USA > Massachusetts > Dukes County > Marthas Vineyard > The history of Martha's Vineyard, Dukes County, Massachusetts, Volume I > Part 6
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50
THE LANDING OF GOSNOLD, 1602.
With our succeeding navigator, Bartholomew Gosnold, we are getting upon sure ground, as his voyage is so well 1Brodhead, History of New York, I, 57; comp., Historical Magazine, II, 99; Mag- azine of American History, February 1893, p. 91.
59
History of Martha's Vineyard
described by two journalists, that we may follow him from his port of departure, "upon the five and twentieth of March, 1602, being Friday," when he set sail "from Falmouth, be- ing in all two and thirty persons, in a small barke of Dart- mouth, called the Concord, holding a course for the north part of Virginia," as all this region was then called. Of the personality of this early discoverer, but little has been known, until recent years, when, through the investigations of an antiquarian, his lineage has been established, and we now know that he was the son and heir of Anthony Gosnold of Grundisburgh, in the county of Suffolk, and of the older family of Gosnold of Otley in the same county.1 His mother was Dorothy, daughter of George and Margaret Bacon of Hessett, county of Suffolk, and through this connection he was related to the well known Nathaniel Bacon, the "rebel" of Virginia, although they were of different generations, and distant kindred comprised the distinguished names of Sir Nicholas Bacon and his more famous son, known as Lord Bacon, "the wisest, brightest, meanest of mankind." An- other relative connected with early American colonization was Edward Maria Wingfield, Governor of Virginia in 1607, when Gosnold was a resident of that colony. The wife of Captain Gosnold was Catherine Barrington, thought to be the daughter of Sir Thomas Barrington of Hatfield, county of Essex, and thus it will be seen that he was of the best stock in England at that time; but his fame does not rest upon this aggregation of distinguished names, for his own eminent services to his country are enough to place him above the reflected glory of kith and kin, however celebrated. This dauntless pioneer, who sailed the shorter route across the Atlantic, discovered, or at least named the Elizabeth islands and founded the first settlement of white men on our shores, has a personality of his own, which we are glad to recognize, in view of his intimate connection with the beginnings of the definite history of Martha's Vineyard.
Of his voyage hither, his journalist says that it was long- er than expected, notwithstanding they made a direct course from the Azores, because the bark was "weake" and the sailors few, and "our going upon an unknowen coast made us not over-bolde to stand in with the shore." On Friday, the 14th of May, early in the morning, they made land, nearly
1J. Henry Lea in Genealogical Register, LVI, 402, et seq.
60
Early Voyages of Discovery
six weeks after leaving Falmouth, and they found their fall along a shore marked by low hummocks, full of "fair trees," and reaches of white sand.1 At noon Gosnold anchored, when "sixe Indians, in a Baske shallop with mast and saile, an iron grapple, and a kettle of copper, came boldly abord us, one of them apparrelled with a wastcoat and breeches of black serdge, made after our sea-fashion, hose and shoes on his feet; all the rest (saving one that had a paire of breeches of blue cloth) were all naked." It seemed that some fisher- men of St. Jean de Luz, as they supposed, had been trading or fishing there at some time previous.2 Gosnold weighed anchor at three in the afternoon, and standing on a souther- ly course the rest of the day and the night following, they found themselves in the morning "embayed with a mightie headland," and at nine o'clock Gosnold anchored and went ashore with four of the ship's company and marched "all that afternoon with our muskets on our necks." They found this headland to be a part of the main land. During their absence the crew had busied themselves with catching fish, and "had pestered our ship so with Cod fish that we threw numbers of them over-bord againe." In commemoration of this event, Gosnold named the place "Cape Cod," a name it has ever since borne.
"From this place," continues the narrator, "we sailed round about this headland, almost all points of the compasse, the shore very bolde; but as no coast is free from dangers, so I am persuaded, this is as free as any; the land somewhat low, full of goodly woods, but in some places plaine; at length we were come amongst many faire Islands, which we had partly discerned at our first landing; all lying within a league or two one of another, and the outermost not above sixe or seven leagues from the maine." It is evident that Gosnold had doubled Cape Cod and coursed along in Nantucket sound and gone outside, through Muskeget channel, as the safest direction, to prevent a possible entrance into a bay with uncertain water.
