USA > Massachusetts > Nantucket County > The history of Nantucket County, island, and town : including genealogies of first settlers > Part 26
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53 | Part 54 | Part 55 | Part 56 | Part 57 | Part 58 | Part 59 | Part 60 | Part 61 | Part 62 | Part 63 | Part 64 | Part 65 | Part 66 | Part 67 | Part 68 | Part 69 | Part 70 | Part 71 | Part 72 | Part 73 | Part 74 | Part 75 | Part 76 | Part 77 | Part 78 | Part 79 | Part 80 | Part 81 | Part 82 | Part 83 | Part 84 | Part 85 | Part 86 | Part 87 | Part 88 | Part 89 | Part 90 | Part 91
** Petitions, Vol. 208, p. 345. While it is not impossible that some supplies might have reached the English through Nantucket, it is quite improbable. The diaries of Kezia Coffin, the unreserved records of an intelligent young woman, unusually well qualified to know, are quite convincing on that point. Under date of March 10, 1776, she writes- "one Hand of L. Island came to this Island today-says that Nat Shaw one of the principle men of N. Haven & a very high son of Liberty says it can be prov'd that half the cargo that Mr. Fanning brought here last fall was carried to Boston-he has taken great pains to spread this report through Connecticut & L. Island which I fear will be a great damage to Mr. Fanning-the whole is absolutely fals not a sixpence worth ever went to Boston-they are much inraged on L. Island be- lieving it to be true." It was doubtless such reports coming to the attention of Gov. Trumbull that induced hom to make complaint to the Massachusetts authorities.
ttPetitions, Vol. 180, p. 343.
1
196
HISTORY OF NANTUCKET
imported at Nantucket, but it may fairly be admitted that neither the Continental nor the Provincial Congress appeared to be amimat- ed by any other purpose than a desire to prevent supplies reaching the English. It is well to remember, also, that during the early part of the Revolution the hope in the Massachusetts Bay Colony was for a reconciliation with the mother country and that the King and Parli- ament would recognize the merits of the remonstrances made by the Colonists and see that justice was done. As time passed on and the complaints were unheeded, the conviction became forced upon the people that they would obtain no more than they won by force of arms.
In January, 1776, the Colony of Massachusetts Bay issued a proclamation which in many respects bore a striking resemblance to the Declaration of Independence,* but it was not until six months later, nearly fifteen months from the time of the conflicts at Lex- ington and Concord, that the Continental Congress declared the Col- onies free and independent.
The situation at Nantucket was peculiar to a degree not equalled by that of any other town in the Colony. Not only were a majority of the people members of the Society of Friends, and, by the nature of their religious belief, opposed to war and inclined to conservatism, but their commercial relations with England had been particularly intimate, since that country was the principal market for their staple product. If one adds to those conditions the facts that the island by itself was entirely incapable of raising sustenance for its inhabitants that they did not possess within themselves the power to resist the aggressions of the English navy and that the Colonies could hold out to them neither the faith nor the expectation of protection, we may easily believe that the course which they pursued was the only one open to them. In the very nature of things many of them were reluctant to surrender their allegiance to the English King. They had not suffered at the hands of Parliament and George the Third as many in other parts of the Colony had. Even those whose sympathies were with the Colonists hesitated to declare themselves. ; The entire business and life of the Island depended on what the Islanders could wrest from the sea and they pursued their fisheries and dependent trade after the beginning of hostilities until the major part of their vessels were captured and the crews imprisoned. Nor was the cap-
*Up to about this time official proclamations had closed with "God save the King"; this one issued by the Provincial Congress, ended with "God save the People!"
Even on the main land men whose loyalty was not open to ques- tion were compelled in the early days of the Revolution to exercise ex- treme caution. Thus on May 15, 1775, Enoch Freeman, for the Fal- mouth Committee of Safety, remonstrated against an attempt to cap- ture an English ship then in that harbor, writing-"It has a tendency to bring on us certain ruin, by the Admiral's resenting it, in such a manner as to block up our harbor before the time. We have no force to oppose or prevent it, no fortications, no ammunition, no cannon, and if provisions are stopped from coming in here, the town is ruined, as well as the country, which depends upon the town for supplies, of which, at present there is a great scarcity." Jour. Prov. Cong. p. 257.
