USA > Massachusetts > Middlesex County > Marlborough > History of the town of Marlborough, Middlesex county, Massachusetts, from its first settlement in 1657 to 1861; with a brief sketch of the town of Northborough, a genealogy of the families in Marlborough to 1800 > Part 6
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it, except one way ; and upon the edge of this land the English have placed their meeting-house, which is an argument to demonstrate that they look upon it as near the midst of their town, according to general computation and practice. This parcel of land, with the addition of twenty acres of the nearest meadow, and a wood lot of about fifty acres, is well worth two hundred pounds in money ; and yet the Indians will willingly devote it for this work, (education,) for it brings little or no profit to them, nor is it ever like to do ; because the English- men's cattle, &c., devour all in it, because it lies open and unfenced ; and while the Indians planted there, it was in a sort fenced by them ; yet by their improvidence and bad fences, they reaped little benefit in those times-and that was one cause of their removal.
" Now what I propose is, that the parcel of land above ex- pressed be set apart for an Indian free school, and confirmed by an Act of the General Court of this Colony unto a corporation for the Indians for this end forever ; and that it be enfenced with a stone wall into two or three enclosures, for corn, pas- tures, &c., and this will be done easily, because there are stones enough at hand upon it; and then to build a convenient house for a schoolmaster and his family-under the same roof may be a room for a school ; also to build some out-building for corn, hay, cattle, &c. The charge of all this will not amount to above two hundred pounds in money. This being done, the place will be fit to accommodate a schoolmaster and his family, without any other salary but the use of this farm.
" Moreover, it is very probable that the English people of Marlborough will gladly and readily send their children to the same school, and pay the schoolmaster for them; which will better his maintenance ; for they have no school in that place at present ; in which regard I have heard some of the most prudent of them lament. But it being chargeable to raise a school and maintain a schoolmaster for twenty or thirty chil- dren, the inhabitants are backward to do it, until they are compelled by the law, which requires every village of fifty families to provide a school to teach the English tongue and to write ; but the people of Marlborough wanting a few families, do take that low advantage to ease their purses of this common charge. But if the school herein proposed is set up, it will be
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their true interest to put their children to it, being the most thrifty and facile way they can take."
This plan of an Indian school, though conceived in the spirit of benevolence, and being one which should commend itself to the good sense of an intelligent community, as one of the wisest means of civilizing the Indians, and so improving their condition, was never carried into effect. The war with King Philip, which commenced the following year, and which for a time broke up the English settlement at Marlborough, would, in the absence of all other causes, have defeated the measure.
The war, which had scattered the English settlement tempo- rarily, proved still more disastrous to the Indians. And though the Marlborough Indians did not, perhaps, take any active measures against the whites, the suspicion which was excited, and the impediments which were thrown in their way, so far discouraged and disheartened them, that they manifested a willingness to sell that portion of land, which was nearly surrounded by the English settlement. Gookin himself be- came the purchaser.
His deed, which bears date May 2, 1667, and having the signatures of several Indians, sets forth that they "being true proprietors, possessors, and improvers of the Indian lands call- ed Whipsufferadge, alias Okankonomett, adjoining to Marlbo- rough, in the Colony of Massachusetts in New England, for diverse considerations us thereto moving, especially the love and duty we owe to our honored Magistrate, Daniel Gookin, of Cambridge, Esq., who hath been a ruler to us above twenty years, do hereby freely and absolutely give, grant, and confirm unto him, the said Daniel Gookin, Esq., and his heirs forever, one parcel of land heretofore broken up, and being planted by us and our predecessors, called by the name of Okankanomesitt Hill, situated, lying, and being on the south side of our town- ship and plantation near Marlborough, containing about one hundred acres, more or less ; also ten acres of Fort Meadow, and ten in Long Meadow, with free liberty of commonage for wood, timber, and feeding of his cattle upon every common land within our township or plantation."
This land came into the hands of Gookin's sons, who, as we have already seen, sold a portion of the same to the town of Marlborough, to enlarge their Meeting-House Common.
