History of the town of Whately, Mass., including a narrative of leading events from the first planting of Hatfield, 1661-1899 : with family genealogies, Part 6

Author: Crafts, James Monroe, 1817-1903; Temple, Josiah Howard, 1815-1893: History of the town of Whately, Mass
Publication date: 1899
Publisher: Orange, Mass., Printed for the town by D. L. Crandall
Number of Pages: 768


USA > Massachusetts > Franklin County > Whately > History of the town of Whately, Mass., including a narrative of leading events from the first planting of Hatfield, 1661-1899 : with family genealogies > Part 6


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No. 9, Ebenezer Morton.


No. 10, Nathaniel Coleman.


No. 11, Thomas Field.


No. 12, Jonathan Smith,


No. 13, Zachariah Field.


Fourth half mile.


No. I, Ebenezer Bardwell.


No. 2, John Belding.


No. 3, Samuel Belding.


No. 4, Nathaniel Coleman.


No. 5, John Waite.


No. 9, Nathaniel Coleman.


No. 10, Samuel Belding.


No. II, John Belding.


No. 12, Ebenezer Bardwell.


No. 4, Thomas Field.


No. 5, John Crafts.


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the division of Commons, as both were parts of a common plan. Taken together the system devised was at once simple and con- venient, giving each land owner the readiest access to his several lots. The general plan was roads running nearly parallel with the river, at about a mile distant from each other, intersected at nearly right angles by cross roads at convenient distances. A11 these highways were originally 10 rods wide.


The "base line" of all the roads was the "Straits," which followed nearly the Indian trail from Umpanchala's Fort to Pocumtuck. This was practically the dividing line between the meadows on the one hand and the Commons on the other. It was very early accepted as a county road.


The next in importance, if not in time, was the road over Chestnut plain. When the Commons were first marked off into two parallel divisions in 1684 a space ten rods wide was left between them unappropriated, to be used when occasion should require. This is recognized as a road in the records of April, 1716. The vote of the town laying a public highway here bears date 1756, though several houses had been built on the line some years earlier. And, what is worthy of note, this highway was not surveyed and definitely located till it was done by Whately in May, 1776.


Probably the Poplar hill road, the road from Spruce hill south over Chestnut mountain, and the Claverack road, were designated early, but no vote laying them out as highways has been found on Hatfield records. The highway from Deerfield line by Abraham Parker's (previously a "close road," with bars), to the Bradstreet proprietors' highway, near R. T. Mor- ton's corner, was laid out in 1756 and, at the same time, the said proprietors' highway was accepted as a public road.


This ran originally south of the cemetery and struck the Straits below the John Waite place. In 1755 a road was laid from the Straits eastwardly "by Ebenezer Morton's" to the road dividing Old farms and West farms, thence to Dennison's farm. Considerably earlier than this a path had been marked out and traveled from the Straits, near "Mother George," northwesterly through "Egypt," to Chestnut plain. This had several branches, one of which was the Conway path, used by the emi- grants from the Cape, in 1763. This was the only feasible road for teams between the east part and the centre of Whately till near the time of its incorporation. The road now known as Christian Lane was originally a reserved lot in the second divi-


1


1


1


60


sion of Commons and was only a bridle path, or at best a log causeway, for many years.


Private roads-or proprietors' highways-all of which had bars or gates, were laid when needed. Such was the path from Hatfield street to Great meadows, and later to Bashan, and later still continued northerly through Dennison farm by the "Old Orchard." Such, also, was the road from the county road near "Mother George" and "Hopewell" and another, further north, from Benjamin Scott's to near Joshua Belden's.