The narrative continues: "But comminge to an anker under one of these (i. e., islands), which was about three or foure leagues from the maine, Captaine Gosnold, myselfe,
1This landfall was about the region of Cape Ann. Pring, in the narrative of his voyage the next year (1603), says: "We bare into that great Gulfe which Captaine Gosnold overshot the yerre before" (Massachusetts Bay).
2S. Jean de Luz is a little fishing port on the Bay of Biscay, on the French coast, almost to the Spanish frontier. Doubtless many of these hardy, but unknown mariners, had made unrecorded voyages to our coast for years prior to 1600.
61
History of Martha's Vineyard
and some others, went ashore, and going round about it, we found it to be foure English miles in compasse, without house or inhabitant, saving a little, old house made of boughes, covered with barke, an old piece of a weare of the Indians, to catch fish, and one or two places where they had made fires." This was the present Noman's Land which they explored, but in the margin of the text is this legend, opposite this description: "The first Island called Marthæs Vineyard." Thus appears for the first time in any printed or written rec- ord the name which is now attached to our island. The journalist then describes the flora and fauna of this islet, noting "an incredible store of Vines, as well in the woodie part of the Island, where they run upon every tree, as upon the outward parts, that we could not goe for treading upon them."
He then speaks of "a great standing lake of fresh water, neere the sea side, an English mile in compasse, which is mainteined with the springs running exceeding pleasantly thorow the woodie grounds, which are very rockie." It is only fair to say that no such "lake" now exists on Noman's Land, and it may be that Gosnold's journalist was drawing on his imagination for the benefit of the English reading pub- lic, or that the narration was purposely erroneous to deceive rival navigators of the French and Spanish nations. It will be understood that at this time there was great jealousy among the maritime peoples as to priority of discovery, and each explorer was bound to mislead the competing captains of his rivals, and it was a common thing for them to give wrong latitude and other points for this purpose.1 It is still a ques- tion in the mind of the author whether Gosnold did not really land on the Vineyard proper, and so confuse his narrative to the end that others might not profit by it, except in a general way. Indeed, his description of "another island" so fits the topographical conditions of the south side of the Vineyard that one can hardly refrain from declaring it to be a true state- ment of the case. He says: "From hence (i. e., the first or Noman's Land) we went to another Island to the Northwest of this, and within a league or two of the maine, which we found to be greater than before we imagined, being 16 Eng- lish miles at the least in compasse; for it conteineth many pieces or necks of land, which differ nothing from severall
1 Brereton says the latitude was 43, which would take us up to Portsmouth, N. H. The actual latitude of Cape Cod is 41.32 to 42.05.
62
Early Voyages of Discovery
Islands, saving that certeine banks of small bredth do like bridged joyne them to this Island." The necks running into the south beach never had a more picturesque descrip- tion than this. Opposite this, however, in the margin, is the legend "Elizabeths Island," and we must suppose that Cuttyhunk is intended, but making all due allowance for the contour of that island, sand spits and all, the circum- ference of it is not half of sixteen miles credited to the one he was describing. But the Vineyard is greater, and rough- ly speaking, about sixty miles in circumference, and the ques- tion arises, did the journalist mean sixteen or sixty "English miles, at the least, in compasse"? He goes on further: "On the northwest side of this island, neere to the sea side, is a standing Lake of fresh water, almost three English miles in compasse, in the middest whereof stands a plot of woodie ground, an acre in quantitie, or not above." The pond on Cuttyhunk is supposed to be referred to here, though it is stated to be on the island sixteen miles, at least, in circum- ference, while the pond itself is only about a mile and three- quarters in circumference, following all its windings. These variations from the actual measurements will give some idea of the difficulty of arriving at certain conclusions from the narratives of the early voyagers.
On May 24, they set sail and doubled the cape of an- other island next to the one first explored, and this they called Dover Cliff, which undoubtedly refers to Gay Head, "and then came into a fair sound, where we rode all night." The next day the company went on an errand of investigation and "discovered" another cape that lay northwest of this, "between us and the main, from which were a ledge of rocks a mile into the sea," a description that well fits Cuttyhunk and the Sow and Pigs reef. They went about this and came to anchor in eight fathoms, "a quarter of a mile from the shore, in one of the stateliest sounds that ever I was in. This we called Gosnold's Hope, the North Bank whereof is the main, which stretcheth east and west." This is the present Buzzards Bay, which they explored to some extent, and re- turned to the ship for the night. "Now the next day," the narrative continues, "we determined to fortifie ourselves in the little plot of ground in the midst of the Lake above mentioned, where we built an house and covered it with sedge, which grew about this lake in great abundance; in building whereof, we spent three weeks and more."