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How long the Indians had occupied this planting field before the place was known to the white man, is uncertain. But here, probably, they had resided for some time ; and here they have left traces of their former presence, not only on the face of the earth, which they cultivated, but the plough not unfrequently brings to the surface some memorial of a rude age and an uncivilized people. On the northern declivity of this hill, they undoubtedly had a burial-place, where sleep the ashes of their fathers. Mr. William I. Howe, the present owner of a considerable portion of their former planting field, in excavating the earth in order to reset his wall, some sixty rods cast of his residence, and nearly in front of the residence of the late Col. Ephraim Howe, discovered a quantity of beads which had probably been buried with the wearer, and bones which plainly indicated that this is the resting-place of the original lords of the soil. The beads were, as far as possible, collected, and are now in possession of Mr. Howe, who, we trust, will hand them down to his children, or place them in some safe depository, where they will remain for ages to come, to remind succeeding generations that the land we inhabit was once the home of a people that, in the providence of God, seem destined to fade away in the presence of the white man.
There is something melancholy in the reflection that the natives of these hills and plains have all disappeared, and that we live and thrive on the ruins of the past. But such is the order of Providence ! In the animal world, as in the vegetable, there is a constant succession ; and each animal, as well as plant, seems to rise from the ashes of its predecessor, and draw its nourishment from the mouldering remains of a preceding generation. This principle is so obvious, that the poet has well said,
" All forms that perish other forms supply."
Nor are nations or races of men exempt from this general law. The kingdom of Nineveh gave place to Babylon, Babylon to Persia, and Persia was conquered by Greece, which in its turn became subject to Rome. And why might we not expect a similar succession of nations on the western continent ? But there is another and more vital principle, which applies to the
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Aborigines of this country. They were a rude and uncivilized race, living almost in a state of nature upon the bounties of the earth, to whose products they contributed nothing by their labor. Such a race, by the order of Providence, is destined to give place to a people who, by their industry, can convert a wilderness into a fruitful field, and make the desert "rejoice and blossom as the rose."
When God created man, he commanded him to cultivate the earth and subdue it; and certainly a people who mingle their labors with the soil, all other things being equal, have a better title to a country, than one which simply roam through its forests in quest of game, or explore its rivers in search of food. It is well known that a given section of country is capable of supporting a vastly greater population of civilized than of savage men ; and if divine goodness is displayed in the creation of human beings, that arrangement of Providence is the most be- nevolent, which gives a comfortable support to the largest number of sentient beings. So far, therefore, as the adminis- tration of the Almighty is concerned, no one can reasonably regret that a barbarous, heathen nation, should give place to a civilized, Christian one; or that the hunting-ground which could support a single tribe, should, by the arts and industry of civilization, be made to support a population ten times as numerous.
Viewed therefore, on a broad and liberal scale, in the light of a rational philosophy, or a pure and elevated religion, the dis- appearance of the native tribes should fill us with rejoicing rather than with regret. As sympathetic beings, we naturally commiserate their fate, as we do the imbecility of old age, the sufferings which arise from sickness, and the grief from the loss of friends by death; but, confiding in the wisdom of an over-ruling Providence, we should submit our will to that of the 'Judge of all the earth, who doeth right.' But this belief in the destiny of the Aborigines of the country, affords no justification, on our part, for acts of injustice or cruelty towards them. On the contrary, an expiring nation, like an expiring individual, is justly entitled to our sympathy and kind assist- ance. The belief that they are destined to perish, under the Divine administration, furnishes us with no more justification in
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accelerating their doom, than the belief that any of our friends were sick unto death, would justify us in adopting measures to hasten their departure.
The faithful historian is not only bound to narrate the events as they actually occur, but to correct errors of opinion as well as errors of fact. And as the true objects of history are to cor- rect the faults and improve the morals of society, he is unfaith- ful to his trust who does not, on his historic page, present those moral phases of all subjects on which he treats, which are cal- culated to purify the heart, as well as enlighten the understand- ing. On this principle it seemed important to say a word on the great problem of Indian extinction.
