USA > Massachusetts > Dukes County > Marthas Vineyard > The history of Martha's Vineyard, Dukes County, Massachusetts, Volume I > Part 20
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MICAJAH MAYHEW ASSERTS HIS LORDSHIP.
But this was not the final flicker of the old order of things. The ghosts of the "quit rents" and "acknowledgments" were followed by an equally anachronistic pretension - the at- tempted revival of the ancient manorial privileges, as ap- pertaining to the eldest line of descent from the first Lord of the Manor of Martha's Vineyard. This was represented in the person of Micajah Mayhew of Edgartown, the eldest grandson of Major Matthew, who began to assert his "Lord- ship" as early as 1730, and proceeded to lease out lands and grant "rights" over that already in possession, as Lord of the Manor of Martha's Vineyard.2 Thus no sooner were the people recovered from the sight of the quit-rent ghost than
1Douglass, Summary, II, 236.
2Deeds, V, 121.
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their dreams were troubled by spectres of Lords of the Manor, in jack boots and doublets, straddling their ridge poles and haunting their broad acres. As an example of the effect this situation had upon tenures and the fee of property, a clause from a deed of the period may testify. It is a warranty deed in which the grantor undertakes to defend the title "from all & every excepting only what claim any of the family of the Mayhews by Surname may Challenge."1 In Chilmark, where this family was numerically strong and influential and held to the traditions of their ancestral rights, there was ac- quiescence in these pretensions, and the custom of paying quit-rents was continued as late as 1732 by one of the family to the Lord of the Manor of Tisbury.2 These acknowledg- ments were trifling in value, a lamb, an ear of corn, a peck of wheat, and the like annually, but aside from its annoyance to the actual owners, it was effecting a perpetuation of a legal and social solecism, repugnant to the sentiments of freemen and democrats. For twenty years, however, this spectacle was enacted by Micajah Mayhew, until in 1750 the men of Tisbury, tired of the mummery, revolted and asserted their independence of manorial and other lords in the following decisive language: -
And for as much as Severall Persons have of Late assumed to Sett up themselves as Lord Propriators in Opposition to the Ancient settled constitution and Continued Practice in said Town to the Great Disturbance and Disquietment of sd Town in their Ancient Peacable order:
Now therefore we the subscribers hereunto the Present Propriators and Freeholders of all the Common & undivided Lands & Meadows Lying within the Bounds of sd Tisbury as Derived from the ancient Inhabitants being settled in sixteen Shares, are Determined to Assert Maintain uphold and Pursue the settled order Rights & Priviledges to us belonging against all the usurpers Pretenders underminers of the said settled order and Do now Covenant agree & Ingage to and with Each other for the future Even from & ever after the Date of these Presents to stand by Assist & uphold Each other in the cost & charges that shall arise in or aboat their Rights of Propriaty in sd Commons or undivided Lands or Meadows as aforesaid According to Each Propriators Interest in all causes brought or that may be brought for or against them by any Person or Persons whatsoever Pre- tending to hold any of the sd Lands or meadows in any other way.3
This was subscribed by the shareholders representing the several shares of the original. At a later meeting they
1Manter to Waldron, March 5, 1735. Deeds, VI, 81.
2Ibid., VI, 56.
3Tisbury Records, 132. Meeting was held April 3, 1751.
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voted to employ "one or more Attorney or Attorneys" to act with Jabez Athearn in the maintenance of their legal rights. It is believed that Experience Mayhew also made some pre- tensions to Lordship privileges over the Quansoo region where he lived, as representing the line of John, its first pro- prietor, of which a hint is found in the same town's proceed- ings.2
Nothing further came of it. Experience died in 1758, and two years later Micajah, the last of the Lords of the Manor, was laid to rest with his ancient pretensions.
THE STAMP ACT.
The passage of the Stamp Act by Parliament in 1765, by which the colonists were required to use stamps on all legal documents and newspapers, ranging in value from a half-penny to ten pounds, aroused the people to a practically unanimous resistance, and thus precipitated the campaign against "taxation without representation," which had its final arbitrament by the sword in the Revolutionary struggle. Although Parliament repealed this obnoxious statute the next year, yet it was followed by another in 1767, imposing duties on glass, paper, paints, and tea, the revenue from which was to pay for the billeting of the king's troops in the country. The people were in no better temper to accept this amended form of taxation than before, and Samuel Adams accurately expressed the sentiments of the colonists when he bound him- self with others to "eat nothing, drink nothing, wear nothing" imported from England.
