USA > Massachusetts > Plymouth County > Abington > History of the town of Abington, Plymouth County, Massachusetts, from its first settlement > Part 16
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This glorious event, which forever separated America from British thraldom, from her heavy debts and oppressive wars, and laid the foundation of all our glory and happiness, took place twenty-nine years ago this day. Since that period America has arisen to a state of eminence and happiness be- yond a parallel. Our independence has not only extended the borders of our country far into the wilderness, but opened a door for the most surprising advances in every kind of
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improvement. Our resources have multiplied beyond calcula- tion, and are absolutely inexhaustible. Our commerce whitens every ocean ; it extends to all nations, and is a convincing proof of the flourishing state of our agriculture and manufactures. By commerce our tables are loaded with the productions of various nations, vastly remote. Much of our apparel is from afar. We possess great blessings, and have more promising prospects than any other nation in the world. Whilst the na- tions of Europe are involved in everlasting wars, and their ill- fated inhabitants are uo better than slaves, upon whom are exercised the whims, caprice, and despotism of kings, nobles, and emperors ; whilst Asia and Africa sit in midnight dark- ness, and support not a being of the human kind who is not either a slave or a tyrant, America unites within herself the blessings of all nations and of all climes. Our old men are more happy than kings, and our young men are more honor- able than law-created nobles. What other nations have long sought for in vain, through revolutions, blood and slaughter, is here enjoyed to perfection. To what source may we trace these blessings? The answer is, under Providence, to that glorious event which proclaimed us a free and independent people.
But what those principles were which established our inde- pendence, thus beneficial to our nation, is an interesting in- quiry. These being once known, they will enable us to judge of the rectitude of our own political sentiments ; they will serve as a criterion by which we may know whether our rulers govern wisely or wickedly; for the principles which gave rise to the Revolution, and the adoption of our excellent Constitution, are universally acknowledged to be right. All parties, all orders of men, the Tories excepted, were then united in sentiment. The same principles of liberty, the same prin- ciples of government actuated the nation. Under their influ- ence, " Our independence," as a celebrated author observes, " was found of those who sought it not." These principles led to victory ; they led to the establishment of a happy gov- ernment and wise institutions, and have been the procuring
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cause of all our happiness. Let the same principles still in- spire the breasts of our countrymen, and regulate the ministra- tions of our rulers, and America will long continue to be the residence of liberty, happiness, and the rights of man.
One of the first principles of the Revolution was an acknowl- edgment of the authority and sovereignty of the people. The sentiment of Sidney, Locke, and Montesquieu, that the strength of a nation resided in the people, was universally adopted. " We hold these truths to be self-evident," says the Declara- tion of Independence, this day read, " that all men are born equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pur- suit of happiness." The will of the people, when properly expressed, was considered as a supreme law : none might take from it or add to it. They chose their own government, formed associations, maintained the rights of legislation, and were never afraid to trust themselves. The absurd doctrine of " passive obedience and non-resistance," was universally repu- diated. Rebellion against tyrants was believed to be the will of God. Government was thought necessary for the security of the rights and privileges of the people, and not for the ag- grandizement of the rulers. Hence they reprobated the absurd idea of privileged orders and exclusive rights. The trappings of royalty and the pageantry of courts were not con- sidered essential to liberty. They thought men, as they came from their Maker, sufficiently noble to govern themselves. Their idea of liberty, however, was not that of licentiousness ; it was not savage freedom. It consisted in this, that every man had a right to do as he chose, provided it was not inconsistent with the same right in his neighbor, and the good of the whole. To secure this natural liberty of man, when they were desti- tute of all government, one was introduced. For the support of these principles, in opposition to Britons and Tories, they fought, they bled, they conquered.