As a general thing, the Massachusetts Colony dealt fairly with the natives. In no case, so far as we are informed, were the Indians dispossessed of the land of which they were in actual possession ; and our Courts were open to them, at all times, to enforce their rights and title to their lands. There were, undoubtedly, cases of individual hardship-instances in which they were defrauded by certain artful and unprincipled men. But after they put themselves under the protection of the Colony, in 1643, they received not only the protection of the Government, but in most cases its kind and fostering care. The Court granted them lands adjoining their actual possessions, and frequently, as in the case of the Ockoocangansett Planta- tion, guarded them against any clandestine purchase, by requir- ·ing the consent of the Court to legalize the sale. The purchase of this plantation, by the citizens of Marlborough, we shall have occasion to speak of hereafter.
If we compare the treatment of the Indians in the Massa- chusetts Colony, with the treatment the tribes have since received at the hand of the Federal Government, we shall see that our fathers were more just and merciful than their sons ; and that the Colony of Massachusetts Bay had more regard for the rights of the natives of the forest, than the great nation of which we are a part. Massachusetts has ever exercised a guar- dian care for the Indians. Down to the present day, we provide for the education of the children of the Gay Head, Christian- town, Herring Pond, Chappequiddick, Marshpee, and other remnants of Indian tribes. We appoint guardians to look after
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their property, if any they have, and make appropriations from our treasury to supply their temporal wants. So that, while we commiserate the fate of the expiring tribes on this continent, we can console ourselves with the fact, that Massachusetts has contributed her full share to smooth their pathway to the grave, and to make their last days comfortable and happy.
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CHAPTER III.
KING PHILIP'S WAR.
The Tribes submitted to the Colony -Philip plots the Destruction of the English - His Character - Marlborough prepares for the Conflict - Imme- diate Cause of the War - Philip defeated and flees to the Nipmucks - Ile attacks Brookfield, Hadley, Deerfield, Northampton and Springfield - The Narragansets join Philip - They are defeated in their Fortress - Lancaster attacked, and Mrs. Rolandson taken captive- Depredations at Marlbo- rough - Medfield burnt - Groton attacked - Attack upon Marlborough - Meeting-House burnt - Indians surprised by Lieut. Jacobs - Sudbury Burnt - Sudbury Fight- Death of Capt. Wadsworth and Brocklebank - Philip seeks aid of the Mohawks - Flees to Mount Hope - Death of Philip - Destructive Character of this War - Conduct of the Marlborough Indians - Carried away by Capt. Moseley - Evils of War overruled for Good.
THE most eventful period in the history of the Town, and indeed of the Colony, is that connected with the Narraganset, or, as it is more commonly called, King Philip's war. When the people of Sudbury petitioned for a grant of land eight miles west of them, and alleged that they were " straitened " for the want of room; and when the proprietors of Marlborough, in 1671, entertained the idea of enlarging their borders, they had no apprehension of danger from the savages. In fact, they had settled by the side of the Indians, and their own township nearly encircled a grant, older than their own, made to the red men, with whom they had lived for years in peace. They had no cause, therefore, for apprehension from neighbors thus quiet and peaccable.
Neither had they any ground for apprehending danger from Indians more remote. After the severe chastisement inflicted by the English upon the Pequots, in 1638, the tribes within Massachusetts Colony, and some tribes beyond her bounds, had voluntarily submitted to the Colony, and agreed to live on terms of peace and friendship. In 1643 and 1644, Pumham,
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Sachem of Showomock, and Socononoco, Sachem of Pawtucket, south of Providence; Passaconaway, Sachem of the Merri- macks, Cutshamekin and Squaw-Sachem of the Massachusetts, together with Nashacowam and Wassamagoin, two Sachems near the great hill of the west called Wachusett, had come in and submitted themselves to the Colony; and in the very lan- guage of the treaty, " put themselves, their subjects, lands and estates under the government of Massachusetts." This cove- nant embraced all the territory from the Merrimack to Taunton river, and, as we have seen, extended into Rhode Island. This treaty was not only political and commercial, but, in its very terms, moral also. The Indians consented to adopt the great principles of the decalogue, and conform to the requirements of the moral law. The commandments were explained to them, and their assent was readily given. When they were told that they must not labor on the Sabbath, they answered in their simplicity, that they had but little work to do at any time, so they would readily comply with that requisition, and rest on that day. This treaty was ratified with due pomp and solemnity-the Chiefs making a present of wampum, and receiving suitable presents in return, closing with a good din- ner, and a cup of sack at their departure, so that they went on their way joyfully.
