USA > Massachusetts > The history of Massachusetts, from its earliest settlement to the present time > Part 17
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On the meeting of the legislature in October, Governor Hancock presented to that body-the new Federal Constitution, then recently adopted, after a stormy and protracted session, by the convention previously appointed. This consti- tution had been, in September, laid before
292
HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS. [1788.
congress, which, after considerable hesitation and debate, forwarded a copy of it to the several legislatures, with a recommendation that state conventions should be called to decide upon its adoption or rejection. For securing its adoption, the consent of nine states was necessary. Pur- suant to the request of congress, the general court called a state convention, and notified the towns to elect delegates.
With regard to the action of this convention, which met at Boston in January, 1788, much anxiety was manifested by the friends of the federal constitution throughout the confederacy. Of the three hundred and sixty delegates com- posing it, there was considerable doubt whether more than a very small majority, if even that, were in favour of the new compact. But after a discussion of several weeks, the arguments of its friends so far prevailed as to procure its adoption by the slender majority of nineteen votes. Many amendments, subject, however, to the approval of three-fourths of the states, had, in the mean time, been made, several of which were subsequently embodied in the constitution.
Though in June, 1788, by the adoption of the federal constitution in the states of Virginia and New Hampshire, that instrument was rendered binding on the confederacy, the discussion which , had sprung up with regard to its necessity, its merits and its demerits, continued to be warmly
293
1788.] FERVID POLITICAL DISCUSSIONS.
and ably managed. All minor questions of local politics became forgotten or were absorbed into this new ground of difference ; and two extensive and powerful parties, destined to act conspicuous parts in the great drama of popular government, rose rapidly into notice. Throughout the entire confederacy, there was a numerous and respect- able body of citizens who, though feeling them- selves bound to acquiesce, for the time being, in the will of the majority of their countrymen, did not cease to urge earnestly, and with much force, their objections to the newly-created bond of union. On the other hand, the friends of that compact were equally warm and zealous in urg- ing its practicability and fitness for all the ends of wise and judicious government.
Whilst the war of independence was being waged, political asperity was very great. Mea- sures of public policy, during that excited period, frequently involved the fortunes, liberties, and even lives of those who opposed or abetted them. It was now difficult, therefore, for partisans to throw aside those habits of rancorous contention to which they had been accustomed, and to pur- sue that peaceful line of argument demanded by the new order of things, and by which alone the internal difficulties of popular governments should be adjusted. But, passionate as were the discussions then carried on between parties, and violent as many isolated outbreaks of feeling
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294
HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS.
[1788.
appear to have been, yet the sterling good sense of the people was never so far perverted as to wholly justify the fears of anarchy and consequent ruin which we find expressed by many prominent and patriotic individuals of that day.
Of the parties formed at this time, that friendly to the constitution styled itself, and was popu- larly so called, the Federal party. That based upon its opposition to some of the principles of the new compact, was, for a short period, known as the Anti-Federal party. From the first, however, its members appear to have disclaimed that title, on the ground that they were not inimical to a truly federal government ; and a few years later, when the original points of dif- ference were fast being obliterated, and the popularity of the new constitution completely confirmed, they assumed the name of Repub- licans. Their principal objections to the federal instrument were, that the powers intrusted to the president and to congress were too exten- sive; and that those powers were secured only by weakening the rights of the individual states. In both parties, as they thus stood, were extreme members ;- ultra Federalists contending that the constitution was not yet centralizing enough, and that too much power had been left to the states and to the people ; and ultra Republicans declaring that the action of the convention which formed the constitution was unauthorized, and
295
CONSTITUTION AMENDED.
1789.]
that nothing more had been designed in calling that convention than a mere revision or amend- ment of the old articles of confederation.