-
197
HISTORY OF NANTUCKET
turing entirely a prerogative of the English, for in the latter part of the year 1775, several Nantucket vessels, among them a new brig- antine belonging to Thomas Jenkins, sent to the Kennebeck river for cargoes of wood were seized by the people there, their sails. unbent and the vessels detained .*
As time passed on more and more sympathy with the cause of the Colonies was developed. The evolution was necessarily cautious because the people of Nantucket realized that they were liable at any time to depredations from the commanders of the English ships and that the Colonial authorities had little or no power to ward off the predatory attacks. Several owners of vessels petitioned for per- mits to enable them to sail to various ports in the West Indies and exchange cargoes of pickled fish for salt, of which they were sorely in need and which they had been unable to manufacture economical- ly.t In several cases the petitioners stated that if allowed to proceed on their voyages they would bring as return cargoes goods of use and value to the Colony. Andrew Myrick 2d., in February, 1777, petition- ed the Council of Massachusetts for leave to send the sloop Industry, Henry Folger, Master, to Curacoa loaded with lumber, shook-hogs- heads, etc. engaging to return with gunpowder and other military
*Coffin Diaries. The rapid decline in the whale fishery at Nantucket
after the beginning of the War quoting from : the Kezia Fanning diaries. of the Revolution is more clearly shown by
quite likely
It is there
that may have been a few omis- sions, but Mrs. Fanning's records show the following April 20, 1775, William Moores and Uriah Bunker arrived with 400 bar- rels (It may be noted that in those days two vessels were frequently mated) ; April 23, Paul Coggeshall arrived with 50 bbls; April 26, Bar- zillai Swain arrived from Guinea-good voyage; May 6, Robert Hussey and Stephen Gardner arrived from Guinea with 100 bbls; May 17, Nat Woodbury arrived from Guinea with 180 bbls; May 19, James Whippey arrived from Guinea with over 250 bbls; same date Nathan Coffin ar- rived with 270 bbls; May 27, Obed Bunker arrived with 260 bbls, John Chadwick with 250 bbls; and Josiah Coffin with 50 or 60 bbls .; June 2, Peter Fitch arrived with 260 bbls .; June 3, Daniel Pinkham, from the West Indies, 50 bbls; June 5, John Bailey, from the West Indies, no report of catch; June 12, John Barnard, 150 bbls; June 23, Daniel Pinkham sailed; June 27 Tristram Pinkham arrived-no report; July 5, George Lawrence arrived with 160 or 170 bbls; same date Prince Gardner, nearly 300 bbls; July 14, Jonathan Barnard, 100 bbls; July 15, David Rand 160 bbls; Sept 6, Daniel Pinkham (who sailed June 23), 20 bbls; Sept. 15, Barney Swain, from Iceland, 250 bbls; (A note here · says "Iceland fleet have all done well, some of them got 300, none less than 100-Disco fleet done small-many of them not a drop." Another note dated Oct. 12 says that John Worth came from Saratoga with the intention of going whaling "but the times are so troublesome that he determined home again as soon as possible") Nov. 24, C (harles) Cole- man sailed whaling; also George Smith, in a brig; Nov. 29 Meader and Hathaway sailed whaling. 1776, May 4, Solomon Bunker sailed whal- ing; May 17, Moses Giles arrived from Brazils, 200 bbls; May 18 David Rand sailed for Iceland whaling in Sloop Ranger, was captured May 30 and vessel sent to Halifax; June 23-
Coleman arr'd, 250 bbls .; June 30 Barzillai Folger from Brazills, 400 bbls .; July 6, Meader and Hathaway ret'd, 260 bbls. each; July 9, Paul Hussey, from Brazils, 90 bbls. was captured by the English but released; July 10, Charles Cole- man, 300 bbls .; July 25, Barzillai Swain, 100 bbls. These are the last arrivals recorded, none appearing in 1777, 1778 or 1779. Oct. 12, Hugh McCoy reported that he and Stephen Paddack with their vessels were captured by the English at Rhode Island. Paddack was carried to Boston, detained three months and then his vessel was released.
tMacy states (p. 82) that the Islanders made several ineffectual attempts to produce salt and adds: "Probably the principal reason for their not succeeding was the fog, which prevails around the shores in the summer season, and, keeping the air moist, prevents the water from evaporating as rapidly as the business requires."
198
HISTORY OF NANTUCKET
stores. His petition says- "Your Petitioner has exerted himself in the great Cause of Liberty as much as any Man upon the Island, by Supplying Boats &c., and in every other way in his Power & is still ready so to do."* Silvanus Hussey made a similar request for the brig Woolf, Samuel Worth, master .; Edward Gray of Boston, at the same time, in behalf of William Rotch and others, petitioned for leave to send the schooner Nightingale, Jonathan Downs, master, and the sloop Sandwich, John Elkins master, both belonging to William Rotch; the brig Katy, Joseph Gardner master, and the sloop Dolphin, Stephen Fish master, both belonging to Samuel Starbuck; and the schooner Olive Branch, David Paddack master, belonging to Benja- min Barney, to Hispaniola, with pickled fish, etc., the vessels to be manned by Quakers, and to import West India goods and salt .; The petitions were severally approved by the Council, the conditions be- ing that the owners imported such goods as were serviceable to the Colony. The records of Union Lodge, A. F. & A. M., covering this period, show that a portion of the Lodge's funds was invested in some of these adventures.