But to return to our narrative. The tide of settlement which started northward into Bashan in 1682, was arrested by the breaking out of King William's war in 1688. Taught by past experience the Hatfield settlers had not neglected prepara- tions for a possible renewal of hostilities. They had extended the lines of palisades so that they reached two hundred and twenty-nine rods on one side and two hundred and forty-six rods on the other, enclosing the greater part of the village. The house of Mr. Williams was fortified, as were three houses on the Hill and one at the farms. "Watches" were set at night and "warders," or day watches, were employed from May Ist to the time of "The fall of the leaves," the Indians, as a rule mak- ing their attacks while the leaves were on the trees, for better concealment, or in the dead of winter. A guard was always stationed in or near the meeting-house upon Lord's days and lecture days and public meeting days.


All males from sixteen to sixty, except those exempted by law, were required to train four days in a year. But now for a time stricter watches, and wards and almost daily scoutings were kept up and, though there were no important battles in the neighborhood, small skulking parties of Indians kept the people on the alert. As early as 1687, Hatfield had a full militia com- pany of sixty-four men. John Allis was the first captain. In 1690, Hatfield had eighty soldiers.


To understand the care and cost of these military precau- tions it may be stated that at this time the pay of a private sol- dier was six shillings per week; drummer and corporal, seven shillings ; clerk and sergeant, nine shillings ; ensign, twelve shil- lings; lieutenant, fifteen shillings; captain, thirty shillings; the pay of mounted men, and most of the scouting was performed by troopers, was twenty-five per cent. higher. For subsistence, the price of board for soldiers on the march was eight pence per day, soldiers in garrison, three shillings and six pence per


61


week. Many were billeted in families and fared the same as their hosts. The ordinary rations were pork or beef, bread or dry biscuit and peas. When on expeditions they often carried the Indian food called Nocake, i. e., Indian corn parched and beaten into meal. Sometimes rum, sugar, pipes and tobacco were furnished the troops. When horses were fed at grass the price per full day was three pence; at hay and provender, six pence.


Sept. 16, 1696, the Indians came suddenly upon Deerfield village and took Daniel Belding and two children, Nathaniel and Esther. They killed Elizabeth, his wife, also three children, Daniel, John and Thankful, and wounded Samuel and Abigail, who recovered, though Samuel's skull was fractured. The remaining children hid among some tobacco which had been hung to dry in the attic, and were not discovered.


The middle of July, 1698, four Indians came into the upper part of North Meadow, where men and boys were hilling corn, and killed John Billings, aged twenty-four, and Nathaniel Dick- inson, Jr., thirteen, and took Samuel Dickinson, aged eleven, and a lad named Charley. They shot at Nathaniel Dickinson, Sr., and killed his horse, but he escaped. This war lasted ten years.


TAXES .- The burden of taxation, on account of the Indian wars, was heavy on the young settlement. The "Country rates," nearly the same as our state taxes, assessed on the estates and polls of Hatfield for the three years, 1675-6-7, amounted to £117. In 1692 this tax was £184. A part of this was payable in grain and part was a money tax. The latter was regarded as especially severe for, according to a statement in a petition sent to the government, "Not one in ten of the inhabitants of the county have any income of money in any manner." In a like petition, Hatfield said "Money is not to be had here." In one or two instances the Court agreed to com- pound the money rates by receiving "Corn at two-thirds the country pay prices." Sometimes a respite or abatement was granted. "In ans' to them of Hattfeild, it is ordered, that the rates of those of that toune who have bin impoverished by the late cruelty of the innemy burning doune their habitations, shall be respitted and left in their hands untill the Court shall give further order therein." [Colony Rec., 30 Oct., 1677].


A single "country rate" was an assessment of one shilling and eight pence on males over sixteen years old and one penny


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62


per pound on real and personal estate. Once only a tax was levied on females. In June, 1695, it was ordered that single women who earn a livelihood should pay two shillings each, be- ing one-half as much as the poll tax of males for that year.


The prices at which "country pay" was receivable for taxes were from time to time fixed by law. Oct. 15, 1650. "Itt is ordered by this Courte that all sortes of corn shall be paid into the country rate at these prizes following, viz .: Wheate and bar- ley at five shillings pr. bushell ; rye and pease at four shillings ; Indian, at three shillings, marchantable."


