USA > Massachusetts > Suffolk County > Boston > Municipal history of the town and city of Boston during two centuries : from September 17, 1630, to September 17, 1830 > Part 19
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The result of this state of things is as undeniable as it is inevitable, and the consequences and duties resulting from it are equally plain and unquestionable.
The system of depending upon the aid of the surrounding multitude mist be abandoned, and with it the system dependent upon mere influence or solicitation .of sympathies.
A system must be adopted, suited to a large population, which every day is growing more mixed and less sympathizing with each other; in other words, discipline, subordination, and a well-marshalled arrangement, in which success is made to depend upon the organization of the department and its own efficiency, and not upon the reluctant aid of those who happen to be present.
In other words, Boston, like New York and other great cities, must have a fire department based upon the principle of being adequate to self-protection, in which the assistance of the mass of the citizens, so far from being solicited, is in fact prohibited ; a system not of influence, but of self-dependent power.
If it be denied to the present earnest application of the City Council, there needs no spirit of prophecy to forotell that it will, at no great distance of time be burnt into us.
"This system, as it exists in New York, is founded upon the use of suction and distributing hose, in filling their engines, instead of buckets; by which it is proved that every hundred feet of hose is as effectnal as the presence of sixty men with buckets ; whereby the presence of the multitude is not rendered necessary. The discipline of the department applies only to those who belong to it. Great efficiency and energy is the result. And a system of influence is abandoned, and one of efficiency substituted.
To the introducing of this system, the City Council have already authorized a great expense for engines and hose, and must inen more.
In order to make it effectual, discipline must be introduced, subordination established, practice in the use of the hose apparatus encouraged. For this pur- pose it is absolutely essential that the power proposed by this bill should be invested in the City Council.
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Thirty-six men, coequal in power, excludes the idea of organization or subor- dination. How absurd is it to any efficient responsibility, that the body of men which are intrusted with the power of supplying the means and instruments should be denied the power of selecting the agents and organizing the depart- ment which is to make use of them ! Ilow fruitful in disputes and controversies must be such an attempt.
This system is not theory. It is now in existence, practised and satisfactory. I subjoin extracts 1 from a letter from the late Chief Engineer of New York, con- cerning the excellence of their system. Above all, I subjoin an extraet from a letter of George Darracott, Esq., formerly a fireward of this city, who has been sent on by the city authorities to examine the actual state of things in this respect in New York.
I entreat the gentlemen of the Boston delegation so far to obtain the bill, if possible, as to be subject to the acceptance or refusal, by ballot of the citizens of Boston, at a general meeting.
Considering this measure to be of the most vital importance to the prosperity and safety of this city, I have taken the liberty to address this letter to you, gen- tlemen, and to give it publicity, to the end that the views of the City Council might not be misapprehended, and that if this measure fail, it shall not be attri- butable to any neglect, indifference, or shrinking from official responsibility in them.
Very respectfully, yours, JOSIAH QUINCY.
The course thus adopted proved successful. The purpose of at once absolutely rejecting the system was not pursued ; and on the eighteenth of June, 1825, an act was passed by the Legis- lature "establishing a fire department in the city of Boston," dependent for its final adoption on the votes of the citizens. A general meeting of the inhabitants was thereupon called, to vote on the subject on the seventh of the then ensuing July.
Notwithstanding these statements and exertions, the hostility to the proposed system was not allayed.
The private interests it opposed, and the attachment to old customs which it thwarted, rendered final success dubious. The ward rooms rang with patriotic harangues on the infringement of the ancient liberties of the people, by depriving them of the power of electing firewards; and the press, with warning voices on the usurpation of powers, which, it was asserted, could best be exercised by the body of the citizens. The attempt to deny citizens the right of assisting each other in distress, was indig- nantly reprobated ; and it was publicly declared, that " it would not be submitted to by the fire-proof brethren of the North End."
1 For these extracts, see pp. 182, 183.
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The idea of efficiency in a hose system, and of engines putting out fires, by playing into one another, was treated as ridiculous.