63
History of Martha's Vineyard
Their intercourse with the natives was of a pacific char- acter, the simple savages coming freely to them for the pur- pose of trading his furs and copper ornaments for such trinkets as the company had, knives, cloths, and articles of personal adornment. A party of fifty came at first, after some cer- emony, including the exchange of presents; when these formalities were finished, Captain Gosnold "sent for meat aboord our shallop, and gave them such meats as we then had readie dressed, whereof they misliked nothing but our mustard, whereat they made many a sowre face." The rest of that day was spent in trading with them for furs, "which are Beavers, Luzernes, Marterns, Otters, Wild-Cat skinnes, very large and deepe furre, blacke foxes, Conie skinnes, of the colour of our Hares, but somewhat lesse, Deere skinnes very large, Seale skinnes, and other beast skinnes to us unknowen." These Indians staid about their island for three days, retir- ing every night "to the furthermost part of our island, two or three miles from our fort," which would land them into the sea, if they really went that distance, as the island is barely two miles long at its extreme limits.
During the rest of their stay there the company gathered sassafras root, in which they were assisted by the natives, and loaded their vessel with this product of the new country. At that time the roots were worth three shillings a pound, and it was a valuable commodity. The climate was entire- ly satisfactory to them, as Brereton states that "we found our health & strength all the while we remained there, so to renew and increase, as notwithstanding our diet and lodg- ing was none of the best, yet none of our Company (God be thanked) felt the least grudging or inclination to any disease or sickness, but were much fatter and in better health than when we went out of England." The middle of June had arrived and their vessel had been filled with skins, furs, sas- safras, cedar, and other commodities, and part of them de- sired to return. "Some of our company," continues the journalist, "that had promised captaine Gosnold to stay, having nothing but a saving voyage in their minds, made our company of inhabitants (which was small enough before) much smaller; so as captaine Gosnold, seeing his whole strength to consist but of twelve men, and they but meanly provided, determined to returne for England, leaving this island (which he called Elizabeths Island) with as many true sorrowful eies, as were before desirous to see it. So the 18 of June
64
Early Voyages of Discovery
being Friday, we weighed, and with indifferent faire winde and weather came to anker the 23 of July, being also Fri- day (in all, bare five weeks) before Exmouth." The voy- age from port to port was exactly four months, of which over half was spent on the ocean, and exploring, but short as was their stay in this region it is generally regarded as the true beginning of the history of New England.1
Gosnold never returned to the scene of this first settle- ment on our shores. He was afterwards second in command of the little fleet which set sail for Virginia on Dec. 20, 1606, under Captain Christopher Newport, and he became a member of "His Majestie's Counsel of His First Colony in Virginia." He died there on Aug. 22, 1607, and his bones lie in some nameless grave about Jamestown. Little or nothing is known of the subsequent history of John Brere- ton, the historian of the voyage, unless he be the same person who was convicted of manslaughter in 1611, and pardoned, or the John Brereton who applied for a license in 1613 to keep an inn at Chester. The known members of the com- pany, besides those already mentioned, were Bartholomew Gilbert, second officer; Robert Saltern, who was afterwards a clergyman; Gabriel Archer, gentleman and journalist; John Angel, William Streete, Robert Meriton and Tucker.
In 1903, in commemoration of the ter-centennial of the events above described, several gentlemen interested in his- torical matters, erected a granite shaft on Cuttyhunk, which should be a beacon for mariners, and a memorial of the first settlement of Englishmen in New England.
CHAMPLAIN'S VOYAGE, 1606.
The next voyager to visit our island was the celebrated Frenchman, Samuel Champlain, who has perpetuated his name in one of the largest and most beautiful of the New Eng- land lakes. In 1606, he skirted along the coast, doubled Cape Cod, which he had christened Cap Malebarre, and made a harbor inside of Monomoy. Here he anchored in Oyster Bay, drew an excellent chart of the haven and road-
1 The original authorities on this voyage are: Brereton's "A Briefe and true Relation of the Discoverie of the North part of Virginia &c," London, 1602; and Ga- briel Archer's Relation of Captain Gosnold's Voyage to the north part of Virginia, begun ...... 1602, &c.," in Purchas, his Pilgrimes, vol. IV, London, 1625; reprinted in 3 Mass. Hist. Coll., VIII, Boston, 1843.
