History of the town of Middlefield, Massachusetts, Part 10

Author: Smith, Edward Church, 1877-
Publication date: 1924
Publisher: [Menasha, Wis.] Priv. Print.
Number of Pages: 738


USA > Massachusetts > Hampshire County > Middlefield > History of the town of Middlefield, Massachusetts > Part 10


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David Mack kept tavern in his commodious house for at least fifteen years. Its central location made it a convenient place for holding town meetings and church services before the erection of the meetinghouse. These meetings were held sometimes in the kitchen and sometimes in the barn. One of the chambers was used as a store until a separate structure was built to take care


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of this enterprise. So far as is definitely known, this house is the oldest frame dwelling in the town, and its ancient character still remains in spite of the removal of the fireplaces and the ad- dition of a front porch. From 1801 to 1815 an innholder's license was held by David Mack, Jr., so that it seems probable that he continued the tavern business of his father in his own capacious house which he built about 1804 on the east side of the road.


The third and most widely known tavern in Middlefield was opened by Oliver Blush in his father's house at the Center a year or so after his father's death in 1788. This house, long known as the home of Aunt Lucy Newton, is nearly as old as the Mack Tavern. The location of the meetinghouse nearby in 1790 was a considerable stimulus to its business as it was customary for the worshippers on cold Sundays, after being chilled by long sitting in the unwarmed house of prayer, to repair to the tavern to warm themselves at the cheerful fireplace and to consume stimulating beverages at the bar.


The parlor of the tavern where the genteel guests were re- ceived was the northwest corner room to the left of the front en- trance. Neighbors and patrons of the bar, however, entered the southwest corner room through the side door, this room being the equivalent of the lobby of a modern hotel. Back of this room was the large dining-room facing east and just at the right was the much frequented little room containing the bar. Over this was a stairway leading from the dining-room to the ballroom overhead. The house remains much the same as in tavern days.


divor Brich


Oliver Blush was a popular landlord throughout his ownership of the tavern from 1790 to 1827. He was genial in disposition and possessed a goodly fund of stories with which he entertained his guests and neighbors. In person he was tall and portly, and he was an inveterate smoker. His connection with the tavern by no means hindered him from being an influential member of the church. Upon retiring in 1827, he turned the tavern over to his nephew, Oliver Smith, 2nd, who ran it for a few years. Smith was a landlord of a different type, abstemious in his habits and


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quiet in manner, though decided in his views. As he did not sell spirituous liquors, the tavern, no doubt, lost some of its earlier hilarity under his management, and with the opening of the railroad it was discontinued for lack of patronage.


About 1822 Captain Alexander Dickson opened a tavern in his house two miles north of the Center on the Hinsdale road where the late Mr. Wanzer recently lived. The bar was in the south- west corner room which could be entered directly by a side door. The ballroom was on the second floor. The change of management in the Blush hostelry in the '30's evidently worked to the advantage of the Dickson Tavern, as it was said to be patronized by those from Blush Hollow and elsewhere who craved liquor and a fight. As there are people still living who remember the stage coach stopping twice a week at Dickson's. it must have continued in business until the railroad was opened.


Oliver Blush's ledger shows that his tavern was a center for varied activities. A livery stable and teaming business was a natural adjunct. Horses of visitors and of new settlers not yet owning barns were boarded. Horses, wagons and "slay" were continually rented for trips to Westfield, Hartford and New York State. His oxen were in demand for plowing and for haul- ing hay and lumber. His stallion sired his neighbors colts. Be- side these interests he carried on the regular duties of his farm.


The credit side of the ledger shows in a convincing way how the tavern's patrons with their lack of ready money settled their accounts in work or in produce and is an index of the dif- ferent trades of the townsmen. Ebenezer Emmons and Aaron Hale did blacksmithing work. Benjamin Pinney, Thomas Swain and Isaac Bartlett were shoemakers, and Eliakim Ward- well and Parker Fellows, harnessmakers. Thomas Wood and Samuel Gray brought in cloth woven by themselves or their families, while Nathan Mann was credited by "making Zeal a coat and pare of Breaches," "Zeal" being Blush's nephew, Barzillai Little, Jr., who worked at the tavern.