Language of this kind began to be used, not only by the vio- lent and prejudiced, but even by men from whom a higher know- ledge and better feelings might have been anticipated. In this state of the controversy, the Mayor wrote and distributed, on his individual responsibility, on the day previons to the general meeting, the following address, explanatory of the views of the City Council, and urging the citizens to attend the meeting and give in their ballots, by all the considerations he thought calculated to awaken and to influence.
TO THE CITIZENS OF BOSTON.
PERCEIVING that the acceptance or rejection of the 'act establishing a fire department' is a subject of some discussion in the public prints, and being desi- rous, whenever that question is taken, that, whatever may be the event, its real nature and consequences may not be misapprehended by my follow-citizens, I deem it my duty, in the relation I stand to the city, to make a distinct develop- ment of the subject. Considering also its nature and the circunstances con- neeted with it, I cannot deem this duty fulfilled as it ought to be, unless I annex my name to this elucidation.
It will not be necessary to use any words to prove that our present system of protection against fire is, for some reason or other, not satisfactory to the citi- zens of this metropolis.
It will only be necessary to recall, on this point, the recollection of our fel- low-citizens to the deep discontent manifested at the conduct and result of both the last great fires, - that in Beacon and that in Central Street.
On both these occasions, the inadequacy of our means of protection, or the insufficiency of their application was palpable, and the discontent expressed little short of universal.
Great difference of opinion, however, was manifested as to the causes of the confusion, disorder, and inefficiency exhibited on these occasions. Some lamented the want of water. Some the want of buckets. One set of men com- plained of the want of power in the firewards to command. Another of the want of willingness in the multitude present to obey. And all, of the general want of fire clubs, and of those ancient associations for mutual protection on occasion of fire.
In this state of sentiment and feeling, which notoriously existed, it was the anty of the City Council to ascertain the real causes of the evils of which all complained, and apply remedies suited and adequate to the nature of the case.
Now, it was impossible to reflect upon this acknowledged state of things, with the seriousness which a sense of duty and of responsibility imposed on the City Council, without coming to the conclusion that all these wants or deficiencies were, more or less, founded in fact, and the resulting want of protection was not so nich, if at all, attributable to the men, who had the control of the present sys- tem, as to that system itself; in other words, that the evils of which all com-
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plained, were attributable chiefly, if not solely, to the inapplicability of our pre- sent system of protection against fire, to the present state and relations of the popu- lation of our city. And as this population was every day increasing with great rapidity, our present system was every day with like rapidity growing more inadequate to effect that protection the citizens had a right to demand.
A very transient reflection on the acknowledged state of things will, I think, satisfy my fellow-citizens of the justice of this conclusion.
And first, of the complaint of the want of water. A deficiency in this respect is unquestionable, and means are in train for remedying it, under the auspices of the City Council. Yet the truth is, that we have as much water now as we ever had in the city, and as we had in those times when the conduct of fires gave great and just content in our city. Assuredly also, the deficiency of water in the vicinity of Beacon Street or of Central Street, could not be considered as the cause of the confusion, disorder, 'and inefficiency which all complained of on both those occasions.
On the contrary, if our present system be sufficient, a manifest deficiency in the article of water would be a reason for order and regularity, rather than a cause of disorder and confusion.
Our present system presupposes either a will in the surrounding mmhitude at fires, to aid in forming lanes to pass water to the engines, or a power in the firewards to compel them to form such lanes.
Now, just in proportion as water in the vicinity of any fire is deficient, is the necessity apparent that it should be brought from a distance; and, of course, that the efficiency of the will, or the power to make lanes, should be manifested. If our present system be, therefore, in this respect, sufficient, the alacrity to form lanes and to preserve order in the multitude present, and the facility with which the firewards are enabled to form the one and preserve the other, will be increased rather than diminished, by the existence of so great an exigency. How it was on both occasions, can best be answered by the firewards and the citizens present.
