USA > Massachusetts > Suffolk County > Boston > Old South church (Third church) Boston. Memorial addresses, Sunday evening, October 26, 1884 > Part 6
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1 The Caucus Club often met also at
the opposite house of Thomas Dawes,
who in 1763 was adjutant of the Boston Regiment.
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which the family united. Mr. Adams was always fond of singing, and at one time was a member and a leader of the choir at church.1 His two children were his special delight. He had a keen relish for their sports, and always enjoyed their company, directing their education in all its details, and giving them the benefit of his valuable counsel.
While the whole life of Samuel Adams, from the time of his leaving College to the end of his long career, was largely given to the public service, and while his name is associated with almost every great event during that period, his highest title to distinction, and the one that will be longest remembered, is the part he took in the great movement which led to the Revolution. To him more than to any other man must be assigned the honor of seeing the issue, initiating the measures and guiding the deliberations of that movement. Others there were who had a prominent part in it, men of great ability and the purest patriotism, to whom the country will always feel indebted ; but of these, some, like Otis and Thacher and Joseph Warren, were removed from the scene before the work was done, while others like John Adams and the younger patriots, came to the front only in the later stages of the conflict. Nor is it any disparagement to men like Bowdoin and Hancock and Cushing and Hawley, to say that they were all led, in council as in action, by a commanding genius whose wisdom they clearly discerned and whose spirit they all admired.
This preeminent claim, which in the light of all the facts must be made for Samuel Adams, is amply supported by documents and can no longer be open to a doubt.
He organized the American Revolution. That is honor enough for any man to bear in history. Upon that I am willing that his fame should rest.
Many things conspired to prepare him for this task. His intense love of liberty he inherited from his father. His op-
1 Stated in a MS. paper by James S. Loring, read before the New England Historic Genealogical Society in 1856.
Also in a sermon upon Samuel Adanis by the Rev. J. M. Manning D.D., deliv- ered at the Old South in December, 1873.
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position to the arbitrary measures of the Government became fixed in early life, when he keenly felt the injustice of a policy which had crippled his own family and caused wide-spread. discontent. His skill in handling political questions was partly the result of his studies in law, and partly owing to the excellent apprenticeship which he allowed himself in the broad forum of discussion. His knowledge of men was widely extended by his unwelcome experience as tax collector.1 His moral courage was the natural growth of his deep-seated religious conviction. His idea of independence was born of his faith. He saw it with a prophet's eye and hailed it afar.
With such an equipment of mind and conscience, of energy and faith, this ardent youth came upon the scene just in time to guide the popular cause in its infancy when it was threat- ened on all sides with the gravest perils. The sky was over- cast with clouds, and the mutterings of thunder were heard all along the horizon. A storm was coming ; that was evi- dent ; but where it would break and what it would bring, no one knew. The prudent and the timid kept themselves under cover, and were silent. The few who dared to think of navi- gating their frail bark in such angry waters clung together and kept a sharp lookout, waiting for events. Then it was that our patriot-hero came forward and took the helm with a fearless hand, and held it firmly till the storm was over. Little do we care now for the charges that he neglected his business to engage in politics, that he never would be thrifty because he spent his time in writing inflammatory articles for the newspapers, hanging about ship-yards and organizing political clubs. Of what interest to us now are the ledger- books in Cushing's counting-room, or the Malt-house in Purchase Street, or the delinquent tax list of 1763? We can afford to lose a poor merchant to gain a " masterly statesman." We can bear with perfect equanimity such derisive epithets as " Sam the Maltster," and "Samuel the Publican." The satirists may make sport of him, the tories
1 1763-65. A difficult and most un- popular service in such hard times, but
turned to good account in this case, not- withstanding the odium it excited.
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may denounce him, and even the whigs may for a time refuse him their support. It matters not. His soul is bent on liberty, and nothing else will silence either his tongue or his pen. He hears the voice of his country beckoning him on, and he springs to her aid with an ardor and a heroism that have never been surpassed.