Under this system of barter it was inevitable that the tavern should become a place where all sorts of goods were collected and


Nathan y Mar"


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HOUSE OF JOHN METCALF HOUSE OF DR. WILLIAM COLEMAN


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exchanged. This is indicated by the variety of articles appear- ing on the account of Dr. William Coleman, one of the early phy- sicians. Besides maple sugar and other products of the farm the account was credited with "a pare of old overhalls," "two old chears," "one black Hankercher," etc., which would seem to indicate that the doctor turned over to Oliver Blush whatever unusable articles he received from his patients in payment for professional services. It is interesting to note therefore that the first stores in Middlefield started as adjuncts of the Mack and Blush Taverns.


This exchange of produce and work was by no means confined to the trade of the farmer with the tavernkeeper and miller, but took place naturally between the farmers themselves in the neces- sity of fitting out their farms and households. Although under the conditions previously outlined every citizen including even the doctor and minister was compelled to do more or less general farming for the support of his family and was more or less in- dependent of his neighbors as regards food stuffs, yet, unless he was a "jack of all trades," he was obliged at times to employ a carpenter, weaver or shoemaker, and in return would recompense him with the handiwork of his trade, with ordinary farm labor, or with the produce of his farm. This could take place more readily in a community devoted largely to grazing and dairying where the farmer had a number of spare hours every day to carry on his trade. That these trades were largely incidental to regular agricultural work is amply borne out in the case of Mid- dlefield where the number of artisans in the early days was such that, had they given their time to their special occupations, a population of several thousand would have been required for their support.


Out of this necessity for co-operation developed some of the characteristic social customs of New England. When a citizen built a new house or barn his neighbors turned out in a holiday mood to help him raise the frame. The men were assigned ac- cording to their strength and skill to various duties of pike men with long or short poles, and those who went aloft to pin the frame together, whose work was more spectacular and involved some danger and considerable skill. The place of honor was held by the master builder who shouted the orders to the dif-


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ferent parties of men at the critical moments. Bees for husking corn and for other large scale operations lightened the incessant labors of the farmer and became social occasions enlivened by music and dancing.


Closely allied to the tavern business was the turnpike move- ment. The increased travel of homeseekers and traders to the west and north created a demand for improved thoroughfares which many towns, notably in the hill sections of the state, were financially unable to construct. The State therefore granted charters to groups of private citizens who were willing to take over the maintenance and improvement of certain main high- ways with the privilege of reimbursing themselves through the collection of a toll from the people who used the road.


In western Massachusetts the principal object in the construc- tion of turnpikes seems to have been to find the most feasible road from the Connecticut over or through the Hampshire and Berkshire Hills to Pittsfield and Albany. The first corporation to operate in this region was chartered in 1797 and was known as the Third Massachusetts Turnpike Corporation. The high- way under its management ran from Northampton through Chesterfield, Worthington, Peru and Hinsdale to the Pittsfield line, but this route was unsatisfactory on account of its many and steep grades, and also on account of its round-about route for travelers from Springfield and the south.


In 1800, therefore, the Eighth Massachusetts Turnpike Cor- poration was formed, which made use of the more level highway along the west branch of the Westfield River, from the West- field line, through what is now Russell, Huntington and the southern part of Chester to the Becket line. This company was also authorized to improve certain roads in Becket and Washington to the Pittsfield line, but the cost of construction in this rugged region proved so great that no continuous turn- pike road could be maintained.


This was the situation when, in 1803, the State, acting upon a petition of a hundred names, granted to David Mack, William Sizer, Charles Plumb and their associates a charter for the Chester Turnpike Corporation which authorized them to take over the control of the county highway running through Chester Center and Middlefield Center. The great merit of this road


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was that at its southern end it connected with the Eighth Mas- sachusetts Turnpike near the Huntington line while its north- erly terminus was near the Hinsdale meetinghouse where it met the Third Massachusetts Turnpike. There was thus made pos- sible a much shorter route between Springfield and Pittsfield, and one which was covered continuously by the turnpike com- panies.