Though parties were about equally balanced- so nearly so, at least, as to render it doubtful at first.which was the most powerful-no general desire was ever evinced to abrogate the consti- tution. In Virginia, however, where the re- publican party held an undoubted majority, and where the talent and wealth of the state, headed by the celebrated Patrick Henry, were arrayed on its side, it was proposed that another general convention should be called to revise the lately created compact. This proposition was seconded by New York. But no other states could be in- duced to unite with them; for, as was justly thought even by many of the republican party, such a convention would revive unneces- sary discussion, increase the feeling of ani- mosity, and, perhaps, result in the destruction of the instrument it proposed to amend. Con- sequently, it was deemed advisable that all amendments should be referred to congress, which body, in 1789, adopted twelve out of six- teen that were offered.
By the adoption of these amendments, much of the partisan asperity of the day was mode- - rated. Still the period was one of excitement. Massachusetts, however, remained comparatively quiet. She earlier, perhaps, than her sister
296
HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS.
[1793.
states, began to experience the good effects of the changed order of things. Her manufactures and her commerce immediately revived; and, in general, the interests of her people were happily promoted. Though greatly in debt, and still labouring · under a heavy burden of taxes, which the assumption of certain state debts by the federal government had but slightly allevi- ated, she yet seemed to have entered upon a new and fresh existence; and for several years her course was unmarked by any thing but peace
and prosperity. Under the administration of Governor Hancock, who for six successive years -from 1787 to 1793 inclusive-was chosen chief magistrate of the state by large majorities, many wise laws, calculated to promote the ad- vancement of agriculture, manufactures, and education, were proposed and adopted. Politi- cally, the state leaned to the federal side. Her governor was a moderate member of that party. Her men of talent and wealth, unlike those of Virginia, were generally Federalists ; and in the first election for congressional representatives under the new constitution, that party had gained a decided triumph. In those districts, however, which had been the seat of Shay's rebellion, the Republicans closely and, in some instances, suc- cessfully contested the political supremacy.
In the month of October, 1793, Governor Hancock died while in office. He had been
297
ADAMS CHOSEN GOVERNOR.
1794.]
long in the public service, and had given repeated proofs of his devotion to the welfare and liberty of his state and country. His name stood con- spicuous among those who, in the Declaration of Independence, had pledged for their country's sake." their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honours." And now, forgetting their differences and their prejudices, all parties joined in lament- ing his death as a national calamity.
After the death of Hancock, Samuel Adams, then lieutenant-governor, occupied the chief magistracy during the remainder of the civil year. In 1794, he was chosen governor by the people, and continued to hold that office until 1797.
One of the first duties devolving upon Gover- nor Adams, after taking the chair vacated by Mr. Hancock's death, was that of sending to the different state legislatures a resolution of the Massachusetts general court in favour of amend- ing the federal constitution so as to prevent states from being sued by individuals, citizens of other states. This resolution, which was fa- vourably responded to, and, in the end, secured its object, had been passed before the death of Governor Hancock, was called forth by a decision of the Supreme Court, declaring that suits of this kind could be sustained. More violent than Massachusetts in her opposition to the federal judiciary, Georgia, in view of this question, had
298
HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS.
- [1794.
enacted a law subjecting to death any person serving processes against that state at the suit of any individual.
During the administration of Governor Adams, the people of the state and nation became much divided with respect to difficulties which had arisen between the general government and the authorities of Great Britain and France. Un- fortunately, our people, whose political differ- ences since the Revolution had been excited only upon matters of internal policy, were now to mingle in a partisan contest, originated and in- flamed almost entirely by that species of foreign influence of which Washington, in his Farewell Address, afterward so affectionately warned them to beware.
France, after a series of sanguinary excesses, had proclaimed herself a republic. Shortly sub- sequent she declared war against England. Ac- cording to treaties made with the late government, " French privateers and their prizes were entitled to shelter in American ports-a shelter not to be extended to the enemies of France ;" and the United States were also unequivocally bound to guarantee the French possessions in America. Washington foreseeing that such action, in the present state of affairs, would involve the United States in the evils and expenses of an European war, issued a proclamation of strict neutrality, virtually annulling the former treaties with
299
SYMPATHY WITH FRANCE.