Again, -- are the evils of which we complain to be attributed to the want of buckets, of fire clubs, or of any of the ancient associations for mutual protec- tion ? What is the reason of this ? Why are we deficient in buckets? Why are the members of fire clubs greatly diminished ? Why those ancient as- sociations abandoned or grown into disuse ? There can be but one answer. The state of things is changed in this respect. With the greatness of popula- tion, a different state of feeling and of modes of protection have grown up.
Formerly, one could not open the front door of the highest or the richest citizen, without having his eye greeted with at least two buckets, containing fire bags and a bed key, all duly labelled, indicating to what fire society he be- longed. The same was true in relation to the house of ahnost every citizen, except those of the poorest class:
At this day, how many doors can you open and behold the same sight ? I answer, within bound, not one in fifty. Why is this ? If you ask the owner, and he answers truly, nine times in ten it will be, --. I am insured; why should I keep fire buckets? Why subject myself to the rules and customs of fire clubs ? Or why turn out to fires at all? I go to the expense of protecting myself. I ask no protection from others, and I mean to incur no voluntary
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expense ; and, much more, will not ineur the risk of health and life in protect- ing them.'
However cold, selfish, or calculating this language may seem, it is the prac- tical language of men in all great cities. In such cities, the influential classes of citizens, the householders, and men of property of every description, grow more in the habit of protecting themselves, more unwilling to ineur the risk and the labor which aiding at fires makes necessary ; and the number of those who are indifferent on such occasions, or who are willing to make profit by the misfor- tunes of others, is increased. The consequence is, that in all cities, after they have attained a certain point of greatness, the system of depending upon the aid of all the citizens has been abandoned, and a system, self-dependent, and which, so far from requiring the aid of all the citizens, excludes that aid, has been adopted.
The substantial question, therefore, presented to the citizens of Boston is this, -- having become a city, with a great population, will you adopt a system eon- formable to the state of things in which you exist ? or, with a great population, will you adhere to a system adapted only, and which can be efficient only, in a city with comparatively a .very small population ? Whatever prejudices may exist upon the subject, and whatever interests or feelings may be affected by the avowal, it is my duty to state, as the result of all the researches made under the authority of the City Council, on the subject, that the present system of firecards is not, and cannot be made, an eficient system of protection against fire, with a population such as at present exists in this city. The fault is not in the men, but the system.
Thirty-six men are annually chosen, in wards, all equal in power; and in cases of fire, any three have precisely the same power with every other three. I lay aside all questions concerning the effect of choosing in wards, rather than by general ticket. I take it for granted, that the men, thus chosen, are the best thirty-six men that exist in the city for this purpose, and that they always will be the best.
[ ask, then, what are the efficient powers of such firewards, in relation to commanding aid on these occasions, considered in the light of substantial protec- tion ? The answer, and only answer that can be given, is, that . they can require the assistance of all persons present to aid in extinguishing fires.' But, suppose the persons required refuse or neglect to obey ? What then ? They are liable to be prosecuted the next day for ten dollars !
The penalty, indeed is heavy; but what is it as it respects efficient protec- tion ?
Of the thousands, which, at every great fire, either refuse or neglect to obey the fireward, and shrink from him, or go away as soon as he approaches, how many have ever been proseented, and paid their ten dollars. Comparatively speaking, not one.
This great authority of the fireward, on which so much reliance is placed, when looked to for efficient protection, turns out to be nothing more than the good will of the persons present. The fireward orders, and if the person ordered wills, he obeys ; if he does not so will, he lets it alone. And this is the whole mat- ter. For, umless in the case of some flagrant insult or outrage, he never hears any more of the business. Nor can there be any blame cast on the fireward.
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Amidst darkness and confusion and hurry, how can he identify the individual, much more arrest and keep him in custody ?
The efficient anthority of firewards turns out then to be, after all, mere influ- ence ; and the whole system is predicated upon its being influence, and nothing else. It is a sufficient system in an early stage of society, and in a limited extent of population. But when society advances, when a population becomes munerons, the weight of personal character and influence is little felt; comparatively not at all. And the consequence is, that a system of influence must be abandoned, and one of efficiency adopted.