Just what improvements to the highway were made, or what the profits of the Chester Company were cannot be learned at this day, but that the venture was apparently a promising one at the start seems to be indicated by the incorporation in 1807 of the Dalton and Middlefield Turnpike Company, which was composed mostly of Dalton and Washington men. Their high- way ran from the Pittsfield line in Dalton across a corner of Hinsdale and through the eastern part of Washington. It en- tered Middlefield along the West Hill Ridge and crossed the valley of Factory Brook to Middlefield Center in the location of the present highway.


The advantage claimed for this route was that it shortened the distance between Springfield and Pittsfield still more than the Chester Turnpike had done with its route through Hinsdale. But the cost of improving the grades of the highway on Middle- field town hill, West Hill and in Washington had been under- estimated. Moreover, the Middlefield people who would have benefited by these improvements gave no financial support to the corporation, although as a town they were no doubt very glad to give the corporation permission to take over the highway. But no construction was attempted and the project was finally abandoned.


The Chester Turnpike, however, was in operation probably about fifteen years. The first meeting of the incorporators was held at Blush's Tavern. David Mack, Jr., was at one time the secretary, and a number of Middlefield people were no doubt among the stockholders. Only one toll gate was allowed by the charter. As it was provided that the Chester Company should receive one third of the profits of the tollgate of the Third Massachusetts Company at Hinsdale, it seems likely that the gate of the Chester Turnpike was located near the southern end at Chester Center.


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The rates of toll which were posted up at the turnpike gate are of interest as they give an idea of the styles of vehicles in common use. For every Coach, Phaeton, Chariot, or other four wheeled carriage drawn by two horses, the charge was twenty- five cents, and three cents for each additional horse; for every cart, wagon, sled or sleigh drawn by two horses, ten cents; for every curricle, a two-wheeled vehicle for two horses, fifteen cents ; for every chaise, chair, or other carriage or cart drawn by one horse, twelve and one-half cents. A man and horse got by for five cents; while oxen, cows and horses, led or driven were charged one cent each; and swine and sheep passed for three cents a dozen.


The provision of the charter which throws the most light on the economic policy underlying the operation of the turnpikes in general is the one which states "that nothing in this act shall entitle said corporation to demand and receive toll of any person who shall be passing with a horse, team or carriage to or from his common labor on his farm or to the gristmill, to public worship, military duty or any funeral." In other words, the people to whom the turnpike was of the most use were not required to share in its upkeep except as they traveled to another township.


It is not strange, then, that the turnpike companies did not receive sufficient revenue from through travel to make a reason- able net profit above the expenses of maintaining the highways and the tollgates. The returns of the Third Massachusetts Com- pany showed that for a number of years the net profit did not exceed two per cent. As the towns grew in prosperity, therefore, they took over the turnpike roads whenever the owners were ready to abandon their ventures, and by 1840 most of the main highways were again free.


As already stated the mercantile business in Middlefield seems to have grown out of the trading in miscellaneous articles carried on at the taverns. It was probably as early as 1790 that David Mack opened a store in one of the chambers of his tavern. During these early days his yearly supply of goods could be brought on horseback from Westfield in two trips, these goods consisting, no doubt, of salt, dry goods, spices, powder and shot, and molasses, which were necessities which


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the inland farmers could not provide for themselves. As his business grew he built a small one-story building for this pur- pose adjoining his house on the north, but this structure was also outgrown, and shortly after 1804 a new and commodious, two-story building was erected on the Parsonage Lot near the new dwelling of his son, David Mack, Jr.


By 1810 the trade at the Blush Tavern was such that the starting of a store at the Center seemed a profitable venture. Accordingly a co-operative enterprise was inaugurated with a capital of $5,000. Edmund Kelso of Chester, whose share was $1,000 was one of the principal members; as he was appointed the first postmaster of Middlefield in 1813, he was doubtless the storekeeper. The townsmen who were members of the company were Oliver Blush, Captain Nathan Wright and his son, Israel and Dan Pease, Calvin and Captain Matthew Smith, James Dickson, Jr., William Ingham, and John Metcalf.