65
History of Martha's Vineyard
stead, and had a sharp conflict with the natives. Then he sailed on and thus narrates his progress westward:
After having gone some six or seven leagues (about twenty miles), we sighted an island which we named La Soupçonneuse, because, in the distance, we had several times thought it was not an island.
From the low decks of their small shallops they were not able to distinguish the natural features of the land and water sufficiently to demonstrate between the main, the islands, penin- sulas, tidal inlets, and rivers, and so, in their quandary, as they approached the unknown island, Champlain christened the Indian Nope as La Soupognneuse, meaning "the sus- picious" literally, or freely translated "the doubtful." Thence they passed by the Chops and Woods Hole, where Champlain, noticing the strong tidal outflow concluded it to be the mouth of a river, and gave his name to it as such. Our island has thus a third name to its credit, La Soupçonneuse.
BLOCK'S AND CHRISTIAENSEN'S VOYAGES, 1611-1614.
Subsequent years brought the adventurous Dutchmen into the field of colonial enterprise, and the next exploration of this region was made by Hendrick Christiaensen of Cleves, near Nymegen, who, with Adriæn Block, sailed for Manhat- tan about 1611, and having successfully accomplished the voyage, were sent back again in the next year. Block Island is a memorial of this hardy navigator from Holland.1
In 1614, Block again sailed upon this coast, and explored Buzzards Bay, and in the course of his narrative describes the large "white and clayey" island commonly called "Tex- el" by tbe Dutch cartographers, in honor of one of the West Friesian islands off the coast of the Netherlands, which was probably applied to the Vineyard by Block himself. South of Texel he observed a small island, which he furnished with the name of his old companion, Hendrick Christiaensen, and for years after, in the old maps of Dutch make, this mari- ner's name is given to Noman's Land.
It is more than probable that many of these voyagers landed upon this island, now known by the name of Martha's Vineyard, in the course of their explorations, but the record of it has not come down to us. In the case of the Dutch
'Wassenaar, Historische Verhael, etc., VIII, 85. Christiaensen afterwards made ten voyages to Manhattan ..
66
Early Voyages of Discovery
they had a definite object in view, the settlement of Manhat- tan island, and did not undertake to investigate other places, except incidentally.
CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH, 1614.
The next explorer to engage our attention is the redoubt- able John Smith, the "Captain" John who had so many romantic adventures in Virginia, in 1607 and 1608, of which the Pocahontas incident is the most famous. Captain Smith, after his return to London, interested some merchants of that city in an expedition which he projected for the explora- tion of the northern Atlantic coast, and in 1614 he set sail with a small number of vessels, having under him, among other masters, a Captain Hunt, in command of the "Long Robert." Smith sailed along the New England coast from Penobscot to Cape Cod, and after finishing his voyage, he returned home, leaving this Hunt to continue the work. It appears that Captain Hunt must have gone around the cape, perhaps in the region of Chatham or the south shore about Monomoy, where he found opportunity to surprise and capture about two dozen of the natives who had come aboard his ship. Smith thus comments upon this act of treachery :-
But one Thomas Hunt, the Master of this ship (when I was gone), thinking to prevent the intent I had to make there a Plantation, thereby to keepe this abounding Countrey still in obscuritie, that onely he and some few Merchants might enjoy wholly the Trade and profit of this Countrey, betraied foure and twenty of those poore Salvages aboord his ship; and most dishonestly and inhumanely, for their kinde usage of me and all our men, carried them with him to Maligo, and there for a little private gaine sold those silly Salvages for Rialls of eight; but this vilde act kept him ever after from any more emploiment in those parts.'
Accounts differ as to the precise place where this kidnap- ping affair occurred. Smith, who wrote nearer the time of the event, states that "at Capawe(k) they tooke Cone- conam and Epenow," while Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who prepared his narrative of his Colonial adventures more than two score years after, says that the capture took place "upon the main."? It is not very material to us, except that it has
1Generall Historie, VI, 205.
2Gardiner in his "New England's Vindication" says: ". .. and one Hunt at the end of his voyage, in the Long-Robert betrayed 22 of the Natives aboard his ship, carried them for Spain, to sell them for slaves; (an Ill act) they would not work; the Spaniards refused them; brought for England; Hunt taken by the Turks coming home. (p. 2.)