But the nature of the government adopted at the Revolution will give us a more extensive idea of the principles then cher- ished. Government and laws are as necessary in society as
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morals in religion; liberty must be defined, and the passions restrained. Hence a nation is known by its government ; ac- cordingly as it is wise or foolish, the people will be happy or miserable. Monarchy and aristocracy denote slavery ; a gov- ernment of the people, by their representatives, liberty. What, then, was the nature of our government? What were the principles it embraced ? They were not the principles of a monarchy. The people had no faith in kings ; they did not wish to trust any one man with unlimited power. They had experienced that the " tender mercies" of a king "were cruel," and more bitter than death. Neither were they the principles of an aristocracy ; lords and nobles alone were not thought to be the most suitable guardians of liberty. The happy idea of a nobility "in a hole " had not then occurred ; and if it had it would have been to no purpose, for the very term, nobility, excited horror. Nor were the principles which our Constitu- tion embraced those of a pure democracy. No man, perhaps, ever thought it prudent for the American people to imitate the Athenians, and to assemble all together for the purposes of legis- lation. What, then, were the true principles of our Revolu- tion with respect to government ? The real answer is, they were the principles of a balanced government, consisting of three branches, each branch under the control of the people, and thus organized the better to prevent abuse of power, and insure calm deliberation and freedom from popular frenzy. Such a government, by civilians, is called " a representative de- mocracy." The state governments were of a similar cast. By a representative democracy is not meant that wild, loose, incoherent government, so much decried by the opposers of our present administration. It does not embrace the principles of a Turgot, a Condorcet, nor does it coincide with the mod- ern ideas of "French liberty and equality." It is a gov- ernment in which the influence of the people prevails. A stronger executive or a senate for life would soon destroy their weight. Hence this part of our Constitution has always been highly offensive to many aspiring, ambitious men ; they hate the very name, democracy, though qualified, because it favors
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the people. But at the Revolution these principles were in- sisted upon, were interwoven into the Constitution, and consid- ered as the broad basis of our liberty and security.
These principles of government were supported by Wash- ington, Franklin, and President Jefferson, -the latter of whom penned the admirable Declaration of Independence, and has spent a most useful life in the service of his country. But others are found, and those, too, who of late have been highly conspicuous in office, who always wished for more indepen- dence in the executive, and less influence in the people. But such were not the principles of the Revolution. The major part of those who formed our Constitution, which was univer- sally adopted, chose rather to give the people a preponderance in the Constitution, than to arm a president and senate with weapons to annoy and oppress them.
Many other principles were cherished in the time of our Revolution, and secured by our Constitution, equally preserva- tive of liberty and honorable to the people. Standing armies, in time of peace, were deemed highly dangerous. An ambi- tious ruler might make an engine of them to oppress and en- slave his country. The attempt of George the Third to main- tain a standing army in this country met with the indignant frown of the whole continent. Liberty of the press and free- dom of speech were held to be sacred. Should these privi- leges be violated, and men commanded to speak softly or not at all of their rulers, liberty would soon dwindle into a mere sound, and rulers would become secret oppressors. But the Constitution interferes and declares that liberty of speech and of the press shall not be violated.
But, besides these principles, interwoven into the Constitu- tion, others collateral with them were held in high estimation. War was viewed as a calamity not to be sought after, but, if possible, to be avoided. Men in office were required to spend their energies for the good of the public, and not for their pri- vate emolument. Private interest was freely sacrificed for the public benefit. Useless offices were not multiplied, and exces- sive burdens were not laid upon the people. A continental
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house and land tax was a thing unheard of during our needy and distressing revolution. Whatever tended to tyranny and oppression was firmly opposed.
