USA > Massachusetts > Essex County > Salem > The history of Salem, Massachusetts, vol 1, 1924 > Part 19
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With his family, he then took his journey to London. As they left the town, the people generally came into the street and bade them farewell, with benedictions upon them and loud prayers for a safe voyage and prosperity.
At London he found that three ships were nearly ready to sail for New England, and that two other vessels were to follow about three weeks later. There were servants of the Company and passengers sufficient to fill the three ships and among them were the two clergymen already mentioned, Messrs. Bright and Skelton.
August 6th was appointed for another "Solemn day of humiliation,"1 for the formal choice of elders2 and deacons and their ordination, and for entrance into a solemn covenant with God and with one another. Mr. Higginson was requested to pre- pare a confession of faith and a covenant in scripture language. The covenant was as follows :-
6th of 6th Month 1629. Gather my Saints together This Covenant was publickly Signed and Declared vnto me that haue made a Covenant with me by facrifyce. Psa. 50: 5:
Wee whofe names are here vnder written, members of the prefent Church of Christ in Salem, haveing found by fad experience how dangerous it is to fitt loofe to the Covenant wee make with our God; and how apt wee are to wander into by pathes, even to the loofeing of our first aimes in entring
into Church fellowship: Doe therefore folemnly in the pref- 1See page 156.
"The ruling elders office is distinct from the office of pastor and teacher : The ruling elders are not so called to exclude the pastors and teachers from ruling, because ruling and governing is common to these with the other ; whereas attending to teach and preach the word is peculiar unto the former. The ruling elders' work is to join with the pastor and teacher in those acts of spiritual rule which are distinct from the ministry of the word and sacraments committed to them, of which sort, these be as followeth: To open and shut the doors of God's house, by admission of members approved
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ence of the Eternall God, both for our own comforts, and thofe which shall or maye be joyned vnto vs, renewe that Church Covenant we find this Church bound vnto at theire first begining, viz *: That we Covenant with the Lord and one with an other ; and doe bynd our felues in the prefence of God, to walke together in all his waies, according as he is pleafed to reveale himfelf vnto vs in his Bleffed word of truth. And doe more explicitely in the name and feare of God, profeff ยท and proteft to walke as followeth through the power and Grace of our Lord Jefus.
i. first wee avowe the Lord to be our God, and our felues his people in the truth and fimplicitie of our fpirits.
2. Wee giue our felves to the Lord Jefus Chrift, and the word of his grace, fore the teaching, ruleing and fanctifyeing of vs in matters of worship, and Converfation refolveing to cleaue to him alone for life and glorie; and oppofe all con- trarie wayes, cannons and constitutions of men in his worship.
3. Wee promife to walke with our brethren and sisters in this Congregation with all watchfullnes & tendernes, avoyd- ing all jeloufies, fufpitions, backbyteings, cenfurings provoak- ings, secrete riseings of spirite against them; but in all offences to follow the rule of the Lord Jefus, and to beare and for- beare, giue and forgiue as he hath taught vs.
4. In publick or in private, we will willingly doe nothing to the ofence of the Church but will be willing to take advise for our felues and ours as ocafion shalbe prefented.
5. Wee will not in the Congregation be forward eyther to shew oure owne gifts or parts in fpeaking or fcrupuling or there difcover the fayling of oure brethren or fifters butt atend an orderly cale there unto; knowing how much the Lord may be difhonoured, and his Gospell in the profeffion of it, fleighted, by our diftempers, and weaknefses in publyck.
6 Wee bynd our felues to studdy the advancment of the Gospell in alltruth and peace, both in regard of thofe that are within, or without, noe way fleighting our fifter Churches, but vfeing theire Counfell as need shalbe; nor laying a ftumbling block, before any, noe not the Indians, whofe good we defire to promote, and foe to converfe, as wee may avoyd the verrye appearance of evill.