It was at a memorable town-meeting in Faneuil Hall in the year 1764, when Adams, at the age of forty-two, was ap- pointed on a committee to draft instructions for the newly- chosen representatives to the General Court.1 Intelligence had just been received from England of a design to tax the colonies and place the revenue at the disposal of Parliament. The town was thoroughly aroused by this report, and the feeling found expression in the unmistakable language of the instructions-still preserved in Adams's handwriting-which contained the first public denial of parliamentary supremacy, and the first suggestion ever made of a union of the colonies for self-protection. This was a year before the remonstrance of Patrick Henry in Virginia, and it must ever be regarded as the earliest foreshadowing of the policy which afterwards prevailed throughout the country.
The following year, Adams was sent to the Legislature, where he remained for ten years, being annually reelected during the most exciting and eventful period in the history of Massachusetts. Nearly all this time he was clerk of the House, a position which gave him full opportunity for the exercise of his unrivalled gifts in the preparation of state papers, addresses, protests, and other documents, while at the same time he conducted an enormous correspondence both public and private. These writings will bear the closest scrutiny. They are, indeed, master-pieces of political dis- cussion. The more they have been studied, the greater has been the admiration which they have awakened for their profound wisdom, their logical method and their bold yet constitutional demands. They are remarkable not so much
1 The Boston representatives that year were Otis, Thacher, Cushing and Gray.
Richard Dana was on the committee with Adams to prepare the instructions.
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for their rhetorical style as for their simple and direct state- ments of the inalienable rights of the people. They succeed in so putting the case as to keep the law on their side, while exposing the injustice and danger of the Government's po- sition. They contain the most advanced principles of the age, brought within the comprehension of the plainest citizen. They all have one clear, melodious ring, that of liberty. Heaven's gift, Britain's pledge, America's lawful inheritance.
Conspicuous among these papers are the " Massachusetts Resolves," in reply to Governor Bernard ; the famous " Cir- cular Letter," addressed to all the Provincial Assemblies ; the "True Sentiments of America," a communication sent to the Massachusetts agent in London and intended for the ministry ; "An Appeal to the World," an eloquent paper printed by order of the town, vindicating the patriot cause from the aspersions of its enemies ; and the " Rights of the Colonists, as Men, as Christians and as Subjects," the first statement of principles made by the renowned Committee of Correspondence, and, in fact, the precursor of the Declaration of Independence.
And not only was Adams a leader with his pen. He was ever ready with his voice, often advocating in debate the meas- ures which he had framed so skilfully at his desk. He was also most efficient in the organization of committees, selecting the right men for the right place, continually attending caucuses and popular gatherings, encouraging the timid, arousing the indifferent and attaching firmly to the cause many who, but for him, would have been found in the ranks of the enemy. John Adams is authority1 for saying that his illustrious kins- man during those years was in the habit of watching for young men of promise in order to gain their friendship, warn them against the hostile designs of England, and secure them in the defence of their country. He enumerates, among these, John Hancock, Dr. Warren and Josiah Quincy. By the same influence, John Adams was himself first brought promi-
1 Correspondence, X. 364.
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nently into notice at a town-meeting in 1765, when his cousin, as chairman, had him appointed to speak for the town before the Governor and Council.1 The next year, Hancock was indebted for his seat in the Legislature to the nomination made in his favor by Samuel Adams, who was fifteen years his senior. Hancock had failed of an election previously, and, on this occasion, Mr. John Rowe, an influential merchant of Boston,2 had been proposed for the position, when Adams, turning his eyes towards Hancock's house, said, knowingly, " Is there not another John that may do better ?"3 The hint was taken, and a valuable supporter was gained with all his wealth and subsequent popularity.
This rare ability to detect talent and bring it into public service was one of the marked traits of the great organizer ; and it gave him increasing influence among the people who were not slow to discern the purity of his motives, when they saw the unselfish nature of the man who, though the prime mover in the cause, was always yielding the precedence to others, and willing to give away the honors which belonged to himself. No doubt he enjoyed the ascendancy which he obtained in the provincial councils and in the popular heart, but he never abused it for political favor or private gain. The confidence reposed in him was a magnificent tribute both to his intellectual power and his moral worth. Men followed him because they saw that he was fitted to lead ; they looked up to him because they felt that he was above them ; they trusted him because they knew that their interests were safe in the hands of one whose whole life was known to be gov- erned by a sense of duty both to God and man.