Such were some of the glorious principles of our revolution. But here an important inquiry arises. Have these principles always been operative, and are they now operative upon the people and rulers of our country ? The time has been when we could not answer in the affirmative. The nation has been seized with a frenzy. Who has not heard of "the Reign of Terror ?" The late federal administration and its supporters, we believe, were not actuated by the principles of the Revolu- tion. The leading characters of that administration wished for a stronger executive, and less influence in the people. The then president was loaded and intrusted with dangerous powers. An arbitrary alien law was committed to him. By this law he was empowered, at his will, to banish from our country every foreigner who might seek here an asylum from European oppressions. An enormous increase of executive patronage was also intrusted to him. A sedition law was made to render him sacred. Liberty of speech and of the press was abridged, contrary to the Constitution ; in conse- quence of which many Republicans were cast into prison. These arbitrary, unconstitutional acts tended to render the president too powerful, and too independent of the people. They were perfectly discordant with the principles of the Rev- olution. Had such measures been proposed then by any man, however conspicuous, he would have been blasted by the pub- lic indignation.
But these are not our only objections against that adminis- tration. A standing army was raised in time of peace to awe and terrify the people. A French invasion was the pretence. But this was such a weak pretence, and so perfectly chimer- ical, that many of the Federalists themselves ridiculed the idea. France at that time was so perfectly watched by British vigi- lance that she could scarcely supply herself with a mess of fish from the ocean. How, then, could she invade America ? Here is a federal mystery. For what was this expensive
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army raised? Republicans believe for the most nefarious de- signs ; a new Constitution, a president and senate for life, might be the object. Such a measure was very foreign from the spirit of the Revolution.
Other measures, also, of that administration, though less dangerous, were equally remote from the spirit of those times. Among these we might enumerate a house and land tax, an eight per cent. loan, a bankrupt law, an enormous increase of public debt, and a host of useless judges, appointed at mid- night ! But I forbear to proceed ; these extraordinary and oppressive measures are sufficient to prove that the principles of the Revolution, which all acknowledge to be just, did not then prevail.
This conclusion is confirmed by the disapprobation of the people. They rose indignant at the measures then pursued. A change of administration was made. But because the people were dissatisfied, and exercised their inherent rights and changed their rulers, they, and the men of their choice, were basely calumniated and belied. "They were branded," as a lively writer observes, "as Atheists, Deists, Jacobins, Infidel philosophers, enemies of God and man, and in league with Satan; Frenchmen and infernal spirits, to destroy all government, order, and religion, and turn the world upside down." It was sneeringly said, at the commencement of the present administration, that the nation would soon be involved in ruin ; that religion would soon be banished from our coun- try ; that our temples of worship would be burnt ; and that Tom Paine would soon be proclaimed priest of Dagon ! All motives to industry were affirmed to be at an end. Our com- merce was declared to be in danger. In imagination our harbors were already seen to be blocked up by sand banks, and poverty and beggary to stalk over the nation; and the ending climax of all this was, " The post of honor is a private station."
But, my countrymen, these were false predictions, made by false prophets ; the direct contrary of which has proved to be true. Unbounded prosperity prevails. We hear of no injustice
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or oppression. The United States were never in a more flourishing and happy situation. The sound of the hatchet and of the anvil is still heard in our land. Our ships still traverse the ocean, and are seen on the thousand shores of Europe, Asia, Africa, the East and West Indies. The foreign stranger who visits our country, while surveying its prosperity, stops short, looks round, and invariably exclaims, "O happy America, thou seat of liberty ! thou most blessed of all nations !- may thy glory and splendor be immortal !"
But here let us return to the other parts of our inquiry ; are the principles of the Revolution now operative upon the people of our country ? Upon the Republicans, who are seven-eighths of the inhabitants of America, we do not hesi- tate to express our full belief that they are. Late public measures and their general reception confirm this. As the aets of the former administration were such as would not have been approved at the time of our Revolution, they were blasted by a repeal. But what act of the present administra- tion is there, which, if it had been taken in the time of our Revolution, would not have been approved ? Would not the disbanding * of an unnecessary standing army have been highly commended in those days ? Would not the repeal of an alien law, a sedition law, a bankrupt law, a stamp law, a useless judiciary law have been highly applauded ? Would not the spirit of those times have approved of economy in government, a diminution of taxes, and, at the same time, a diminution of public debt, a lessening of executive patronage, a cultivation of " peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none," and a sacred regard for the rights of the people ? In a word, would not the principles and spirit which then actuated the bosoms of our countrymen, have led them to approve all the measures which have been adopted under our present wise and patriotic administration ?