7 Wee hearby promife to carrye our felues in all law- full obedience, to thofe that are over vs, in Church or Com- mon weale, knowing how well pleafing it wilbe to the Lord,
by the church; to prepare matters in private, that in public they may be carried [to] an end, and with less trouble and more speedy dispatch; to be guides and leaders to the church in all matters whatsoever pertaining to church administrations and actions; to see that none in the church live in- ordinately out of rank and place, without a calling, or idly in their calling; to prevent and heal such offences in life or in doctrine as might corrupt the church; and, as they shall be sent for, to visit and to pray over their sick brethren .- A Platform of Church Discipline, Gathered out of the Word of God, Cambridge, 1649.
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that they should haue incouragment in theire places, by our not greiveing theyre spirites through our Iregularities.
8 Wee refolue to approve our felues to the Lord in our perticuler calings, shunning ydlenes as the bane of any state, nor will wee deale hardly, or oppreffingly with Any, wherein we are the Lords stewards ;
9. alfoe promyseing to our beft abilitie to teach our children and fervants, the knowledg of God and his will, that they may ferue him alfo, and all this, not by any strength of our owne, but by the Lord Christ, whofe bloud we defire may sprinckle this our Covenant made in his name.
Nathaniel Morton said that "they foresaw that this wilderness might be looked upon as a place of liberty, and therefore might in time be troubled with erroneous spirits, therefore they did put in one article into the confession of faith, on purpose, about the duty and power of the magistrate in matters of religion." The cov- enant and confession of faith were acknowledged only as a direction, meaning that they were to be interpreted as to sub- stance, end and scope by the scriptures, and not by the language. Thirty copies of the confession of faith and covenant were written for the use of the thirty persons who founded the church.
As to the manner of joining the church, it was ordered ac- cording to the wisdom and faithfulness of the elders together with the liberty and ability of the applicant. Some were admitted by expressing their consent to this written confession of faith and the covenant ; others answered questions about the principles of re- ligion publicly propounded to them; some presented their con- fession in writing, which was read aloud; and some, who were able and willing, made their confession in their own words and way. Reputation and the daily life of an applicant were considered before he was allowed admission. Letters passed between Rev. Mr. Higginson and Elder Brewster of the Pilgrims relative to church membership, etc.2
Thursday, the sixth of August, came, and it was duly observed as a day of fasting and prayer. A large part of the day was devoted to prayers and delivery of sermons by the two ministers ; and the thirty members publicly, solemnly and severally consented to the covenant, which was read aloud to them. Henry Houghton was chosen a ruling elder, and John Horne and Charles Gott were confirmed as deacons. The church at Plymouth was invited to be present and participate in the exercises; and Gov- ernor Bradford and some others were delegated to represent it.
1New England Memorial, by Nathaniel Morton, 1669 (Davis ed.), page 145.
2New England Memorial, by Nathaniel Morton, page 95.
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They set out from Plymouth by water, but were hindered by cross winds, and so did not arrive before the beginning of the services of the day. They came, however, in season to give the right hand of fellowship, and to wish "all prosperity and a blessed success unto such good beginnings."1
In some points of church discipline, the Puritans did not agree with their friends of Plymouth, but they did agree that the children of the faithful were church members with their parents, and that their baptism was a seal of their being so; only before their admission to fellowship in a particular church it was judged necessary, that they should be examined by the elders, and if approved by them should publicly and personally own the cov- enant. The fifteen-year-old son of Mr. Higginson, named Francis, "laudably" answered all these requirements, and was then received into the church.
The manner of church services and teaching the people was to be settled by the ministers, and the Company hoped that they would "make Gods word the rule of their accons, and mutually agree in the discharge of their duties." And because their doc- trine "would hardly bee well esteemed whose psons are not rever- enced," the Company wrote to Governor Endecott that they desired that, both by his "owne example and by comanding all others to doe the like o' ministers may receive due honor."