The payment of the Province tax of Hatfield in time of war required no transportation. This being a frontier town, sol- diers were constantly quartered upon the inhabitants who were expected to charge the stipulated price for subsistence, etc., and this amounted to a much larger sum than the town tax. The charges allowed Hatfield, up to May 1, 1676, for feeding men and horses and supplies for various expeditions, footed up £788. In October, 1680, there was still due the town on these war charges £400. This was fully paid by the Government before 1684.


Besides the country rate there was a county rate, payable like the former, and at the same prices, in grain; the minister's rate, payable in grain at town prices (which were lower than country prices) ; the town rate to discharge town debts; and various others of special character, such as scholars' rates, herds- men's and shepherds' rates, bridge rates, etc. When a rate was duly assessed by the rate-makers the list and the whole matter of adjustment was put in the hands of the constable who settled with each individual and carried the balance (of grain) due to whomsoever was entitled to receive it.


To show how accounts with the town were balanced some examples, copied from the constable's book, are subjoined;


HATFIELD, January 20, 1695.


Ensign Frary


To goeing to ye Bay deputy 29 days 4 07


O


ditto, goeing to ye Bay 10 days at 3s


I


IO O


ditto, goeing to ye Bay 20 days at 3S


3


00 O


more writeings at money


O 08


0


To keeping ye Bull one winter -


To Assessing 3 days at 2-9


I 05


6


IO 6


By his Money Rate


O 04


II


63


By his Corne Rate


O


08


3


By Dea. Church 3-1I : Wid. Russell pay 2-6


O


06


5


By Rich. Morton 11-9


O


II 9


By Noah Wells 13-7 : pd. in money £3 5


3


3


18 IO


By John Wells 6-2 ; Wid. Warner 3-9


I 14


8


By money paid him at £1 4 9 By money paid him at


I


08


O


By payment by Sergt. Belding


I 00


3


By Stephen Belding, Constable


O


I7


5


£10


IO


6


Thomas Nash


To burneing woods 2 days 4S


To goeing out with ye Committee 1-6


05


6


By his Corne Rate 3-8 : Sam'l Partrigg 1-10


£o


05


6


Deacon Coleman


To assessing 4 days Ios : allow'ce for trooper 4d fo


IO


4


By Noah a trooper 4d : Part of Town Rate IOS o


IO


4


Samuel Graves, Drummer,


To his Sallery for 1695 {1; Sam'l Partrigg for Mr. Williams


00


6


By his Corn Rate 4-4; Isaac Graves 7s


O


II


4


By his Money Rate 2-7 : Sergt Belding 6-7


O


9


2


×2


00


6


Doctor Hastings


To make up his Salary £12 18 6 ; one Trooper 3d


12


18


9


By Sergeant Hubbirt


0


08


O


By D. Church 2-9 ; B. Hastings 2-9


0


05


6


By Dea. Coleman 2-5 ; Doctor's Rate 2-6


O


04


II


By Joseph Field 3-11 ; Stephen Taylor 1-9


05


8


By Sam. Billing 5.6 ; D. Coleman 3-8


09


2


By Sergt. Wait 6-11 ; Jona. Smith 6-2


O


13


[


By Jno. Cowls 18s ; N. Wells 6-2, Lt. Wait 2-7


I


07


3


By S. Kellogg, Jr., 2-11 ; Wm. Gull 3-10


O


06


9


By Nath. Foote 2-1 ; Jno. Field 13-9


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I5


IO


By pd. to ye Doctor by several


4


16


2


By pd. to ye Doctor by several


3


06


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£12 18


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CHAPTER V.


SETTLEMENT OF THE NORTH PART OF HATFIELD.