But while the people of Marlborough were rejoicing in the prospects before them; while they were dividing the lands they already possessed, and fondly anticipating the time when they should possess the lands of their Indian neighbors ; while they were building them houses, and planting them orchards ; while they were adopting municipal regulations for the better management of their affairs, and assembling in their own house of worship, with none to molest or make them afraid, Philip, the bold and daring Chief of the Wampanoags, was plotting the extermination of the English Settlements. With a sagacity which we cannot but admire, he plainly foresaw that if the English were permitted to multiply on these shores, the fate of the Native Tribes might be a question of time, but not of certainty ; and with a love of country which we must honor, even in a savage, he conceived the bold design of ridding his native land of what he considered its spoilers.
Animated by these feelings, he exerted all his powers to
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prepare for the deadly conflict. He enlisted most of the sub- ordinate tribes in his canse, and secretly secured the powerful Narragansets in his interest, though they were at the time the professed friends of the Colonists. With this formidable force, he spread devastation and dismay through the Colonies. Though circumstances beyond his control compelled him to commence the war before his plans were sufficiently matured, what he lacked in preparation was made up in energy of purpose and celerity of movement. The boldness of his de- signs, and the strategy with which he executed them; his daring in the field, and the skill with which he eluded his pursuers, bear witness to his ability, and place him high in the list of military chieftains.
Though this war was comparatively short, it was one of the most sanguinary and fearful the Colony had ever experienced. The hardships endured by the soldiers are unparalleled in our history. The devastation which was spread far and wide, the atrocities which were committed, the terror and dismay which pervaded the whole community, give a fearful interest to that war, and render it one of the most memorable in our annals. It was not a mere question of yielding or holding a certain amount of territory-not of vindicating some point of honor, or of redressing some known wrong. No-the issue involved considerations of a more vital character. It was a question of life or death to the feeble Colonies.
Marlborough, being a frontier town, was greatly exposed to attacks from the Indians. Situated on what was denominated the Connecticut road, and being the intermediate post between Boston and the settlements on Connecticut river, the Colony had regarded it as an important point, and had established a fort there before the breaking out of Philip's war ; and during the contest it was made a sort of depot for provisions and muni- tions of war. It was, for a time, the theatre of the war, and to use a military phrase, was made the base line of operations against the enemy in this quarter. A few soldiers were sta- tioned here by the Colony. Stockade defenses were thrown around some of the principal dwellings, and slight and feeble preparations were made for their protection.
Foreseeing the approaching storm, the citizens of Marl- borough, headed by their minister, convened, on the first of
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October, 1675, to adopt such measures of defense as might be thought most expedient. At this meeting were present Rev. Mr. Brimsmead, Deacon Ward, 'Thomas King, Solomon John- son, Abraham Howe, John Howe, Sen., John Woods, Sen., Richard Newton, Abraham Williams, Thomas Rice, John Johnson, Samuel Rice, John Bellows, Nathaniel Johnson, John Woods, Jr., Joseph Newton, Thomas Barnes, Josiah Howe, John Maynard, John Rediat, John Fay, Moses Newton, Rich- ard Barnes, William Kerly, and James Taylor. They agreed that certain garrisons should be established and maintained, as follows :
1. At William Kerly's house there should be a garrison, and two soldiers allowed by the Government should be stationed there, and in case of danger, nine citizens should repair to the place.
2. At John Johnson's house there should be nine soldiers and three of the citizens.
3. At Deacon Ward's house, three soldiers and six citizens, including three of his own family.
4. At Sergeant Wood's house, two soldiers and six citizens.
5. At Abraham Williams's house, three soldiers.
6. At Joseph Rice's house, three citizens.
7. At Thomas Rice's house, two soldiers and six citizens.
8. At Peter Bent's house, three soldiers.
These arrangements appear to have been made in concert with the Lieutenant commanding the garrison, who was to retain thirteen soldiers to defend his stores and the magazine.
The soldiers distributed to guard the families were to be sup- ported by the families respectively. It appears by this distribu- tion that there were thirty-seven soldiers to guard nine or ten garrisons, and to protect, as far as practicable, three times that number of houses not specified. With these feeble prepara- tions, they awaited the bloody contest, resolved, like the rest of their fellow-citizens in the Colony, to do their duty and " quit themselves like men," trusting in the God of battles to give them strength, and enable them to resist, successfully, the attacks of their heathen enemies.