1794.]
France, which, it was contended, had been nego- tiated with the empire, and could not therefore be insisted upon by the new republic. This procla- mation, and the subsequent seizure by the federal authorities of French privateers fitting out in American ports, aroused the indignation of Genet, ambassador from the Directory of France, who boldly entered into a contest with the chief executive of the United States; and, encouraged by numerous evidences of sympathy from a large portion of the people of the country, persisted in his policy of carrying on, from our ports, a priva- teering warfare against Great Britain.
By a majority, perhaps, of his fellow-citizens, the course of Washington was approved. But there had been, from the first, among the people of the United States, a strong and earnest sym- pathy for France in her struggles for liberty. The intelligence of the proclamation of the re- public had been received with celebrations and rejoicings throughout the country. In the city of Boston, a barbecue and a distribution of bread and punch for the multitude, and a civic feast for a select party of three hundred, presided over by the then lieutenant-governor, Samuel Adams, afforded evidence of the general feeling. But upon the commencement of the Reign of Terror, many of the more thoughtful people be- ginning to doubt whether that country was indeed. beneficially affected by her so-called republican-
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HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS.
[1794.
ism, were led to express their utter abhorrence for her public men and her public measures.
The original question in dispute between the two great political parties-that of the federal constitution-was now sunk into insignificance. Soon after the organization of the government, it had been partially laid aside, and its place occupied by Hamilton's funding system-a mea- sure supported by the Federalists. Washington, though really no partisan, by favouring the measure of Hamilton, for whom he entertained the strongest personal friendship, identified him- self with the federal party; and in opposing the arrogance of France and her minister, was sustained almost entirely by that organization. On the other hand, the Republicans, adverse to the administration on questions of internal policy, now took sides against it in favour of the French. A spirit of bitter animosity pervaded the discus- sions which grew out of the new partisan differ- ences. Each party accused the other of being actuated by motives which, in the end, would prove destructive to the country and its liberties. Of the Federalists, it was said that their love of England was the prime source of their oppo- sition to France; that they hated the mass of the people, over whom they wished to raise a titled aristocracy; and that they leaned toward monarchy, in preference to those principles of democracy which had been so nobly contended
1795.]
JAY'S TREATY. 301
for in the war of independence. Even Wash- ington, by some of his more violent political opponents, was stigmatized with charges like these. But if the Republicans were bitter in their denunciations, it can scarcely be said that the Federalists were less so. Jefferson and other patriots of the Revolution, together with the Republican party in a mass, were charged with being desirous of carrying out in America, no matter at what risk, the wild and extravagant theories, political and religious, then deluging with blood the soil of distracted France.
In keeping alive the contentions of party, to the French question was added that relating to the commercial treaty negotiated with Great Britain in 1795, by John Jay, of New York. Ever since the Revolution, the English government had been endeavouring to embarrass and cripple the commerce of the United States. For that end, the most unjust and illiberal regulations had been adopted, by which our country was rendered, in this respect, but little better than a colonial dependency. Besides, that govern- ment, by her system of impressment of seamen from American vessels, under the pretence that they were British born, had made itself highly obnoxious. Persons who claimed, as naturalized citizens, the protection of our flag, and, too fre- quently, Americans by birth, were forcibly dragged from our merchant ships and reduced
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HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS. [1795.
to the slavery of a British man-of-war. Public indignation at repeated outrages of this kind at length rose to such a height, that war seemed almost inevitable. To avert this, if possible, President Washington had sent Mr. Jay as special ambassador to the English court, where was negotiated the treaty already mentioned.
Soon after Mr. Jay's return, and before the treaty had been ratified, an abstract of its pro- visions was made public. Immediately on the receipt of this abstract, a meeting was held at Boston, by which the treaty was denounced as "injurious to our commercial interests, and derogatory to the honour and independence of the country." A counter meeting was soon after called, which uttered sentiments decidedly the reverse.