When Hutchinson called Samuel Adams "Master of the Puppets,"4 he showed that he understood whom he was con- tending with, however uncomplimentary the name which he gave to the other patriots. There was no doubt in any quar- ter who the master spirit of this great movement was. It
1 Wells's Life of S. Adams, I. 33 n.
2 See Mem. Hist. Boston, Vol. II.
3 Gordon's Hist. Amer. War, I. 154.
4 Quoted by J. K. Hosmer from MS letter of July 10, 1773, in Massachusetts Archives.
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was as well known in England as in Boston ; and efforts were repeatedly made to silence his opposition. Plans of seizure and transportation for trial were talked of ; offers were made to his friends to persuade them to withdraw from his leader- ship; and in view of his well-known poverty, the inquiry came to Hutchinson from Government circles abroad, "Why hath not Mr. Adams been taken off from his opposition by an office?" To this the Governor replied in language which, in this case at least, shows the correctness of his judgment, " Such is the obstinacy and inflexible disposition of the man, that he never would be conciliated by any office or gift whatever."1
A little later, when Gage was governor, he sent a confi- dential message to Adams by Colonel Fenton, to propose an adjustment of the difficulties between them. The Colonel stated that he was empowered to confer upon Adams such benefits as would be satisfactory, upon the condition that he would cease opposing the administration, and that it was the advice of the Governor not to incur the displeasure of his Majesty by rendering himself liable to the penalties of an act of Henry VIII., while, by changing his course, he would not only receive great personal advantages, but would thereby make his peace with the King. Adams arose and replied, "Sir, I trust I have long since made my peace with the King of Kings. No personal consideration shall induce me to abandon the righteous cause of my country. Tell Governor Gage it is the advice of Samuel Adams to him, no longer to insult the feelings of an exasperated people."2
It must ever be to Americans an occasion of pride that their liberties were achieved by men who, brave as they were in resisting oppression by force of arms, showed equal courage in refusing all offers to surrender their cause for any con- siderations of emolument or position. "Incorruptible," is a name which Samuel Adams has left to his country, blazoned in letters of fire upon our early history. Let it be held up to
1 See Thacher's sermon at Dedham, Oct. 9, 1803 .. Given by Wells, III. 394.
Statement made by Samuel Dexter.
2 Wells, II. 193.
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the gaze of men to-day, that our politicians may see it, that our statesmen may study its meaning, and that our people may write it out again large and clear in their own lives, and so be worthy of their freedom.
" God give us men ! A time like this demands Strong minds, great hearts, true faith, and ready hands ; Men whom the lust of office does not kill ; Men whom the spoils of office cannot buy ; Men who possess opinions and a will ;
Men who have honor,-men who will not lie ;
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Tall men, sun-crowned, who live above the fog In public duty and in private thinking."
The habit of calm and deep reflection, which was a well known characteristic of Mr. Adams, led him at a very early day to anticipate the possibility of a rupture of the tie which held the colonies to the mother-country. His thorough dis- cussion of the questions at issue, and his interpretation of the purposes of Great Britain, convinced him that, in certain con- tingencies, an effort for political independence would neces- sarily be the result of the controversy. It was the part of a statesman to contemplate those contingencies, and, in his own mind at least, to provide for their appearance. Men had spec- ulated upon the subject in Europe as well as here; and the occasional disputes between the government officers and the colonists had for a long time tended to weaken the respect of the people of New England for the Government as it was then administered. But their devotion to the sovereign remained firm. Their affection for the old country was not seriously shaken. They sometimes blustered, as good subjects of the Queen do in England to-day, but it was always, and only, to maintain their rights as British subjects. It would not have been strange, indeed, if in defending their cause as they often did under provocation, they should have sometimes threatened separation ; but this does not appear to have been done until the existing troubles had reached a crisis. Hutchinson1 says