One reason why the north part of Hatfield remained so long unsettled is already apparent. The Whately plains, Mill-river swamp and Hopewell were favorite hunting grounds for the Indians. Bears, deer and wild turkeys, as well as smaller game, were plenty, and fur-bearing animals abounded in the brooks. Both deer and bears were found here till 1750, and wild turkeys were not uncommon in 1825. Till 1697, eight or ten families of red men, known as Albany Indians, but perhaps a mixed remnant of the Norwottucks, continued to come yearly to Hopewell and, in one or two instances, they remained through the winter. One of their camping grounds was on land now owned by Stephen Belden, Esq. They roamed the woods at will and often came to the village to beg or barter. They were com- monly considered peaceful though they were distrusted and sometimes watched.


Two years before, in 1695, a party of these Indians, while hunting near Ashuelot, were attacked and eight or nine of them killed. The English charged the assault upon hostile Indians, but the tribe charged it upon the English. From this date, these visitors became more unwelcome and some restrictive measures were adopted. The number of Indians in the Hopewell camp at this time was twelve men, nine squaws and twenty-three children. Early in October, 1696, four of them, while on a hunting excursion on the east side of the river, shot Richard Church out of revenge for some real or supposed insult received from Hadley men. The murderers were tracked, captured,


65


identified, tried, convicted and sentenced, and two of them, Mowenas and Moquolas, were "shot to death" at Northampton. This murder led to the disarming of all the Indians then resident in the immediate neighborhood and to such stringent measures as induced them to quit the valley the next spring.


Another reason which had an influence to discourage settle- ment here was that plain lands, such as the tract lying next west of the river bottoms, were considered worthless for all pur- poses except for wood and pasturage.


But another, and of itself a sufficient reason, was that Hat- field did not own the intervals north of Bashan, except a narrow strip near the Deerfield line. The Indian deed covered the whole territory, but this conveyed a doubtful title as against the right of eminent domain vested in the Government, and in the act of incorporation there was the condition "Reserving propri- eties formerly granted to any person."


For the first forty years the Colonial Government was accus- tomed to give away lands in large tracts to individuals of high civil and ecclesiastical rank, often as an acknowledgment of, rather than in payment for, services rendered the Colony, though in some cases it was in settlement of claims. These individual grants were often made arbitrarily, with little regard to town lines, or even existing town grants. Sometimes the General Court made grants, leaving the location optional to the grantee. Hence a clause was usually inserted in township grants "Reserv- ing proprieties formerly granted to any person." Most com- monly the grantee had a choice in the selection and commonly chose the most valuable lands.


As an instance of the careless way in which the General Court disposed of territory the following may be cited : A grant of eight thousand acres was made to Dedham in 1665, and laid out at Pocumtuck. But when Hatfield was incorporated, five years later, its north line was placed "Six miles from Northamp- ton north line," to conform to the line specified in the Indian deed, which carried said line over into the eight thousand acre grant one and three-quarters miles. The duplication was of course unintentional, and was remedied by granting the Dedham proprietors an equivalent lying northwardly of their first sur- veyed grant.


SETTLEMENTS .- Mr. Temple gives several reasons why Whately was not earlier settled. We deem one or two reasons, not mentioned by him, as more potent than those enumerated.


a rd ed d,


le m s, se es IP


ng er he er he nd or ps ly


ed ad n- ad


66


First. The population of Hatfield had not become suf- ficiently numerous to compel, or even induce, the sparse popula- tion to leave their pleasant homes, where each additional man served to add to the feeling of security-that could not be found by isolation. Roaming bands of Indians were liable to attack any weak or comparatively defenceless position or habitation, even as late as 1745, and so in the war at a later period, 1750 to 1761, when we finally captured Canada.