On this subject it might be said that, to those of our people who were convinced that a contest with England could no longer be honourably avoided-and there were many such-Jay's treaty, or any other treaty, would not have been acceptable ; while, to such as contrasted the blessings of peace with the miseries of war, that document, unduly concessive as it might now be deemed, could not then be else than politic and satisfactory.
Consequently, as people began to reflect, the tide of public sentiment turned in its favour. After considerable debate, it was ratified by
303
RIOTS IN BOSTON.
1795.]
the Senate, and received the signature of Wash- ington. When the news of its ratification became known, however, a dangerous and disorderly spirit was aroused in various parts of the coun- try. For several successive nights, Boston was a scene of riot and confusion; houses were mobbed, and some of the public officers were personally assaulted. In New York and Phila- delphia, similar scenes occurred. But these out- breaks, which cannot be adduced as evidences of the popular feeling, were soon quieted without resort to arbitrary measures.
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HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS. [1796.
CHAPTER XXII.
Politics of Massachusetts-Increase of the federal party-Dif- ficulties with France-Conduct of the French Directory- Return of Pinckney-Decree against American seamen- New envoys despatched to France-Negotiations abandoned by Pinckney and Marshall-Indignation in America-Pre- parations for war-Popularity of the federal party-Pro- gress of Massachusetts-"Quasi" war with France-Buo- naparte first consul-Treaty of peace-Secessions from the federal party-Alien and sedition laws-Denounced by Kentucky and Virginia-Defended by Massachusetts-Elec- tion of Jefferson to the presidential chair-Rapid decline of the federal party-Foreign relations-English aggressions -Unsuccessful mission of Monroe and Pinckney-Berlin decree and order in council-Their effect upon American commerce-Affair of the Chesapeake and Leopard-Adop- tion of the embargo-Revival of the federal party-The em- bargo denounced in Massachusetts-Address of Governor Lincoln-Response of the general court-Increase of the democratic party in Massachusetts-Efforts of the Federalists.
IN the mean time, notwithstanding the mode- rate republicanism of Governor Adams, the po- litical sympathies of Massachusetts were inclin- ing strongly to the federal party. In the state election of 1796, those strong " republican" counties in which the rebellion of Shay had been most vehemently supported, gave a strong ma- jority in favour of Increase Sumner, the federal candidate for governor. Sumner was indeed defeated in the state at large, but this was owing
305
1796.]
THE FRENCH DECREE.
more to the personal popularity of Governor Adams, than to the strength of the republican party. During the following year, when Governor Adams declined being again a candidate, on ac- count of his advanced age, Sumner was elected by a large majority.
The increase of the federal party throughout the other states had been greatly accelerated by the unpopularity into which the ultra republicans had fallen, through their sympathy with the acts of the French revolutionists. To well-grounded complaints of aggressions and spoliations made upon our commerce under the sanction of French decrees, the responses from France had been at all times unsatisfactory, and occasionally insolent. Our ambassadors were treated with so much dis- respect, that at length Pinckney, who had suc- ceeded Monroe as minister from the United States, demanded his passports and quitted the country. Negotiations were no sooner brought thus abruptly to a close, than the French government proceeded to evince its hostile dis- position by the issue of a decree, under which all American seamen found serving on board British ships, were to be considered and treated as pirates ; so that those men who were already the victims of English press-gangs, were now subjected to the additional danger of being hanged by the French. 1
Still anxious, if possible, to avoid an appeal
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HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS. [1799.
to arms, the American executive determined upon one more attempt at negotiation. In the summer of 1797, Pinckney, Marshall, and Gerry were commissioned as envoys to the Directory of France. Their reception was informal, and they were subjected to so many indignities, that Pinckney and Marshall broke off at an early period from all attempt at negotiation. This treatment of the American envoys created a strong feeling of indignation throughout Ame- rica, and the conclusion was, "that resistance or unconditional submission was the only alterna- tive left." Even the fierceness of political partisanship gave way for a season; and, with the consent of congress, the most energetic pre- parations were made for a contest which now ap- peared inevitable. Strong, however, as this im- pression was becoming, President Adams, while encouraging the determined efforts which were now making to meet the emergency, did not re- lax in his endeavours to effect a settlement of the existing difficulties in a pacific and honour- able manner.