67
History of Martha's Vineyard
a particular bearing on our local history, for one of the pris- oners was a Vineyard native, named Epenow, or Appanow, and his subsequent adventures form an extended story in Gorges' book. It will be best to let that author present the facts about this savage in his own words:
While I was laboring by what means I might best continue life in my languishing hopes, there comes one Captain Henry Harley unto me, bringing with him a native of the island of Capawick, a place seated to the southward of Cape Cod, whose name was Epenowe, a person of a goodly stature, strong and well proportioned. This man was taken upon the main with some twenty-nine others, by a ship of London, that endeav- oured to sell them for slaves in Spain; but being understood that they were Americans, and found to be unapt for their uses, they would not meddle with them, this being one of them they refused. Wherein they expressed more worth than those that brought them to the market, who could not but know that our nation was at. that time in travail for settling of Christian colonies upon that continent, it being an act tending to our prejudice, when we came into that part of the countries, as it shall further appear. How Captain Harley came to be possessed of this savage, I know not; but I understood by others how he had been showed in London for a wonder. It is true (as I Have said) he was a goodly man, of a brave aspect, stout, and sober in his demeanor, and had learned so much Eng- lish as to bid those that wondered at him "Welcome! Welcome!" this being the last and best use they could make of him, that was not grown out of the people's wonder.
At the time this new savage came unto me, I had recovered Assa- cumet, one of the natives I sent with Captain Chalownes in his unhappy employment, with whom I lodged Epenow, who at first hardly understood one another's speech; 'til after a while I perceived the difference was no more than that of ours is between the Northern and Southern people; so that I was a little eased in the use I made of my old servant, whom I engaged to give an account of what he learned by conference between themselves, and he as faithfully performed it. Being fully satisfied of what he was able to say, and the time of making ready drawing on, fol- owing my pretended designs, I thought it became me to acquaint the thrice honoured Lord of Southampton with it, for that I knew the Captain had some relation to his Lordship, and I not willing in those days to under- take any matter extraordinary without his Lordship's advice; who ap- proved of it so well that he adventured one hundred pounds in that em- ployment, and his Lordship being at that time commander of the Isle of Wight, where the Captain had his abiding place under his Lordship, out of his nobleness was pleased to furnish me with some of his land sol- diers, and to commend to me a grave gentleman, one Captain Hobson, who was willing to go to that voyage and to adventure one hundred pounds himself. To him I gave the command of the ship, all things being ready, and our company came together, attending for a fair wind. They set sail in June, in anno 1614, being fully instructed how to demean them- selves in every kind, carrying with them Epenow, Assacomet, and We- nape, another native of those parts, sent to me out of the Isle of Wight
68
Early Voyages of Discovery
for my better information in the parts of the country of his knowledge. When, as it pleased God that they were arrived upon the coast, they were piloted from place to place by the natives as well as their hearts could desire. And coming to the harbor where Epenow was to make good his undertaking, the principal inhabitants of the place came aboard, some of them being his brothers, others his near cousins; who, after they had com- muned together, were kindly entertained by the Captain, departed in their canoes, promising the next morning to come aboard again and bring some trade with them. But Epenow privately (as it appeared) had contracted with his friends how he might make his escape without performing what he had undertaken, being in truth no more than he had told me he was to do, though with loss of life; for otherwise, if it were found that he had discovered the secrets of his country, he was sure to have his brains knocked out as soon as he came ashore. For that cause I gave the Captain strict charge to endeavor by all means to prevent his escaping from them; and for the more surety, I gave order to have three gentlemen of my own kin- dred (two brothers of Sturton's and Master Matthews) to be ever at hand with him, clothing him with long garments, fitly to be laid hold on if oc- casion should require. Notwithstanding, all his friends being all come at the time appointed with twenty canoes, and lying at a certain distance with their bows ready, the Captain calls to them to come aboard; but they not moving, he speaks to Epenow to come unto him where he was, in the forecastle of the ship. He then being in the waist of the ship, between two of the gentlemen that had him in guard, starts suddenly from them and coming to the Captain, calls to his friends in English to come aboard; in the 'nterim slips himself overboard, and although he was taken hold of by one of the company, yet being a strong, heavy man, could not be stayed, and was no sooner in the water but the natives sent such a shower of arrows, and withal came so desperately near the ship, that they carried him away in despite of all the musketeers aboard, who were for the num- ber as good as our nation did afford."1
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.