It will be noticed that from the commencement of this war our forces acted upon the defensive. In 1761 we finally stopped the incursion of Indian marauders by capturing Canada. Our forces commenced acting on the aggressive early in that war. It had been a time of general peace from 1726 to King George's war in 1744. During the time of peace settlements had been made in the Straits, which Mr. Temple considered worthless except for wood and pasturage. Then Hatfield did not own the meadows north of Bashan, not as a town, yet Hatfield people did, having purchased the Dennison and Bradstreet grants. So it will be seen his reasons assigned are fallacious.


Second. The Commons comprising the whole town of Whately were outlying lands. These were cut into narrow strips extending from one and one-half miles to two or three and a half long, some of them were not over four or five rods. Forty- nine of the sixty-seven lots in each division were less than 15 rods wide with several less than five rods. Now, while these lots were held by persons to whom they were granted, the idea of settling on the lot for the purpose of making a farm was practi- cally out of the question. As soon as these lots began to be sold off, we find that settlements were made. But you can but notice that after the capture of Canada, and safety was assured, settlers came in with rapidity and in a short space of time, only about ten years later, the settlement was incorporated as a dis- tinct town.


As an illustration of the method taken to acquit a farm suitably compact to warrant a location and the erection of suita- ble tarm buildings, we will give a few examples. Deacon Joel Dickinson bought a part of lots on the west end, extending east one-half mile, Nos, 29, 30, 31, 32 and 33, giving him a width of a little over 53 rods, or a farm of 53 acres. Benoni Crafts bought on the east side of the road, in the second divi- sion, lots 57, 58, 59, 60 and 61, extending east half of a mile, giving a width of some over 53 rods. Here were four lots from


67


seven to nine rods each and only one lot of 15 rods. No one of these would have sufficed for a farm alone. So until the owners were willing to sell so as to make a compact farm, there was no attempt to build.


We think the owners of the Gov. Bradstreet grant were dif- ferently situated as Samuel Wells built on his lot about 1710 to 1715, as near as we can now get at it. He sold in 1728 and re- moved to Hartford, Ct., where he died. Josiah Scott, Sr., built on the Deerfield road, yet in Bradstreet's, probably as early as 1718. Later, about 1728, he built farm buildings one and one- half miles north for his son, Josiah, Jr. After the death of his wife he went to live with Josiah, Jr., and March 6, 1745, deeded him the upper farm, located at the extreme north part of Brad- street's, for 400 pounds. His son, Josiah, Jr., was a man 46 years of age at this time, and was living on land that his father owned and buildings that he had built for his son, after the close of Queen Anne's war, in 1713.


Building in the Straits commenced after the close of the war, from 1722 to 1726, and quite a number of houses were built, but you will notice that they were all in the Bradstreet grant, and in no other part of the town until the aggressive war in 1754-61 against Canada was commenced, and ended in its capture from the French, and all fear of Indian raids from that prolific source had ceased.


BRADSTREET'S GRANT AND DENNISON'S GRANT .- In 1659, about the time the township of Hadley was allowed to the petitioners from Connecticut, a grant of 500 acres was made to Mr. Simon Bradstreet, one of the magistrates and afterwards Governor of the Colony, and five hundred acres to Maj. Gen. Daniel Dennison. They had liberty to locate these lands "At any place on the west side of the Connecticut river, provided it be full six miles from the place intended for Northampton meet- ing-house, upon a straight line." Bradstreet, who had the first choice, took his five hundred acres in Hatfield North meadow and Dennison took his north of Bashan. Dennison's farm ran one mile north and south on the river and west two hundred and fifty rods.


As the North meadow included nearly one-fourth part of the valuable interval granted to Hadley and was not "Six miles from Northampton meeting-house," the town petitioned to have Bradstreet's grant vacated, but without avail. After a five years' struggle the town, out of justice to the west side pro-


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68


prietors, was obliged to purchase of Mr. Bradstreet the North meadow, for which he exacted 200 pounds and one thousand acres of land elsewhere. "In answer to the petition of Samuel Smith, for and on the behalfe of the toune of Hadley, the Courte judgeth it meete to grant the thousand acres of land mentioned in their petition, next to Maj. Gen. Dennison's land, to the toune of Hadley, on condition that they make agreement with the worshipful Mr. Bradstreete for the five hundred acres lying within the bounds of their said toune. 18 May, 1664."