* The act reducing the army, though it passed before the close of Mr. Adams' administration, was owing entirely to Republican influ- ence.
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By these observations, it is evident that the Republican party in our country have not departed from the principles and spirit of the Revolution, and are the only men who can cordially celebrate our independence. Federalists may pretend to regard this day, and be loud in their praises of our Consti- tution, but they must be preteusions only. There is not a single principle of the Revolution which is not in direct oppo- sition to their politics. They have associated with Tories, who were the open enemies of independence. They revile some of the first patriots of our Revolution, who hazarded their lives and property in our defence, and call them Jacobins. Even the ashes of the venerable Samuel Adams, Hancock and Franklin have been insulted. To such men the principles of our Revolution cannot be pleasing. This day, therefore, which brings them to view, is not, to them, a day of glad tidings. But with Republicans it is a proud day, and they will remem- ber it .*
Recurring to premises now established, we may draw the following short, syllogistic couclusions, viz. :- The principles of the Revolution were right ; Republican principles coincide with them; therefore Republican principles are right, and ought to prevail. It becomes us, then, to applaud our rulers who have always adhered to these principles, and keep in perpetual remembrance our hard-earned independence.
But though our country is now flourishing and happy, and each one can sit unmolested " under his own vine and fig- tree," yet we ought not to forget that this pleasing scene may be reversed. Prosperity is dangerous to nations as well as to individuals. Riches and luxury produce effeminacy, and a dis- regard of law and order. The people forget the days of their
* These remarks are not meant to be applied indiscriminately to every member of the Federal party, but particularly to the followers of Hamilton. Many of the Federalists, doubtless, are real friends of the country and the Republican cause; their association with our opponents may be owing to prejudice, or the want of accurate infor- mation. To such, Republicans hold out the hand of reconciliation, and invite to a cordial union.
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adversity, and riot in the lap of pleasure and dissipation. In this way lords will rule over them, and the mighty will devonr them. Many great and noble republics, once as free as America, have long ago tumbled into the dust. Many nations, that once were blessed with liberty, are now linger- ing under the scourges of a tyraut. What has become of ancient Greece and Rome ? Where are their immortal orators and renowned statesmen? Alas! they are sleeping in the ruins of their countries, which have been extinct for ages. What has become of the once famed liberties of the high and mighty States of Holland ? They are crushed by the despotic foot of an usurping Corsican. Where is the freedom of the Swiss ? Where are their William Tells? The same vile Corsican has destroyed all. Where is the Polish pation ? Russian, Prussian and Austrian monarchs have long ago sung their funeral " Te Deum." We might go on to speak of the wretched Irish, Scotch, Spaniards, Italians and Portuguese ; but we have not assembled to weep over the ruins of nations.
But shall this be the fate of our country ? Shall the inquisi- tive traveller, in after ages, passing to survey other nations, weep, as he goes along, over our demolished cities and departed honors ? Must the question, " Is man capable of self-government," be forever answered in the negative ? Must we leave another wretched example of the degeneracy of man, and the uncertainty of republics ? This degradation, under Providence, we hope will never fall upon America. Let us imitate the example of our forefathers, and support our Repub- lican establishments ; let us well consider the causes which have destroyed other nations, and, if possible, avoid their destiny.
But it would not be improper, perhaps, to notice some of the means by which our liberties must be protected. Three important securities, among many others, claim our attention : a well-regulated militia, general education, and a Divine religion. We, at present, enjoy these means in an eminent degree. Our militia is made up of ourselves. Its plan com- prises almost every possible advantage. But a particular
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analysis of our system of defence cannot now be „attempted. Suffice it to say, it is worthy of the wisdom of our country, and is our glory and safety. It is a far more sure and better mode of defence than any other which has been invented, either in ancient or modern times. This great security of our rights deserves our utmost patronage and support.