The company account book kept by Oliver Blush shows that he was actively interested in the success of the store. He not only worked with the carpenters and masons and boarded them at the tavern, but hauled boards from the sawmills as far away as Dalton and sand and stone from near by. The inclusion among the expenses of $28.60 for thirty gallons of rum and an additional charge of $1.50 for bringing it from Hartford shows that according to the general custom of the time Blush served rations of grog to the workmen as part of their wages. The building, now the dwelling of Mr. John Cody, was located for convenience at the junction of the turnpike roads, and seems to have been ready for occupancy by the summer of 1811.


Coincident with the origin of trade in Middlefield came the development of the manufacture of woolen goods in Blush Hol- low. In 1794 Moses Herrick purchased the property which lay along Factory Brook just south of the highway bridge


Moje ferment


in Factory Village, where he erected a fulling mill. North of Herrick lived Samuel Gray, a weaver, whose house was probably situated near the site of the William Blush place. Such were the beginnings of the woolen business in Blush Hol-


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low. At this date the manufacture of woolen cloth was not confined to the Hollow but was carried on in many of the farmers' households. The native wool was to be had in abun- dance as the rough hillsides from which the forests had been cleared made excellent pasturage for sheep. But the cloth thus woven had to go through the final process of fulling or finishing in order to make the weave firm and give body to the fabric, and the establishment of the fulling mill at this early date is evidence that there was much domestic manufacture of woolen clothing and household goods.


About 1800 Amasa Blush, a younger brother of the Center tavernkeeper, bought Herrrick's property and operated the fulling mill for several years. Apparently this site had some drawbacks for about 1805 he erected a larger fulling mill farther north near the leaning elm tree on land he had previously pur- chased from Mr. Gray. On the opposite side of the highway


Amasa Blush


he built his house. The lumber for these buildings was no doubt furnished from the sawmill which he set up on the west bank of the stream. Below Herrick's mill, on the east side of the brook, another fulling mill was built and operated by Ambrose Church at some time between 1801 and 1813.


Up to this time all the woolen goods made from fine wool had been made in England and imported for the use of the people in the coast towns, but with the passage of the Embargo and Non-intercourse Acts of 1807 and 1809 this trade was suddenly cut off and the demand for fine wool for the domestic manufacture of broadcloth was created. At this juncture Ameri- ca was fortunate in being able to import the Merino breed of sheep in large quantities from Spain and many farmers began the culture of the fine wool in place of the coarse wool furnished by the native stock. Pittsfield became in a few years the center of the wool trade of the state both on account of its situation in the midst of the principal wool growing section and on ac- count of its early establishment of the manufacture of broad- cloth and of carding machines run by water power. In 1815 there were 8,000 sheep raised within a mile of that town.


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These conditions were accentuated by the War of 1812 which created a further demand for woolen clothing and blankets for the army and navy. Prominent among the farmers of Middle- field who specialized in the home manufacture of these articles was Uriah Church, Jr., a grandson of the Scotch-Irish weaver, James Dickson. His entire output was taken by the government. In 1814 he moved to Blush Hollow where his cousin, Ambrose Church, built for him the large square house which is to-day the oldest building in this vicinity. Beside the brook, opposite his house he erected a two-story building where he set up a carding machine for making rolls of wool to be spun into yarn in the farmers' homes. He also purchased Ambrose Church's fulling mill and the surrounding property, and took up this branch of the industry also.


The following year Amasa Blush enlarged his business by erecting a three-story woolen mill which stood south of the full- ing mill and just north of the leaning elm tree. Like his new competitor in the woolen business, Blush installed carding machinery and the plant was known as "Blush's Carding Mill." On the ground floor Blush operated a grist mill. From its men- tion in a recent history of woolen manufacture it was probably one of the largest mill buildings in western Massachusetts in its day.