Parliament again receded from its position, and removed the duties from every article except tea, which was placed at a nominal rate, not for the sake of revenue, but to maintain the right of Parliament to impose taxes on the colonies.
News having reached Boston that two regiments were on their way from Halifax for that city, and an officer having been sent by General Gage from New York to provide quar- ters for these troops, a town meeting was held Sept. 12, and Governor Bernard was urgently asked to summon a new General Court. Acting under instructions, the governor re- fused. It was thereupon proposed to hold a convention in Boston - "in consequence of prevailing apprehensions of a war with France" - so they phrased the reason of calling the
1Tisbury Records, 130. Under date of 1749.
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convention, and the meeting advised, significantly enough, all persons to provide themselves with firearms at the earliest moment, and to observe a day of fasting and prayer. Dele- gates from more than a hundred towns met accordingly on the 22d of September, and petitioned the governor to sum- mon a General Court. Bernard refused peremptorily, and besides, denounced their meeting as treasonable. Disclaiming all pretensions to political authority, the convention, after a four days' session, agreed upon a petition to the king, and sent a letter to the province agent in England, to defend themselves against the charge of a rebellious spirit. "Such," says a historical writer, "was the first of those popular con- ventions, destined within a few years to assume the whole political authority of the colonies."1 Chilmark was the only town on the island to send a delegate to this, the first con- vention of the people of the Commonwealth.
The following vote was passed at a town meeting held Sept. 27, 1768 :-
"Voted that Mr. Joseph Mayhew be the Person to join with the Con- vention now Seting in Boston in order that such measures may be Consulted and advised as his majestyes Service and the Peace and Safety of his Sub- jects in this Province may require."
This was the first step in the dissolution of the bonds that fastened the colonies to the home government.
LATER HISTORY.
The political and general history of the Vineyard as a whole, during the subsequent years, merit not much space and but little reference to details. The special events of the French and Indian wars, the Revolution and other military matters, will be dealt with in a separate section. Henceforth, its relations with Massachusetts were no different from that of any other integral part of the Commonwealth, and the legislation for it as a whole was of the ordinary character found in the rest of the laws passed by the General Court. It covers mainly enactments concerning the Indians, taxes, excise, judicial arrangements, and the like, which will be treated under their respective subjects. In a political sense it has no special annals of its own as distinct unto itself. At the adoption of the Federal Constitution in 1788, the county
1Bancroft, "History of the United States," II, 97.
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History of Martha's Vineyard
had two delegates to the convention. In the political divisions of the state, the island was classed with Nantucket and Barn- stable, under the State Constitution of 1780, forming one senatorial district. This situation has existed ever since, and in the one hundred and twenty years of the maintenance of the Union, the Vineyard has furnished the senator in but twenty-eight of them, or less than one quarter of the time. The following is a list of the senators and other general offi- cers who have represented the island in its political affairs from 1780 to 1900: -
SENATORS.
The following named persons have served this county in the State Senate for the district of which this island is a part, since 1780: -
1784 Beriah Norton, (E)
1848 Thomas Bradley, (T)
1787-8-9 Matthew Mayhew, (C)
1852
Daniel Fisher, (E)
I793-4 William Jernegan, (E) 1853 Benjamin Manter, (C)
1799 Benjamin Allen, (T)
1855 Ivory H. Lucas. (E)
1801 Benjamin Allen, (T) 1859-60 Ichabod N. Luce, (E)
1822 Jethro Daggett, (E)
1871-2 Charles Bradley, (T)
1836 Leavitt Thaxter, (E) 1884-5-6 Howes Norris, (C.C.)
1841-2 Thomas Bradley, (T)
1847
Leavitt Thaxter, (E)
1895-6-7-8 William A. Morse, (T)
COUNCILLORS.
The following named persons have served this county as members of the governor's council since 1780: -
1839 Leavitt Thaxter, (E)
1855-6 Daniel Davis,
(E)
1863-4
Samuel Osborne, Jr., (E)
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS.
The following named persons have been elected as presi- dential electors since the adoption of the Constitution: -
1804 John Davis, (T)
1858 John Vincent, (E)
1868 Richard L. Pease. (E)
CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTIONS.