The vessels of Nantucket also played an important part in the early days of the Revolution through being used as the medium for the conveyance of important letters to the Colonial authorities. At the outbreak of hostilities Capt. Seth Jenkins was the bearer of val- uable letters from parties in England to the President of the Pro vincial Congress .** The following letter is of interest in this connec- tion and tends to show that, despite the unusual risks they ran, there were Islanders ready to do what was in their powers to aid their countrymen : tt
"Boston Sept 25th 1776.
Gentlemen:
Agreeable to your desire I have Collected the particulars of my Voyage from Nantucket to London & thence to the West Indies & Nantucket & is as follows-
I sailed in the ship Somerset from Nantucket the 27th day of Au- gust 1775 with a Load of Oil & Arrived in London the 2d of Octo' following, there I disposed of my ship & Cargo & Endeavor'd to procure a passage back to Nantucket or some part of America, but by the embarrassments arising from Acts of Parliament restraining & Cutting off Trade & Communication with the Americas, I Could find no Opportunity of a Passage back to Nantucket, & was Oblig'd in Conjunction with Cap'ts. Folger, Jenkins & Gardner to Purchase a Brig for that purpose-& in order to prevent our being liable to be
* Rev. Coun. Papers, V. 166, p. 241.
Rev. Coun. Papers, V. 166, p. 249.
#Rev. Counc. Papers, Vol. 166, p .252. (Edward Gray married Sally Fitch, of Nantucket.) As early as September, 1774, the Earl of Dart- mouth had written to the English authorities that a vessel bound from Amsterdam to Nantucket had on board 300,000 lbs. of gunpowder (Documentary History of New York, Vol VIII, p. 487). Early in 1777, Gray petitioned for leave to send the brig Eunice from Nantucket to the West Indies, with a cargo of Salt and pickled fish, the brig to be. manned wholly by Quakers, and he was granted a permit April 23d pro- vided he did not go to the British islands. Vol. 213, p. 342.
** Petitions, Vol. 180, p. 77.
++State Achives, Letters, Vol. 195, p. 278.
199
HISTORY OF NANTUCKET
seized or stopt in our Intended Return to America by any of the King's Customs in London, we were Obliged to Conceal our Inten- tions & by advice of our American Friends there (who Intrusted us with Letters of the Utmost Importance to Mess'rs Hancock, Adams, Franklin & Lee) we put a small Cargoe on board the Brig that it might appear we Intended a Trading Voyage, & got her made an English Bottom to Cover our Intentions, which Otherwise we Could not have Executed -- We saild from London the 23d of May 1776, & in the Downs we took on board Mr. Morris who was a Major in the British Service, but he disapproving of their Diabolical proceed- ings against this Country, sold his Commission & secured his Effects in London & took the Resolution of proceeding to America to Enter into their Service, & it was Recommended to him by the Friends of America, as the most Speedy & Safe way to get there. We arrivd at the West Indias the 2'd of July there disposd of our Cargo & took a small Quantity of Rum, Sugar & Molasses, & Cleard out for Halifax, but Intended for the Continent. on the 20th of July in Lat- itude 32, was taken by the Congress Privateer, Capt. Cragie from Philadelphia who told us that he belonged to Lord Dunmore's. Fleet which causd us to destroy the Bill of Sale of our Vessell & many papers which might have been of Service to this Countrey. After- wards he acknowledgd himself to be a Provincial Privateer, which put us in such Confusion that we did not know how to act upon the Occasion & was determined not to Open our minds to him, but to abide by the Consequence for as he had deceived us in one Instance, we did not Choose to give him the Opportunity of another, we still believing him to be one of Lord Dunmore's Fleet-& meant to Trap- pan us- & we was not Convincd that he was not one of them till 10 days after, when we Came up with a French Man Loaded with Powder bound to the Continent whom he dismisd, which Convincd us that he belong'd to the Continent, we then Opend our minds more freely to him & let him know that we belongd to the same & was Intrustd with the Above mentioned Letters which were Conceald in the Brig & begd of him to Let some of us go in the French Vessell, as no one knew where they were Conceald Except ourselves, which he utterly Refusd to do, he also refusd to let anyone of us belonging to the Brig proceed in her to Egg Harbour but he took every person belonging to her, on board his Privateer with a profest Intention to Carry us as far from the Continent as would answer his design of preventing our arriving In season (as some of his officers told us) to Claim our right & Recovering our property-he also took all