Another important security of our civil privileges is educa- tion ; and its universal spread in our country, is such as to inspire patriotism with confidence, and to command the admi- ration of the world. No nation possesses universal knowledge like America. Our age is the jubilee of science and the feast of knowledge. Here kings and nobles have not where to lay their heads ; mental illumination detects their frauds and sets at naught their impious wishes. Happy would it be for America should this always be her situation. Should she relapse into ignorance and darkness, some intriguing despot, or a group of nobles, would soon climb to power and trample upon her liberties. It becomes Americans, then, ever to encourage education, and consider it the polar star of our nation. Individual exertions to this end deserve our highest applause ; for he who educates a child, often does as much good to his country, as "he who takes a city." Education may be called the eye of a republic, to spy out fraud, ambition and wickedness, and to see that they are punished.
But besides arms and education, the Jachin and Boaz of society, we have a most benevolent religion which all ought to acknowledge to be the firmest basis of our safety. Without it a government which depends on the virtue of the people, would be as unstable as the waves of the sea. Property and life would be insecure, and man would become an exhausted swimmer amidst the contending billows of faction. But pure religion, unshackled by human laws, is Heaven's best gift to the world, and forms the only sure foundation of order and government. It influences mankind by affecting their hearts, and " operates as powerfully when no eye beholds it as when surrounded by thousands." " It places rulers and people always under the eye of Deity, and brings death and judgment
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to view." " It does not, however, excite its disciples to climb to the house-tops and exult over the passing multitude, and exclaim, " We have all the religion and all the virtue of our country !" The religion of such men is declared to be vain. But that kind of religion which will support morals, law and order in a State, enjoins benevolence, charity, and brotherly love.
Our obligations to Divine revelation are infinite. How much did the ancient Republicans experience the want of such a revelation ! The blunders and absurdities of their Stoics, Cynics, Epicureans, Platonies and Skepties, could never supply its place. The gods to whom Demosthenes, Cicero, and all the sages and heroes of antiquity, paid their sacred devotions, were no better than hypocrites and deified monsters. Their Jupiter has been denominated a debauchee; Juno, a scold ; IIercules, a swaggerer ; Mars, a braggadocio ; Neptune, a profane seafaring captain ; Bacchus, a drunkard ; and Moloch, a tyrant. These superstitions were most pernicious to society and government ; they were worse, if possible, than the super- stitions of the modern heathen, who now worship the grand Lama or the Arabian prophet.
But for Christianity such might have been our situation. We might have been paying our devotions, like the ancients, to departed heroes, or statues of brass; or, like modern heathens, to deified impostors or the works of nature. Where now stands our solemn temple, dedicated to the Ruler of the Skies, the temple of Jupiter, the temple of the Sun, or the temple of Mahomet, might have been reared, and Americans, like the wandering Tartars, come yearly to do homage at their shrines. Instead of just ideas of virtue, moral obligation and futurity, we might have been lost amidst a jargon of philosophy ; and gods, Pluto and elysium, the foundation of our religion. But Divine revelation has preserved us from this degradation ; it has reached our land, enlightened our minds, and directed our thoughts to soar above the stars. Under its influence America has humbled her enemies, estab- lished liberty and law, and immortalized her name.
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Since, then, we owe so much to the Christian religion : since it has distinguished us from all other nations, and promises to be our only safety, let none despise its sacred precepts. Nor ought our country ever to be compared with the ancient republics. The lapse of two thousand years, the progress of science, the art of printing, increase of military, judicial and political knowledge, and, above all, a pure revela- tion from Jehovah, has rendered our situation far different from theirs. This difference inspires us with the most con- soling hopes, that here liberty, happiness, and Republicanism, will flourish in eternal youth.
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