Cornelius Dunham of Tisbury and William Mayhew of Edgartown represented this County in the convention of 1788. Shubael Dunham of Tisbury and Thomas Cooke, Jr., of Edgartown represented this County in the convention of 1820. Alfred Norton of Tisbury, Horatio Warren Tilton of Chilmark and Jeremiah Pease, Jr., of Edgartown represented this County in the convention of 1853.
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The Missionary Mayhews
CHAPTER XIX. THE MISSIONARY MAYHEWS. -
THOMAS MAYHEW, JR.
The first attempt to Christianize the natives of New England took place on Martha's Vineyard, three years before the famous "Apostle" Eliot began his work on the main land. It would be perhaps more interesting, if we could say that this initial essay of the younger Mayhew was undertaken with any deliberate purpose; or that the emigration to the island by the elder Mayhew from the settled portion of the country, had in it any ulterior designs of evangelistic work. The rela- tions with the natives, on the part of the son, were undoubt- edly of a circumstantial nature, and the growth of his interest in their religious development of an unpremeditated kind. This need not minimize his credit in the least, as it cannot lessen our admiration for the fine character of the labor he performed in an unknown field. The beginning of his interest in this sphere of usefulness is thus related by one who knew the subject thoroughly, from original investigation, only a short time after the events narrated, and his narrative will be quoted at length: -
His English Flock being then but small, the Sphere was not large enough for so bright a Star to move in. With great Compassion he beheld the wretched Natives, who then were several thousands on those Islands, perishing in utter Ignorance of the true GOD, and eternal Life, labouring under strange Delusions, Inchantments, and panick Fears of Devils, whom they most passionately worshipped.
He first endeavours to get acquainted with them, and then earnestly applies himself to learn their Language. He treats them in a condescend- ing and friendly manner. He denys himself, and does his utmost to ob- ligue and help them. He takes all Occasions to insinuate and show the sincere and tender Love and Goodwill he bare them; and as he grows in their Acquaintance and Affection, he proceeds to express his great Con- cern and Pity for their immortal Souls. He tells them of their deplorable Condition under the Power of malicious Devils, who not only kept them in Ignorance of those earthly good things, which might render their Lives in this World much more comfortable, but of those also which might bring them to eternal Happiness in the World to come; what a kind and mighty God the English served, and how the Indians might happily come into his Favour and Protection.
The first Indian that embraced the Motion of forsaking their false Gods, and adoring the true one, was Hiacoomes, which was in the Year
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1643; an Account of whom we therefore have in the first of the foregoing Examples, 'This Indian living near the English Settlement, quickly grew into an Acquaintance with them. And being a Man of a sober, thought- ful, and ingenuous Spirit, he not only visited their Houses, but also their publick and religious Meetings; at which time Mr. Mayhew took par- ticular Notice of him, discoursed often with him, invited him to his House every Lord's-day at Evening, gave him a clear Account of the Nature, Reasonableness, and Importance of the Christian Faith, and quickly brought him to a firm and resolute Adherence to it.
Mr. Mayhew having gained Hiacoomes, he first imploys him as a faithful Instrument to prepare his Way to the rest of the Natives, in- structing him more and more in this new Religion, showing him how to recommend it to them, and answer all their Arguments and Objections against it. And then in 1644, he proceeds to visit and discourse them himself, carrying a greater and more irresistible Light and Evidence with him. And whereas at first he could not hope to be heard in publick, he therefore begins to instruct them in a more private way, sometimes going to the Houses of those he esteemed most rational and well qualified, and at other times treating with particular Persons.1
And as Mr. Mayhew endeavoured the Good of those Heathens, by discoursing with as many as were willing to have any Conference with him so with Hiacoomes in particular, whom he from time to time directed to communicate the Knowledge received to those that Mr. Mayhew could not so easily meet with. And thus they united their Counsels, and wrought together, and by the Blessing of GOD soon gained som others.
But that which especially favoured the Progress of Religion among them, was a universal Sickness, wherewith they were visited the following Year;2 (1645) wherein it was observed by the Heathen Indians themselves, that those who hearkene to Mr. Mayhew's pious Instructions did not taste so deeply of it, and Hiacoomes and his Family in a manner nothing at all. This put the Natives who lived within six Miles of the English, upon serious Consideration about this Matter, being much affected, that he who had professed the Christian Religion, and had thereby exposed himself to much Reproach and Trouble, should receive more Blessings than they: where upon Myoxco the chief Man of that Place, and Towan- quatick the Sagamore, (a sovereign Prince), with many others sent for Hiacoomes to tell them what he knew of the God which the English wor- shipped.