During no previous period of its history, had the federal party been so strong, nationally, as now. In Massachusetts the large increase of Federalists was strikingły exhibited by the ma- jorities obtained by Sumner for governor during the years 1798 and 1799. At the latter election he received three-fourths of all the votes cast.
307
STRONG ELECTED GOVERNOR.
1800.]
Dying, however, almost immediately after, he was succeeded by Moses Gill, the lieutenant- governor.
At this time the commonwealth was flourish- ing; and required but little legislation to promote and preserve its prosperity. Its commerce, not- withstanding the war in Europe, was vigorous and growing; its internal improvements were rapidly advancing; the cause of education was carefully promoted ; and, in general, there was abundant reason for satisfaction among the people.
In respect to our foreign relations, so far as the federal government was concerned, it seem- ed almost impossible to avoid a war with France. Indeed a " quasi" war was carried on during the - year 1800, during which many French priva- teers and merchant vessels were captured by American cruisers. In October, the corvette Berceau, after an action of two hours, struck to the sloop-of-war Boston, commanded by Captain George Little, of Massachusetts. Happily, be- fore more imposing demonstrations could be made by either nation, Buonaparte, as first con- sul, had superseded the French Directory. Ne- gotiations were again resumed, and a treaty of peace finally concluded.
In April, 1800, Caleb Strong, the federal candidate, was elected governor of Massachu- setts over Elbridge Gerry, the republican nomi-
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HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS.
[1800.
nee; but although Governor Strong was re- elected every succeeding year, the popularity of his party gradually declined. Nationally it was already greatly weakened ; and in the election of Thomas Jefferson to the presidency, its power was effectually and finally broken. Though the energetic course of Mr. Adams, with respect to our relations with France, had for a brief period invested himself and the party to which he belonged, with an extraordinary degree of popularity, other measures, adopted subsequent- ly, had drawn upon his administration the oblo- quy of a large number of Federalists and Re- publicans, who imagined their rights and liberties unnecessarily endangered.
This marked change in public sentiment origi- nated in the passage of the Alien and Sedition Laws, during the summer of 1798. The main object of those famous acts was to give the president authority to order out of the country such aliens as he might judge dangerous to its peace and safety ; to apprehend, secure, or re- move all resident aliens, natives, or citizens of the hostile nations ; and to sustain prosecution in the judicial courts for such publications as might be considered libellous on the national government.
The trial, fine, and imprisonment, under the sedition act, of several persons charged with having promulgated libels upon the federal au- thorities, soon kindled an intense excitement
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1804.] DECLINE OF THE FEDERALISTS.
against the law itself, and the party with whom it originated. It was denounced as arbitrary and tyrannical ; and even among well-disposed Federalists was regarded as impolitic and un- necessary. The legislatures of Kentucky and Virginia passed resolutions in opposition to the measure, but the general court of Massachusetts took ground in its defence. Notwithstanding this generous support from his own state, the laws were so generally unpopular, that Adams failed in securing his re-election to the presi- dency, and was succeeded by Jefferson.
The defeat of Adams greatly accelerated the decline of the federal party, even in Massachu- setts. Though strenuously resisted, the Repub- licans so rapidly increased, that in 1804, Jeffer- son, who had been renominated for the presi- dency, received the electoral vote of the state. The personal . popularity of Governor Strong, indeed, secured his re-election for governor the following spring by a small majority ; but both branches of the legislature were republican, or democratic, as that party now began to be termed.
Various measures of minor importance were adopted by the government of Massachusetts du- ring the two subsequent years, the most prominent of which was an act to prevent duelling, a prac- tice which, at that time, prevailed to some extent. By this law, challengers, those accepting chal-
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