The immediate cause of the war was the execution, by the English, of three Indians whom Philip had excited to murder
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one Sansaman, an Indian missionary. Sausaman being friendly to the English, had informed them of Philip's designs for their extermination. The execution of these Indians roused thie indignation of Philip, and though his plans were not matured, he immediately commenced hostilities. His first attack was upon the people of Swanzey, in Plymouth Colony, as they were returning home from public worship, on a day of humili- ation and prayer, under the apprehension of the approaching war. This was on the 24th of June, 1675. The English in that quarter immediately flew to arms. Philip, with his forces, left Mount Hope, and took refuge among the Narragansets, who were secretly in his interest ; but being at peace with the Eng- lish, were not prepared at that time to throw off the disguise. The Massachusetts and Plymouth forces marched into Rhode Island, but Philip retired to a swamp, where the English, not being able to attack hint to advantage, resolved to starve him out ; but the wary chief contrived to escape with his bands, and so frustrated their design.
He then fled to the Nipmucks, a tribe in the County of Wor- cester, who had already shown signs of hostility, but professed a willingness to treat with the English. Captain Hutchinson and Captain Wheeler were sent, with a small guard, to treat with them ; but the Indians, instigated by Philip, fired upon them from an ambush, killed eight of their men, and mortally wounded several others, among whom was Captain Hutchin- son .* The remainder of the English fled to Quaboag, (now Brookfield,) and were hotly pursued by the Indians, who burnt every house in the place, except one in which the inhabitants had taken refuge. This house was surrounded. For two days it resisted the attack, with the loss of but one person. At length the Indians, who had tried every expedient to fire the building, loaded a cart with flax and tow, and with long poles fastened together, pushed it while on fire against the house. Destruction seemed inevitable. The savages stood ready to destroy the first person that should open the door to escape. At this awful moment a torrent of rain descended, and extin-
* Captain Hutchinson was carried to Marlborough, where he died. He was the first person buried in the old burying ground. The following inscription is upon a stone over his remains : "Capt. Edward Hutchinson, aged 67 years, was shot by treacherous Indians, Aug. 2, 1675 ; died Aug. 19, 1675."
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guished the kindling flames. Major Willard coming to their relief, the Indians were dispersed.
During the month of September, Philip and his allies fell upon Hadley, Deerfield and Northfield, on Connecticut river ; and shortly after, Springfield was attacked, but timely rein- forcements saved the greater part of the town. In these suc- cessive attacks, many dwellings were burned, and many of the inhabitants were massacred. Capt. Lathrop, with about eighty young men, the flower of Essex County, fell into an ambus- cade, and seventy of his men were wantonly destroyed. This massacre was immediately revenged by the timely arrival of Captain Mosely, who attacked the Indians, killed ninety-six, wounded about forty more, and put the whole party to flight, losing himself but two men.
The Narragansets at length threw off their disguise, and a large force was sent against them. They had taken refuge in a swamp in what is now South Kingston, where they had strongly fortified themselves. On the 19th of December, 1675, the English commenced their march through a deep snow to attack the enemy. The army arrived at the swamp about mid- day, where they discovered a few Indians, who immediately fled, and they followed them to their fortress, which stood on rising ground in the middle of the swamp. It was a work of great strength and labor, being composed of palisades, and sur- rounded by a hedge of about a rod in thickness. It had but one practicable entrance, which was over a log or tree four or five feet from the ground, and that aperture was guarded by a block-house. Falling providentially on that very part of the fort, the English captains entered at the head of their compa- nies. The Indians fought with desperation, and drove the assailants out of the fort. At this crisis, the English at the opposite side of the fort discovered a place destitute of palisades, through which they forced their way, and attacked the Indians in their rear ; and aided by the rest of the army, after a desper- ate conflict of about three hours, the English became masters of the place, and set fire to the wigwams. The scene was truly awful. The smoke and blaze of six hundred wigwams rolled up to heaven, while the shouts of the victors mingled with the shrieks of women and children, the old and infirm perishing in the flames. The Indians in the fort were esti-
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