our money being in Gold with him, to a Very Considerable amount & proceeded with it on a Cruize -- the Letters we were Chargd with to the Members of the Hon Congress &c were of such Importance & Nature as Required us to act with the Utmost Care and Caution, had they been discovered we Hazard- ed our necks & the necks of the best & sincerest Friends of America. we were further Chargd with some Verbal Intelligence, such as was Judgd to be too Interesting & in its Consequences too Important & dangerous to be Intrusted in a Letter we also brought off & Conceald the Aforementioned Major Morris which if discoverd would have been as fatal to us as to him all which we readily took Charge of as we Heartily wishd for & Interested ourselves in every measure that might Contribute to the Information or Success of the American Cause altho' as above we hazarded our lives in the Attempt-The Privateer being short of water was Obligd to put into Abico one of the Bahama Islands where he put us on board a Nantucket Vessel who was there after a Load of Salt & he also detained five Vessells belonging to New Providence while he Refitted, & took the most out of one of the Vessells & made a Prize of another loaded with salt & sent her to the Continent-also out of the five Vessells he
200
HISTORY OF NANTUCKET
took Twenty Negroes & on the 19th of August he set Sail for Philadelphia & we at the same time for Nantucket where we arrived the 5th Instant.
The Captains Folger & Jenkins in Company with Major Morris are gone to Philadelphia in order to get & deliver the abovemen- tioned Letters to Messrs Hancock, Adams, Franklin & Lee, & to Petition the Hon Congress that their Property may be Restord & Reparation made them for their Detention & Suffering without which they & their Familys will be very great sufferers, as well as that of
Gentleman
Your most h'ble Servant ALEX'R COFFIN."*
Hon Council of
State of Massachusetts Bay.
In the general regulation of affairs the Massachusetts Bay Colony followed, of course, the attitude of the Continental Con- gress, and many of the orders adopted in Massachusetts in re- straint of the sailings of vessels and of importations and exporta- tions were based on the resolves of that body. In February, 1776, it was resolved by the Continental Congress that no vessel, loaded for Great Britain, Ireland or the British West Indies be allowed to sail until the further order of Congress and Committees of In- spection were instructed to see that the recommendation was car- ried out. At the same time a committee was appointed to examine and report on the number of permits issued, the circumstances attending the issuance and the destinations of the vessels to which they were granted .; The restrictions were modified March 4 so to permit the importation of arms and ammunition.¢ A further modifification, made on April 6, permitted the importation of
*Under date of July 1, 1775, Josiah Stearns petitioned the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts for compensation for "bringing a Number of Letters from the Island of Nantucket from on board Cap'n Seth Jenkins from London, & Delivered to the President of this Honorable Congress." Mass Petitions, Vol 180, p. 77.
The petition to the Continental Congress met with no success. The Journals of the Congress of March 21, 1777, (Vol. 7, p. 189) says that the petition of George Folger, Seth Jenkins and Alexander Coffin respecting hard money and other articles said to be detained from them by the owners of the Privateer Congress, was read and dismissed on the ground that the matter belonged to the Court where the judg- ment was given. On April 12 the Committee on Appeals reported that they had heard the petition of Jonathan Burnel and other owners or claimants of the brigantine Sherburne from the verdict and condem- nation in the Court of Admiralty at Philadelphia fully argued, were equally divided (3 and 3), and in order that no injustice be done recom- mended a new committee of five be appointed for a re-hearing. (Vol. 7, pp. 260-261). On May 23 the Committee reported that the matter de- pends on the construction of the resolutions of congress and the relief is in the Court and not by Congress; "That the case of the Sherburne having already received a judicial determination before the said Court, where the parties had an opportunity of availing themselves of the full effect of the said laws, it is improper for the Congress to come to any resolution relative thereto." And Congress resolved to concur with the Committee. (p. 383) The judgment doubtless was good law but afforded poor satisfaction to the men who lost their property through their loyalty to their trust as bearers of dispatches.
#Journals of Continental Congress, Vol. 4, p. 172. . įIbid, p. 183.
