place, which is intended this next May, if God please.
4. ' That after the place is chosen and pitched upon, others that are not present, do engage to submit and settle there.'
The resolutions of settlement unanimously adopted, like other good intentions, seem to have ended with the formation, as no evi- dence remains of any practical attempt to carry them into execution.
The General Court, at their October session, 1682, gave notice to the Committee, that the grant would be considered forfeit and be lost, unless measures were taken to form a plantation.
The necessity of immediate exertion to preserve the rights of those who had procured the title of the soil, incurred much expense, and performed no inconsiderable labor, in efforts for settlement, having been thus officially presented to the Committee, after long negocia- tion, they accepted proposals offered by Capt. Henchman and his associates for accomplishing their purpose. An agreement was en- tered into, April 24, 1684,1 evidenced by a formal instrument of that date. The inducements to this arrangement are stated to be ; 'that the plantation might be secured ; the first planters prevailed with to resettle ; others encouraged to plant ; public occasions provided for ; recompense made to those who have labored therein ; those re- warded that shall forward the place; manufactures promoted ; the country advantaged ; travellers accommodated : and not any damni- fied that are concerned.' The quantity of meadow being estimated at 480 acres, it was proposed to divide the whole township into that number of lots : 200 for the planters : 80 for public uses or specific appropriations : and the remaining 200 to be laid out on the north- ern extremity, forming a division, afterwards known as North Wor- cester, and subsequently rendered permanent by the incorporation of Holden.
Among other arrangements for mutual safety and provisions for social happiness, it was stipulated, that ' land for a citadel should be laid out, on the Fort River, about half a mile square, for house lots, for those who should, at their first settling, build and dwell thereon, and make it their certain place of abode for their families : to the end the inhabitants may settle in a way of defence, as enjoined by law,2 and formerly ordered by the committee for divers reasons, and
I Proprietor's Records, 13.
2 In 1635, the General Court ordered, that ' no new building shall be built more than half a mile from the meeting house, in any new plantation.'
31
CITADEL. LOTS. SURVEY.
1684.]
each one so doing, to have a house lot there, at least six rods square.'
This citadel, or central station, was on the stream flowing by the present town, then called Fort River, from the ancient fortress which had been thrown up on its bank ; soon after named Mill Brook, from the works moved by its waters; and sometimes denominated Bime- leck. From references at a subsequent period, it may be inferred , its northern line was parallel with the town way north of the Court House, and that it included the greater part of the village of Wor- cester.
The contractors were required ' to build two fire rooms in the cita- del, to shelter such as shall come to settle, and travellers, until there be an ordinary : for accommodation of whom,' it is said, 'was one reason of granting the plantation.'
There is traditional evidence that a fortified house was erected a little east from Main street ;1 it was surrounded with a palisade. The inhabitants resorted to its defence by night, and maintained a guard to secure their slumbers.
It was enjoined, 'that care be taken to provide a minister with all convenient speed ; and a schoolmaster in due season ; and, in the in- terim, that the Lord's day be sanctified by the inhabitants meeting together theron, to worship God as they shall be' (able).
The territory without the citadel was divided into lots of ten and twenty five acres : ample reservations were made for public uses and common benefit ; for the support of teachers of religion, and the in- struction of youth, as well as for the encouragement of useful arts and trades. Lands were appropriated for building saw, corn and fulling mills. Four lots were assigned to the Commonwealth, as our ancestors loved to style the colony, in lieu of those reserved for the country by the original grant. The zealous exertions of Gookin to promote the prosperity of the infant town were acknowledged by a donation of eight lots. Each of the Committee were to be entitled, in their official capacity, to four lots, ' for their care and pains.'
The principles for conducting settlement being fixed, the work of improvement was soon commenced. A general survey was made by Samuel Andrews of Watertown, May 16, 1683; the plan, on which the boundaries were delineated, was presented, on the 7th of May, 1684, and allowed and confirmed. The township was estimated to contain 43,020 acres, an allowance of two in the hundred being made for the inaccuracy of measuring the wilderness. 2
1 This garrison was a few rods east of the head of the street now (1836) called Co- lumbian avenue, on land over which the street passes.
2 Prop. Records, 2.
32
SETTLEMENTS.
[1684.
A vacancy in the committee, occasioned by the death of Lt. Rich- ard Beers of Watertown, killed in the defeat of the English near Northfield, in Sept. 1675, was supplied, on the application of the survivors, by the appointment of Capt. John Wing of Boston.