At these exercises occurred an incident which was interesting and important. At this time, thirty miles to the south was Mount Wollaston, where Captain Endecott had quickly stopped the debasing practices of Thomas Morton and his English companions three months before. One of Morton's associates was a young man named Edward Gibbons. On the day that the church at Salem was established, young Gibbons happened to be present. He was so deeply impressed with the exercises that he stood, ex- pressing with much affection his desire to be admitted into their number, which, when the officials demurred, he desired that they would at least permit him to make his profession before them. He was allowed to do so, and expressed himself so agreeably, and with so much "ingenuity" and simplicity that they were extremely pleased with it; and the ministers told him that they highly ap- proved of his profession, but as he was a stranger to them they could not receive him into communion until they had known him longer. He became eminent as a Christian man, and worthy and useful. He duly joined the church which was subsequently established in Boston, and became the major-general of all the military forces in the Massachusetts Bay Colony, and an important
1New England Memorial, by Nathaniel Morton, 1669, page 145.
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personage in the history of New England. His business was that of a merchant. He died in Boston Dec. 9, 1654.1
Rev. Francis Bright removed to Plymouth and subsequently to Charlestown; but not agreeing with other ministers about church reformation he returned to England after a year's stay in America.2
Thus came into existence among the people what Rev. Cotton Mather was pleased to call "a church state."
As already mentioned, the new form of church service and government was not satisfactory to several of the people here, and the most prominent of the objectors were the Browne brothers. They had no reason to think, before they had become so deeply interested in the Company and colony, that the services of the Church of England in a modified form would not be instituted They were unwilling to forego the pleasure of and legal adherence to the established church, and desired the use of the Book of Common Prayer in the administration of the sacraments. They also held that the church had nothing to do with the discipline of the congregation as such. As the Brownes were men of education, wealth and influence, a number of people associated with them and held a service separate from the church which had just been formed, and as far as possible, under the circumstances, after the manner of the Episcopal church.
The Company had requested Governor Endecott to preserve the unity and simplicity of the church, and that if needless, vain and indifferent questions were raised by "busie psons (led more by their will then any good warrant out of Gods word)" to sti up strife, and cause the people to differ from which great mis- chief was likely to follow, such disputes must be suppressed and peace and unity maintained. Governor Endecott sent for the Brownes. They came and said that they desired to worship God according to the order of the Church of England, from which the ministers had departed, and charged the latter with being Separ- atists, and shortly to become Anabaptists. The ministers an- swered that they had only separated from the corruptions and disorders of the English church, as otherwise they would be guilty of a sinful violation of divine worship.
This contention was important because of the personality of the Brownes and of the effect it might have upon the royal and
1Mr. Gibbons is said to have heard of this meeting when twenty miles from Salem, and rode to see the novelty of the gathering of a church. Also, that he was not a debauchee, but of a jocund temperament .- "A Narrative of the Planting of the Massachusetts Colony," etc., by Joshua Scottow, Bos- ton, 1694; Massachusetts Historical Society's Collection, fourth series, volume 4, pages 289 and 293.
2New England Memorial, by Nathaniel Morton, 1669 (1826 ed.), page 92.
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popular favor. John Browne, the lawyer, was an assistant in the Company, and both were of the. council here, and influential in England. Nevertheless, with his usual decision, determination and integrity, Governor Endecott compelled them to return to England with furious threatenings against the church instituted at Salem.1 They quickly spread in England a report of the kind of church and service the Company had established, and the Com- pany became apprehensive of its injurious effects upon New England enterprises.
With the Brownes, Governor Endecott and others sent letters about the matter, containing the charges against them, to he Company in England. Preparations were made, Sept. 19, 1629, for a hearing on the charges, and the Brownes chose four of the Company on their behalf and the Company chose four to repre- sent the side of the authorities at Salem, and to these eight, together with the governor, was committed the settlement of the contention. The four members chosen by the Brownes were Samuel Vassall, William Vassall, Symon Whetcombe and William Pinchion, and the others were John White, John Davenport, Isaac Johnson and John Winthrop.