201
HISTORY OF NANTUCKET
articles not grown in or produced by any country under the dominion of Great Britain, excepting East India tea .*
While the acts of the Provincial Congress applied, generally speaking, to the entire Province they were in some essential parti- culars modified to meet conditions peculiar to Nantucket. It was necessary to appoint certain civil officers with jurisdiction over Nantucket corresponding to that of similar officials in other parts of the Colony. Thus in January, 1776, Nathan Cushing Esq., was appointed Judge of Admiralty for the counties of Plymouth, Barnstable, Bristol, Nantucket and Dukes; and in October of the same year the General Court passed a resolve establishing the position of Naval officer,; and, in November, Ichabod Plaisted was appointed to the office for Nantucket. It was evidently found that there were some recruits for the Colonial service to be obtained on Nantucket for on December 28th Stephen Hussey Esq., was appointed Muster Master.#
In the latter part of the year 1776, the Provincial Congress became more restrictive in its policy. An Embargo Act was passed in December, entitled "An Act for laying an Embargo for a limited time," setting forth that as "many & great inconveniences may arrise to this State if a speedy & effectual stop is not put to the sailing of all ships & Vessels, whether Merchantmen or Vessels of war, except such as are in the actual service & pay of the united States of America or this, or either of the said States," all vessels excepting such as actually were in the pay of the United States or of a particular State, were forbidden to depart from any port, harbor or place within this State without a special permit first obtained from the General Court or, if it was not in session, from a majority of the Council, under a penalty of £1000 .**
The year 1777, brought but little change in the affairs of the people of Nantucket. There was the same surveillance over importations and exportations, necessary undoubtedly, in a general sense, for there is no evidence that the authorities were intention- ally oppressive as regards the people, but serious enough to the Islanders, who hovered continually between the Scylla of the re- quirements of Congress and the General Court, and the Charybdis of being caught by English armed vessels while sailing under Colonial permits.tt
Early in February, thirty or forty of the young men of the Island went to Dartmouth, hoping to sail from there on whaling
*Ibid, p. 258. In December 1775, (Vol. 3, p. 445) Capt. Seth Paddock of the sloop May Flower and Capt Sylvanus Coffin of the schooner Dolly, both of Nantucket, petitioned for leave to carry provisions to Nantucket. The petition was referred to a committee and on the fol- lowing month permission was refused. The Colony of Massachusetts Bay had already in the matter of importations placed itself in line with protection for domestic manufactures.
tThe embargo of February 1776 was removed Sept. 15th, 1777. #Mass. Archives, Letters. Vol. 210, p. 342.
** Ibid, Vol. 212, p. 438.
ttMass. Archives, Vol. 211, p. 340.
202
HISTORY OF NANTUCKET
voyages, but they seemed to be no more successful there than those who remained at home .* The fortunes of war were illus- trated in the case of a ship taken as a prize by an American privateer and ordered to an American port with eight of her own crew and a prize crew of thirteen on board. On the 17th of February the ship struck on Great Round Shoal, and the crew had to take to the boats .; They landed on Nantucket the next morning and it is fair to say that both victors and vanquished were hospitably cared for by the people.
During the year several Nantucket men who were prisoners in English jails or on English prison ships were exchanged or released, and allowed to return to their homes. The following correspondence and orders thereon names several Nantucket sea- men who were prisoners on the English Prison ship in New York:
*Kezia Fanning's Diaries.
tIbid. Mrs. Fanning gives quite in detail a little romance con- nected with this affair. Among the prisoners, were the master of the English ship (Capt. Peacock) and his wife and brother, the last named a lad of ten or eleven years old. Mrs. Fanning's diary says-They brought the Captain's wife and brother to Mary Bunker's. They had been on allowance for six weeks and for four days before they came ashore had had nothing to eat. Mrs. Fanning and a friend called to see the castaways on February 19 and the Captain's wife and her brother came home with her. Her narrative continues-"She appears very lively, is about 20 yrs old, she says her maiden name was Harriet Lamb. Her parents died when she was young & left her with an Uncle. About 2 yrs ago she ran away to Scotland with one Smith & was mar- ried to him (she could not be married in England being under age). The day she arrived an intimate friend of hers advis'd her that her hus- bend was a very abandoned man, he going constantly after bad women & treating her very ill. She sued for a Bill of divorcement which was granted her, it cost her 4 hundred pounds sterling-she had a pretty for- tune when Smith married her but he spent the most of it. her uncle being dead & she having no near relation in England was her own mistress. She was educated at a boarding school & learnt millenary & mantua making-she was told something handsome might be made in Jamaico by her trade took what little she had & went on Board Capt Peacock for Jamaico-but her expectations were not answered there. Peacock took a Fancy to her courted her & married her in Jamaico. he did not chuse to leave her there & she was bound home with him when they were taken by those merciless wretches. this is the purport of her story-her Husband came up at Tea time. he is a very moderate kind of a man-talkes but little-the woman is not handsome but is well looking."
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.