At this very Meeting, which was in 1646, Myoxeo was happily en- lightened, and turned to chuse and acknowledge this God for his own; and Towanquatick soon after, encouraged by some others, desired Mr. Mayhew to give them a publick Meeting, to make known to them the Word of GOD in their own Tongue: and, among other Incitements, addressed him thus,- You shall be to us as one that stands by a running River, filling many Vessels; even so shall you fill us with everlasting Knowl- edge. So Mr. Mayhew undertook to give them a Meeting once a Month;
1" Some of them could not endure the light he brought;" wrote Mayhew, while "some were more attentive to hear and more ready to follow the truth." (Whitfield, "Light Appearing," p. 5.)
2Mayhew called it "a very strange disease," and "laid the cause of all their wants, sickness, and death upon their departing from their old heathenish ways." (Ibid., p. 4.)
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but as soon as the first Exercise was over, they desired it oftener than he well could attend: however, once a Fortnight was the settled Course; and this was the first publick Audience among them, so from thence both Mr. Mayhew on the Week-days Lecture, and Hiacoomes on the Sabbaths, were constantly heard in publick as long as they lived.1
A letter from the young missionary, the first which he wrote upon the subject which has been preserved, will repay perusal in full, to show how he expressed himself on the pro- gress and methods at this time. It was written in the late fall of 1647, three years after the conversion of Hiacoomes: -
Sir: The encouragements I have met withall touching the Indians conversion, next unto God's glory, and his gracious promises, was the notable reason, judgment, and capacitie that God hath given unto many of them, as also their zealous enquiry after true happi- ness, together with the knowledge I had of their Mr. Mayhew's letter from Capawack Novem. 18, 1647. tongue, besides severall providences which had ad- vantaged my progresse therein, as for instance: -
I. There was one Iesogat, about 60 years of age, who was sick of a consuming disease, inasmuch as the Indian Paw- wawes, gave him over for a dead man: - Upon such as cure by devillish sorcery and to whom the devil appears sometimes. which resolution of all the Pawwawees in the Island, the sick distressed Heathen upon a Lord's day came unto mee, (the rest of the English being present), to desire me to pray unto God for him: And when I had, by reasoning with him, convinced him of the weaknesse and wicked- nesse of the Pawwawees power; and that if health were to be found, it must be had from him that gave life and health and all things; I recom- mended this case unto the Lord, whereof he rejoyced, gave me thanks, and he speedily recovered unto his former strength.
2. In this present year, 1647, the eldest sonne of one Pakapanessue, a great Sagamore of the Island, being very sick, took occasion to send for me to come unto him: and when I came unto him, I found him not more weak in body, than strong in earnest desire that I should pray unto God for him; so I instructed him and prayed for him: And when I had ended, of his own accord he spake these words: - Taubot mannit nuh quam Covin,2 viz: I thank thee God, - I am heavy to sleep; and so I left hold- ing forth good affections: - But shortly after he was changed altogether, and contrary to the perswasion of other Indians, of severall Townes, sought unto witches. The Heathen seeing this, they forsook the wigwam,3 saying, We leave the house for the Devill, and them that would tarry; this newse being brought to me, I much marvailled at, yet sent him this message, viz. Tell Saul, (for the sick man was by the English so called,) that when I was with 3 The Indians so call their homes. him, I thought, as I then told him, that be would live, because he sought for life unto the living God, where if any where it was to be found; but tell him now, that I think he will dye. I also added the example of Ahaziah, who because he had the knowledge
1Rev. Thomas Prince, in " Indian Converts," 280-292.
2The last word is a misprint for koueu, meaning, he sleeps. The letter was printed in London, and the spelling of Algonguian words was not an art at that time.
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of the great God, and sought the inferiour God, God was angry with him, and killed with him: And so for that this Saul was informed of the true God, and is fallen from him to the earthen gods here below; that God will kill him also; and so it shortly came to passe.