Many persons made contracts with Capt. Henchman, and some became residents. Corn and saw mills were erected by Capt. Wing, a short distance above the bridge at the north end of Main street, where the remains of the dam are still visible in the little island that divides the stream. His house and barn were placed in their vicinity.1
Upon the motion and desire of Gookin, Prentice and Henchman, on the 10th of Sept. 1684, the Great and General Court granted their request, ' that their plantation at Quansigamond be called Worcester.'2
Partial surveys were made in May, 1685. A lot was laid out for Gookin, of 100 acres, on the east side of Pakachoag Hill, and ano- ther lot of 80 acres on Raccoon Plain. There were present at this time Gookin himself, Capt. Henchman, Nathaniel Henchman his son, David Fiske, the surveyor, Digory Serjent, Will, a mulatto, Christopher Reed, and Benjamin Eaton.
A tract of 80 acres was assigned to Capt. John Wing, around his mills, and on the west side of the brook, with the exclusive privilege of its waters.
George Danson, who was a baker, of Boston, obtained a grant of
1 On land now [1836] of Stephen Salisbury, Esq. north of Lincoln square.
2 The reasons for the selection of the name of Worcester cannot now be ascertained. It was probably adopled from the place of residence of some of the commillee or plant- ers in England.
The word Worcester is said, Henry's England, ii. 538, to have been derived from the Saxon Wegera-ceaster, meaning war castle, and descriptive of the military character of the place to which it was originally applied by the martial clans of remote antiquity:
In England, one place only bears this name. The city of Worcester, the capital of a shire, situated on the banks of the Severn, contained in 1824 a population of about 20,000, supported a flourishing trade in gloves and the manufacture of fine china ware, held three market days the week, and returned two members to Parliament. It is not- ed in history as the scene of a sanguinary battle in 1651, between Cromwell and the Pretender, afterwards Charles II. which crushed for a time the hopes of the Stuart.
In the United States, the rapid birth of new towns lias multiplied the name. It had been given to the following places, in 1832 :
1. Worcester, post town, Otsego county, 2.
New York, pop. in 1830, 2093.
Pennsylvania,
1135.
Vermont,
432.
4.
, township, Wayne county, Ohio,
1953. 5. town, Wayne county, Ohio,
977. 6. -, county, chief town, Snow Hill, Maryland,
18271.
, post town, Montgomery co.
3. town, Washington co.
33
SETTLEMENTS. NEW COMMITTEE.
1684.]
200 acres on the same side of the stream, north of the citadel, and extending to North Pond.
Thomas Hall occupied the meadow below the mills.
At this distance of time, without the aid of full records, ill suppli- ed by the scattered fragments of history and tradition which have descended, it is not possible to ascertain the names or number of the actual settlers of the new town which rose from the ashes of the former plantation.
In addition to those already mentioned, the following were proba- bly among the inhabitants :
Thomas Atherton,
George Rosbury, James Daniel,
Peter Goulding, Isac George, Matthew Tomlin,
Isaac Bull.
Thomas Brown, Daniel Turell,
William Wecks,
Jacob Leonard, Isaac 'Tomlin,
Enos Salier, John Cowell, James Dutton.
The Committee suffered the loss of one of its most energetic mem- bers by the death of Capt. Henchman, 166, who had personally aided and superintended the allotment of lands.
The President and Council, administering the affairs of the Prov- ince in the stormy period of the Revolution following the abrogation of the charter, on the 10th of June, 1686, upon the application of the proprietors of Worcester, reappointed Gen. Gookin and Capt. Pren- tice of the old Committee, and added Mr. William Bond of Water- town, Capt. Joseph Lynde and Deacon John Haynes of Sudbury, as new members, with general powers to order and regulate all matters concerning the settlement.1
For a time we lose sight of the town and its inhabitants. From 1686 to 1713, no record is preserved on the proprietary book of any transactions. Neither history nor tradition informs us of the labors, dangers and sufferings of the earlier planters, or discloses particulars to measure the advance of population under the salutary regulation and prudential guardianship of able and discreet committees, or the difficulties interposed by public embarassments. Gen. Gookin, the early and faithful friend of the plantation, was called to the rewards of a long life, characterized by fervent piety, enlightened benevo- lence, incorruptible integrity, and the practice of every manly virtue, in March, 1687. The office he held in relation to the town was fil- led by the appointment of Capt. Adam Winthrop, who had become proprietor of extensive tracts.
Other vacancies having occurred, Dec. 23, 1691, Capt. Penn
1 Proprietors' Records, 23.
5
34
CAPT. FITCHI'S LETTER.
[1696.
Townsend, Capt. Epliraim Hunt, and Mr. John Haynes, were added to Capt. Prentice, Capt. Winthrop and Capt. Wing, for the ordering of affairs :1 a circumstance rendering it certain that the number of settlers had not so increased as to prevent the necessity of relying on others for the direction of their municipal concerns.
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