1 Hist. Mass. Bay, III. 134.
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that Adams advocated the doctrine of independence in private, and " made advances towards it in public," as early as 1765, but there is no evidence of this in his papers; on the con- trary, they all at that period show feelings of decided loyalty. Writing to the provincial agent at London, in December of the same year, with reference to the report that the colonists were struggling for independence, he says: "It is neither their interest, nor have they ever shown the least disposition to be independent of Great Britain. They have always prided themselves on being British subjects, and have with the greatest cheerfulness done everything in their power to pro- mote the common cause of the nation. And we have reason to believe that the colonists will ever remain firmly attached to the mother country." And again (in May, 1768) he writes : " I pray God that harmony may be cultivated between Great Britain and the colonies, and that they may long flourish in one undivided empire."
These are the sentiments of an honest man, who, though he spoke for the assembly, doubtless believed what he said. And yet it is easy to see how some of his utterances on this subject may have given a wrong impression. Thus in a letter of about the same date, he says there is no apprehension of anything like a struggle for independence, " and," he adds, " I dare say there never will be, unless Great Britain shall exert her power to destroy their liberties."1 This last clause is no doubt a key to his opinions at this time. He was not in favor of independence, did not advocate it, and did not in- tend to, unless it should become necessary. That there was a possibility of this, he was far-seeing enough to imagine ; and for a long time we know that his mind was deeply exer- cised upon it. All the excitement connected with the Stamp Act must have weighed in this direction ; and although its repeal was hailed with joy, it was soon seen that the parlia- mentary reservation accompanying it had left the principle at stake untouched. This could not be forgotten, especially when followed so soon by the Townshend revenue acts, the
1 Wells, I. 146.
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impressment of seamen, the seizure of Hancock's sloop, and the quartering of a large force of royal troops on the province. All this served only to widen the breach and compel a patriot like Adams, ever solicitous for the public welfare, to take the position which at last by the events of 1768 he was driven to take. To his mind, there was no alternative but abject submis- sion, and that, he well knew, the colonists would never accept. All the authorities agree that he was the first man in America to believe in a separation, and boldly to declare for it. " The approach of military rule," says Bancroft,1 "convinced Samuel Adams of the necessity of American Independence. From this moment he struggled for it deliberately and unremit- tingly, as became one who delighted in the stern creed of Calvin, which, wherever it has prevailed, in Geneva, Hol- land, Scotland, Puritan England, New England, has spread intelligence, severity of morals, love of freedom and courage. . Henceforward one high service absorbed his soul- the independence of his country."
For a long time he stood almost alone in maintaining this position. The other patriots clung to the hope that some adjustment of the difficulties could be found. At a town- meeting in 1769, objection was made to a certain motion because it implied that the colonists were independent of parliament, whereupon Mr. Adams with characteristic bold- ness replied, " Independent we are and independent we will be."1 This was more than any one else dared to say, but the very utterance of it in a public meeting helped to formulate the new doctrine, in the minds of many, and to prepare the way for its more general acceptance.
Meanwhile the logic of events was rapidly furnishing argu- ments which carried conviction where words might have failed. The presence of a standing army in the peaceful town of Boston, with a powerful fleet guarding the harbor, was a perpetual annoyance to the citizens who were obliged to witness parades and to answer the challenge of sentinels posted at the public buildings and at officers' quarters. The
I Hist. U. S., VI. 192.
1 Hutchinson's Hist., III. 264.
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common was made a camping ground for soldiers, and used for horse-racing. Cannon were planted in King Street in front of the town-house as if to overawe the representatives assembled in the General Court. The Puritan Sabbath was violated by the tread of armed men changing guard, with the noisy drum and fife playing "Nancy Dawson" and " Yankee Doodle," as the people were going to their places of worship.
Petitions from the town and the assembly for the removal of the troops being ineffectual, the latter body declined to legis- late in the presence of an armed force, and were accordingly adjourned to Cambridge by Governor Bernard, who, adding insult to injury, soon after demanded an appropriation to cover the expenses of quartering the troops. Upon the refusal of this demand, he prorogued the court and sailed for England, threatening to lay their conduct before the King. This was the Governor who said of Samuel Adams, whom he found a perpetual thorn in his side, "Every dip of his pen stings like a horned snake."
Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson, a much abler man, now assumed the reins of government. He had filled nearly all the important offices in the Province, and was by far the most conspicuous man on the tory side. In ordinary times he would have made a brilliant record as the chief executive, but in this great emergency he tried to do what could not be done, and was doomed to failure, after incurring the severest criticism and odium of his countrymen.1
It was with the greatest difficulty that the patriot leaders in Boston restrained the inhabitants from coming into collision with the troops. At times the Sons of Liberty were aroused to a high pitch of excitement, issuing placards, and holding themselves in readiness to make a demonstration. The news- papers were continually asking what the regiments were there
1 The recent publication of Hutchin- son's Diary and Letters sheds a more favorable light upon his character, and will serve to correct in a measure the harsh verdict which the party feeling and inevitable bitterness of his contempo-
raries had rendered against him. His history of the Province has always been regarded as of the highest authority.
Sce article by the Rev. George E. Ellis, D.D., Atlantic Monthly, May, 1884.
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for, and why they were retained so long. Sharp words often passed between the soldiers and the populace on the streets. But the wise caution of the leaders prevailed, and the people generally were governed by that self-respect and love of order which have always characterized our citizens. Their demand was loud and determined, but not violent. Samuel Adams expressed the common feeling when he said that the troops seemed to be employed only " to parade the streets of Boston, and, by their ridiculous merry-andrew tricks, to become the object of contempt of the women and children." "They must move to the Castle," he said. "It must be the first business of the General Court to move them out of town." And Dr. Cooper urged the same, adding, "They greatly corrupt our morals, and are in every sense an oppression. May Heaven soon deliver us from this great evil."
At last, after seventeen months of military rule, the dreaded collision occurred in King street, under the windows of the town-house, on the memorable fifth of March, 1770. Blood was shed by soldiers of the 29th Regiment firing upon un- armed citizens. This event, known as the Boston Massacre, produced the greatest possible consternation. The news of it flew, like wild fire, and the cry was everywhere, "To arms !" Late in the evening, order was restored by the Lieutenant Governor, who appeared upon the scene, and in obedience to the demands of his indignant townsmen, secured the retirement of the troops to their barracks, and promised an immediate court of inquiry.
The next morning a crowded mass meeting was held in Faneuil Hall, opened with prayer by Dr. Cooper. After reports had been given by various eye-witnesses of the trag- edy, the meeting was addressed by Samuel Adams, who spoke with great solemnity and pathos, moving all hearts by his resolute and impressive manner. He was then appointed on a committee of fifteen to wait upon the Lieutenant Gover- nor and inform him that it was the unanimous voice of the meeting that nothing could restore peace but the immediate removal of the troops. A town-meeting was then officially
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notified to be held at the same place at three o'clock in the afternoon.
Hutchinson received the committee and listened to their communication, but as he was not then prepared to give a reply, they withdrew to allow him time to consult the Coun- cil, then in session, and also Colonel Dalrymple the com- manding officer. The result, which was given to the com- mittee in writing, was that the 29th Regiment, which had been particularly concerned in the disturbances, would be sent to the Castle, and only the 14th retained in town.
At the appointed hour, Faneuil Hall was again filled to overflowing, and so large was the number unable to gain ad- mission that the meeting was adjourned to the Old South- "Dr. Sewall's meeting-house," as it was commonly called.1 We can readily follow the stream of people wending its way by the old State-house to the new rendezvous. It is not a tumultuous mob, flaunting banners and filling the air with derisive shouts, but a throng of intelligent and serious-minded men, charged with a sacred duty, " men who pray over what they do," and act as those who must give account. Such men are not to be resisted, much less can they be trifled with. The hour is a momentous one in their history, for which the way has long been preparing. The excitement of the previ- ous night has led to a deep-seated resolve in every breast, that the cause of such an event must now be removed. They are conscious of possessing the right, and, if need be, the power to enforce this demand.
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