3. Not long after a Sagamore,1 called Towanquattick, had his eldest sonne whose name is Sachachanimo, very sick of a Feaver; this young
man sent for to come unto him, and when I came his father 1A Prince or ruler amongst them. and himself desired me to pray for him, the which I did in their owne language, and promised to come againe unto him shortly if he mended not, and use some other means also for his recovery; when I came again unto him, I found him very ill, asked him (together with his friends) whether they were willing I should let him blood? acquainting them that we used so to do in such cases. After some consideration, they consented thereto, notwithstanding the Pawaws had told them before, that he should dye, because he sought not unto them; so I bound his arme, and with my Pen-knife let him blood, he bled freely, but was exceeding faint, which made the Heathen very sad, but in a short time, he began to be very cheerfull, whereat they much rejoyced, &c. So I left them, and it pleased the Lord the man was in a short time after very well.
In these Providences, the Lord has manifested both mercy and judg- ment, and it is, that he may raise up the Tabernacle of David, that is fallen, and close up the breaches thereof, and raise up its ruines, and build it as in days of old, that they may preserve the covenant of Edom, and all of the Heathen, which are called by name, saith the Lord that doeth this.
But I pray you take notice of a speech of Towanquattick, (being the father of the young man recovered), who lamented the losse of his knowl- ege, said unto me,2 That a long time agon, they had wise men,
Speech wor-
2 an Indian which in a grave manner taught the people knowlege, but they are dead, and their wisdome is buried with them: and now men thy of con- lead a giddy life in ignorance. till they are white headed, and sideration. though ripe in years, yet they go without wisdome unto their graves. He also told me that he wondered the English could be almost thirty years in the Country, and the Indians fools still, but he hoped the time of knowledge was now to come; wherefore himself, with others desired me to give them an Indian meeting, to make known the word of God unto them in their own tongue. And when he came to me to accomplish his desire thereabouts, he told me I should be to them, as one that stands by a running River, filling many vessels;3 even so 3 The better sort of them are full of such like ex- pression af- fecting to speak Par- should I fill them with everlasting knowledge. So I undertook to give them a meeting once a moneth; but as soon as the first exercise was ended, they desired it oftener than I could well attend, but once a fortnight is our settled course. This I present to your consideration, entreating you to present us unto the Lord for wisdome to preach unto the Heathen the ables. unsearchable riches of Christ, so that the root of Iesse stand- ing for an Ensigne of the people, the Gentiles may seek unto it, and his rest shall be glorious, Amen.
Yours in the best Bond, Tho: Mayhew, junior. Great Harbour on the Vineyard 18 of the 9, 1647.1
1Glorious Progress of the Gospel, etc., London, 1649.
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These tactics employed by the young missionary were very clever in their conception, and successful in their execu- tion. He was pitting his skill in medicine against the crude methods of the Pawwaws, and he could combine the religious with the scientific to the advantage of his new theology. By his own admission he saved one of the sick men by blood- letting, while the other who died was given up because he had not forsaken completely the Pawwaws. It was a case where Mayhew could win either way, but we will not be too critical of his methods, for he was trying a new field, never cultivated before, and it was, perhaps, allowable for him to resort to a little subterfuge to arouse his subjects to the idea that these "medicine men" were but little better than sorcerers, without common knowledge of the diseases they professed to treat. It was doubtless the quickest way to gain a standing amongst them, for the curing of disease was the most revered of quali- ties in their Pawwaws. Upon this point the author of the account of the beginnings of the missions, which has been quoted already, says: -
However, Mr. Mayhew here met with three very great Obstacles: for, (1) Many strongly stood for their own Meetings, Ways, and Customs, as being in their account more advantageous and agreeable than ours, wherein they have nothing but talking and praying, and this in a manner too still and sober for them. (2). Others alledged that the Sagamores were gen- erally against the new Way. But the (3.) and greatest of all was, how they should come off from the Pawaws. This was the strongest Cord that bound them; for the Pawaws, by their diabolical Sorceries, kept them in the most slavish Fear and Subjection to them.
The Sagamore Towanquatick was exceeding malign'd by them, and in 1647 his Life was villanously attempted for his favouring the Christian Religion: but his great Deliverance, with a due Reflection on the Villany the rather confirmed him in it, and inflamed him with the more active Zeal to espouse and assert it; and the Meeting went on to the Joy of some Indians, and the Envy of the rest, who derided and scoffed at those who attended the Lecture, and blasphemed the God whom they worshipped, which very much damped the Spirits of some for a time in his Ways, and hindered others from looking towards them. But Towanquatick and Hia- coomes were inspired with a wonderful Courage and Constancy: And in the following Year (1647) had a general Meeting of all that were inclined for Christianity to confirm and assist one another in their abiding by it.
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