In the northeastern part of the town industrial activity of a different sort was developed during this period. About the beginning of the century a large deposit of fine quality soap- stone was discovered at the top of Smith Hollow Hill on land owned by William Ingham and William Skinner, Jr.2 The property was purchased by Barnabas Billings who sold it to three Northampton men by the name of Shepherd. How it was possible to induce men of capital from outside to invest in an enterprise situated at such a distance from the coast towns is still a mystery. Probably the fact that soapstone when first quarried can be sawed as easily as wood into the desired shape and size and soon becomes sufficiently hard and durable for building purposes was deemed a compensating factor in estimat- ing the expense of transportation. At any rate the Middlefield Free Stone Corporation was formed, the members of which


" Near the Howard Smith farm now owned by the Teffts family.


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were Boston men who had purchased the property of the Shep- herds for $10,000. The stone was quarried and shipped in a rough state to the metropolis where it was manufactured into the different materials for building. The annual amount of this business in 1813 is reported as $12,000. During this year, however, the company seems to have been in financial difficulties as the directors petitioned the General Court for permission to conduct a lottery to raise additional funds for carrying on the work.


The quarrying of this stone was made possible only by the construction of the county road from Chester to West Worthing- ton through Smith Hollow in 1811. This road furnished a comparatively level route through Huntington and Westfield to Hartford where the soapstone was undoubtedly shipped to Boston by water.


Some local use was made of the soapstone for door steps and fireplaces in the old homesteads, but this was negligible. Nothing further is heard of the operations of the Free Stone Corporation, and the enterprise was apparently abandoned soon after the War of 1812, when the treasurer, Alden Bradford, was en- powered to sell all rights and title to this land to Asa and Oliver Smith of Smith Hollow.


In the period preceding the War of 1812 Middlefield, in ac- cordance with the prevailing sentiment of New England politics was strongly Federalist and bitterly opposed to the second war with Great Britain. When the town voted that the war was "inexpedient" there were only seven citizens who felt the larger patriotic issue sufficiently to go on record as approving the government's course. These men were: Captain Matthew Smith, William Skinner, William Church, Green H. Church, Warren Church, Lieutenant Alexander Dickson, and Deacon John Newton. It is interesting to note that Uriah Church and Amasa Blush, who through their woolen manufacturing activi- ties were to benefit probably as much as any citizens by the war, were not in favor of it politically.


During the first part of the war Massachusetts was inactive, refusing to send its militia outside the state for repelling British invasions in other parts of the country. David Mack, Jr., is said to have obtained his title as "General" while in command


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of militia around Boston at this time. In 1814, however, when the Maine Coast was threatened, Governor Strong called for troops to defend her northern counties. All the Middlefield volunteers seem to have been members of Captain Marvin's company of Colonel Enos Foot's regiment and were probably recruited by David Mack, Jr., who held the rank of major. These volunteers were Matthew Smith, lieutenant; Solomon Root, sergeant; Abel Cheeseman, Clark Durant, Philip Meacham, John Skinner, Artemas Ward and Lloyd West. The alarm was soon over and after remaining in camp forty days during the fall they were reviewed by Governor Strong and discharged November 7.


As regards the religious activities of the town following the installation of Pastor Nash, it is not to be thought that the unanimity with which he was chosen meant that all antagonisms were thereby wiped out. For twenty-five years there was no other church, it is true, but so far as the records show there were, during that period, only thirty-five who joined the Con- gregational Society on profession of faith, and only thirty who transferred their membership from other churches, and this increase was probably offset by the removals of other members to distant places. It seems likely that a great many citizens did not feel the necessity of joining the society so long as they were in any case taxed for the support of the ministry and provided with a seat in the meetinghouse.


As already indicated, there was a strong element of dissent among Middlefield people, due to the growth of Baptist and Methodist teachings and to the repression of the "New Light" adherents in eastern Connecticut from whence many of the Middlefield pioneers came. When a Baptist Church was formed in Partridgefield West Parish (later Hinsdale) 'in 1797 a number of prominent Middlefield citizens became members, and they naturally felt that their taxes in support of the Congregational minister might now be abated. The Congregationalists, however, were in the majority. They maintained the position that their church was entitled to the support of all citizens of whatever religious belief, and in this they were upheld by the state law which provided that the church of the majority in any town should be supported by all the citizens therein.




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