Now a system, to be efficient, must be self-dependent ; not relying upon whim, caprice, or the accidental presence of well-disposed individuals ; but pos- sessing within itself, and by the inherent force of its own organization, the capa- city of affording the protection required. By the aid of hose, of suction, and supply engines, such a system supersedes the necessity of lanes, and, by the power of machines, renders only a very small munber of persous sufficient for protection. This is the system of New York. The surrounding multitude, in- stead of being solicited to aid, are prohibited from interfering. The engineers, the firemen, and hosemen, and hook and ladder men, are competent to manage all the machines. The efficiency of this system is not a matter of speenlation. The following extracts of letters, although already published, deserve to-be here inserted, for the sake of those who have not seen them.1
The question, then, now presented to the citizens of Boston, is a question between two systems. And, on this point, in order that there may be no mistake in this matter, and no deception, I wish it to be distinctly understood, that the existence and present relations and powers of firewards is wholly incompatible with the system recommended, and in practice in New York ; and that, so long as these relations and powers subsist, this system cannot be introduced.
For, although firewards make a component part of the system in New York, yet their relations and their powers are very different from those of firewards in this city. One great business, for instance, of firewardens uuder our system, is to make citizens assist at fires. Whereas, one great business of firewards in New York, is to . keep persons at a distance from theu.'
I know that it is urged with great warmth and vehemence in the public prints, that the object of the City Council is, 'to wrest from the citizens the election of firewards.'
The truth, however, is, that the object of the City Council is of a nuich higher and more consequential character than the poor acquisition of any such elective power. It is an endeavor to place the safety and protection of the city against fire upon the basis of a self-dependent, efficient system; one that does not claim from age, or manhood, or boyhood, as a duty, to turn out and give pro- tection against fires, at the exposure of health, and often of life. On the con- trary, it takes the protection of the city on itself. It asks of the citizens, not immediately interested, only to keep away. It depends on its own discipline, practice, force of machinery, and engines; and relies not at all on the reluctant aid of casual bystanders.
This system is inevitable in a full-grown state of society. If our citizens do
1 For these extracts see pp. 181, 182.
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not realize, or will not admit the necessity of it now, the adoption is only post- poned. Come it will. The great teacher, calamity, which has already spoken ouce and twice, will speak again and again, until its voice is heard.
If, then, the effect of the bill is to vest in the City Council the choice of the firewards, it is because that the powers and relations of firewards, in a system destined to give protection without calling in the aid of the multitude present, are different from their powers and relations in a system like our present one, based upon depending on the aid of that multitude altogether.
Thirty-six men, coequal in power, every three of whom have a right to command, are wholly incompatible with a system, which is of the nature of an organized force, having a head and members subordinate to each other; and in which responsibility is precise, direct, and individual.
It will, therefore, be seen by my fellow-citizens, that the real question to be decided by them, on the acceptance and rejection of the bill, relates to the two systems, - that which now exists, and that which is recommended.
So far as the question affects the elective franchise, it depends upon another question ; and that is, whether the City Council, the constitutional and respou- sible representative of all the citizens, be, or be not, the proper body to be in- trusted with the organization of the fire department of the city ?
Upon the general expediency of retaining the present system, which is founded on the practicability of commanding the aid of the whole multitude pre- sent at fires, I ask my fellow-citizens to consult not only recent experience, but also to reflect on the actual relations of our population. Is it not becoming every day less and less homogeneous ? By emigration and the constant infusion of foreigners, are not the sympathies among citizens, considered merely as such, diminishing ? Has not an increased disposition to take advantage of fires, as occasions for plunder, been manifested of late years ? Must it not be inevitable in every city with an increasing population ? What right has this city to expect an exemption from the common lot of humanity in great cities ?
In making this elucidation, I am sensible that I have exposed myself to the charge of unsuitable obtrusiveness. But I am willing to submit to this, or to any other like censure, rather than to have the conviction, which I should other- wise have felt, that I had failed in my duty to a people to whom I owe so ma. obligations for the confidence they have reposed in me.