From this act of the Court, it would appear that Dennison's and Bradstreet's farms adjoined, though Bradstreet's west line was one mile from the river, while Dennison's was only two hundred and fifty rods. Bradstreet's north line was the upper side of the wood lot lying northward of the Elijah Allis farm and his west line was a little to the westward of the Straits road. His length on the river was one and a half miles.


Gen. Dennison died in 1682, and some years after his farm is found in possession (probably by purchase) of John Field, William Arms, Robert Bardwell, Daniel Warner, Samuel Field, Samuel Gunn, Joseph Field and Andrew Warner, who, with their successors, held and managed it as joint proprietors till after 1735, and is all in Hatfield.


Gov. Bradstreet died in 1697. His farm, like Dennison's, was purchased and held in joint proprietorship, though each owner had his specified lots. It appears from the proprietors' records, that this farm was first divided into two parts, the northern part, known as "The upper mile," the southern part, known as "The lower mile." Each of these was cut in by a road running north and south where the present river road runs.


For the purpose of regulating fences, highways, etc., the two proprietaries of the Dennison and Bradstreet grants united and held joint meetings and kept common records.


HOPEWELL .- The original name of this tract was "Wet Swamp," but it was called by its present name as early as 1700. The name appears to have been at first applied to the swampy lands lying west of Dennison's farm. It now has a more gen- eral and indefinite application.


"1700. January 3. A record of eight lots in the Wet Swamp, alias Hopewell, in Hatfield: To Samuel Partridge, Sen., the first lot, being fourscore rods in length, twenty-six rods in breadth, the lines running west by north half a point, from the west, E. by S. half a point, containing thirteen acres. To Ensign Eleazer Frary, second lot; Lt. Dan'l White, third


69


lot; To Ensign. Eleazer Frary, fourth lot; John Graves, Sen., fifth lot; To Samuel Graves, Sen., deceased, his heirs, the sixth lot; To John Graves, deceased, his heirs, the seventh lot ; To Samuel Dickinson, Senior, the eighth lot."


All projected improvements in this portion of the town were arrested by the war known as Queen Anne's war, which broke out in 1703 and lasted till 1713. It was during this war, Feb. 29, 1704, in the dead of winter, that the combined French and Indians made the memorable assault on Deerfield, where a nominally Christian nation outdid in cruelty the barbarities of savage warfare. It does not fall within the scope of this narra- tive to depict the terrible scenes of this massacre, as they have often been faithfully portrayed. 'T'wenty-two Hatfield men were in this fight, three of whom, Samuel Foote, Samuel Allis and Sergt. Benjamin Wait, were killed. Those of our name taken captive were : Mary Allis, Hepzibah Belding, Sarah Dickin- son, Mary Field, Mary Field, Jr., John Field and Mary Frary.


No more severe battles occurred in the valley, but the Indians in small parties hung around all the towns and kept the settlers in a state of constant alarm. Ebenezer Field of Hatfield was slain at Bloody Brook, Oct. 26, 1708. No traveler was safe by night or by day. Ordinary business was transacted only under protection of the militia.


April 11, 1709, Mehuman Hinsdale of Deerfield, while re- turning from Northampton with his team, was captured by two Indians and taken to Chamblee. Probably the capture took place in what is now Whately. He had no apprehension of danger because the leaves were not out. In the ten years of the war the number slain in the county was one hundred and three. One hundred and twenty-three captives were taken, of whom twenty-four were killed or died on the way to or while in Canada.


As it was determined by the Colonial Government to main- tain the Deerfield settlement at all hazards, this became the frontier town ; and consequently Hatfield was less exposed than in previous wars and the local history has less of public interest for record.




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