My great purpose will be answered, if I can draw the attention of my fel- low-citizens to the real nature of the question ; and that, when decided, an un- equivocal expression of their opinion should be given by the mumber of their suffrages ; and that it should not be left, as some questions have been of late, to the decision of a few individuals in the vicinity of the Hall, or who had a parti- cular interest in the subject.
The question deeply interests the fate of the whole city. Only let then the voice of the whole city be heard.
Your fellow-citizen, JOSIAH QUINCY. 4th July, 1825.
The responsibility thus assumed by the Mayor was received with those opposite demonstrations, of censure and praise, which, in a republic, every public officer may expect who throws openly
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his personal or official influence into the scale, on questions deeply agitating contending parties. By one set of men, it was characterized as " obtrusive," " busy,". " meddlesome," " using his short-lived authority to augment the power and perpetuate the influence of his office." By another, it was denominated "a noble spirit of independence in a chief magistrate, who, holding his office by the popular voice, intrepidly takes the hazard of lending publicly all his influence to a measure which he believes will be attended with important and salutary consequences, re- gardless of the manner in which it may affect his personal popu- larity." The result proved the propriety and necessity of these measures. The meeting, on the seventh of July, as was antici- pated, proved one of great struggle and excitement. Upwards of twenty-fire hundred votes were cast; and, so powerful and general was the opposition, that the question in favor of adopt- ing the system was decided by a majority of only one hundred and eighty-three votes ! On so critical an issue did a question, thus vital to the safety and prosperity of the city, turn!
Thus, after an open and active struggle, the organization of an independent fire department received the support of the citizens of Boston; and, from that time, a systematie course of measures was steadily pursued for carrying the projected organization into effect, with the general cooperation of the citizens, without any obstruction, except by attempts to injure the apparatus of the de- partment, by cutting the hose, by a few nknown and unprinci- pled individuals. A committee of both branches of the City Council, consisting of the Mayor, Aldermen Blake and Welsh, and Messrs. Williams, Barry, Boies, and Wiley, of the Common Council, was appointed to prepare an ordinance in conformity with the act of the Legislature. But difficulties yet lingering among some classes of citizens, rendered delay expedient; and the details of this ordinance were not conclusively settled and sanctioned by the City Council until the end of December. Time was also required to obtain the engines and apparatus ordered from New York and Philadelphia, which postponed the final organization of the fire department until the ensuing muni- cipal year, now, for the first time, about to commence in Janu- ary.
During the controversy on the new system, the Committee of the City Council selected sites for engine houses; not on the
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principle of economical and temporary expediency hitherto chiefly regarded, but such as were best adapted to facilitate easy com- munication with the most exposed or populous parts of the city. With these views, they selected a site on Pemberton Hill, now No. 9, 'Tremont Row, a location in the vicinity of the elevated streets on Beacon Hill, nearly opposite the entrance of Ilanover Street and other avenues descending to the north, by which aid could be easily extended to sections of the city the most populous and exposed to conflagration. They also desired to widen and im- prove the great thoroughfare over Pemberton Hill, then steep and inconvenient, and in the winter season often dangerons. These objects were regarded so important, that the City Council au- thorized an offer of twenty-five hundred dollars for about five hundred feet of land, which the proprietor rejected. The price of the land was therefore deemed an insurmountable obstacle to the project. An unanticipated transaction, however,1 enabled the city authorities to obtain the space the improvement required for nothing. The proprietor of the remaining land, therefore, was now induced to accept an offer of three thousand dollars for an adjoining lot, on which an engine house was erected of granite, on the model of the Choragie momument at Athens, and the engine and hydraulion purchased at Philadelphia were placed in it. The cost of this edifice was justified, in the opinion of the city government, by the circumstances under which the improve- ment and purchase had been effected; by the satisfaction a building so ornamental to the street gave to the proprietors of estates in the vicinity, who had objected to the creation of an engine house in their neighborhood; and, above all, by the con- sideration that, such were the peculiar facilities of that location for the protection of the city, that its future alienation 2 was deemed improbable, and its appropriation to that object would, therefore, be permanent.
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