The Brownes had written from Salem a number of letters to friends in England, and the matter of delivering these letters was also to be determined, it being charged that they were defamatory of New England. Finally, some of them were publicly opened and read. It was determined that none of Samuel Browne's letters should be delivered, but kept to be used as evidence against him as occasion offered. This was on September 29th.2
The Company prepared two letters to be sent to New England, one addressed to the ministers and the other to Governor Endecott. The letter sent to the ministers was as follows :-
Reverend Freinds : There are lately arrived heere (being sent from the Gouno", M' Endecott, as men ffactious and evil conditioned ) John and Samuell Browne, being brethren, who, since their arriuall, haue raised rumo's (as wee heare) of divers scandalous & intempate speeches passed from one or both of you in yo' publique sermons or prayers in N : England, as also of some inovacons attempted by yo". Wee haue reason to hope that their reports are but slanders, ply for that yo' godly and quiett conditions are well knowne to some of vs, and also for that these men, yo' accusers, seeme to bee imbittered against yoW & Capt Endecott for iniuries weh they conceive they have received from some of yo" there. Yett, for that wee all knowe that the best advysed may overshoote themselues, wee haue thought good to informe
1Magnalia Christi Americana, by Rev. Cotton Mather, volume I, book I, chapter IV, page 8.
Massachusetts Bay Colony Records.
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yo" of what wee heare, that if yo" bee inocent yo" may cleare yo'selues. or, if otherwise, you may heereby bee entreated to looke back vpon yo" miscarriage wth repentance, or at least to take notice that wee vtterly disallowe any such passages, and must and will take order for the redress therof, as shall become vs. But hoping, as wee said, of yo" vnblameableness herein, wee desire only that this may testyfy to yow & others that wee are tender of the least aspsion wch, either directly or obliquely, may bee cast vpon the state heere, to whom wee owe soe much duty, and from whom wee haue received soe much favor in this plantacon where yo" now reside. Soe, wth o' loue and due respect to yo' callings, wee rest
Yor loving freinds,
London, 16 Octo : 1629. R : SALTONSTALL,
MATT : CRADOCK, Go',
THO: GOFF, Dept,
ISA : JOHNSON,
GEO: HARWOOD, Trer,
JOHN WINTHROP,
THO: ADAMS,
SYM : WHETCOMBE,
WILLM VASSALL,
W" PINCHON, JOHN REVELL, FRANCIS WEBB.1
M' Skelton & M' Higgison.
The letter sent to Governor Endecott was as follows :--
SR: As wee haue written at this tyme to Mr Skelton & M' Higgi- son touching the rumors of Jo : and Sam : Browne, spread by them vpon their arrivall heere, concerning some vnadvysed and scandalous speeches vttered by them in their publique sermons or prayers, soe haue wee thought meete to advertise yo" of what they haue reported against yoW and them concerninge some rash inovacons begun & practized in the civill and ecclesiasticall gounm' Wee doe well consider that the Brownes are likely to make the worst of any thing they haue observed in N : England by reason of yo" sending them back againsst their wills for their offencive behavior, expressed in a genall lre from the Company there. Yett, for that wee likewise doe consider that yo" are in a gounmt newly founded, & want that assistance web the waight of such a business doth require, wee may haue leave to think that it is possible some vndigested councells haue too sodainely bin put in execucon, wch may haue ill contruccon wth the state heere, and make vs obnoxious to any adversary. Lett it, therfore, seeme good vnto yo" to bee very sparing in introduceing any lawes or comands weh may render yo'selfe or vs distastefull to the state heere, to wch (as wee ought) wee must and will haue an obsequious eye. And as wee make it or mayn care to haue the plantacon soe ordered as may bee most for the honor of God & of or gratious souaigne, who hath bestowed many large p'uiledges and royall fauo's vpon this Companie, soe wee desire that all such as shall, by word or deede, doe any thinge to detract from Gods glory or his mats honor, may bee duly corrected, for their amendm' and the
1Massachusetts Bay Colony Records, volume I, page 407.
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terror of others. And to that end, if yow knowe any thinge wch hath bin spoken or done, either by the ministers (whom the Brownes doe seeme tacetly to blame for some things vttered in their sermons or prayers) or any others, wee require yo", if any such thinge bee, that yow forme due pcess against the offendo's, and send it to vs by the first, that wee may, as our duty bindes vs, vse meanes to haue them duly punished. Soe, not doubting but wee haue enough, wee shall repose o"selues vpon yor wisdome, and doe rest
Yor loving freinds,
London, 16 Octo: 1629. R : SALTONSTALL, ISA : JOHNSON,
MATT: CRADOCK, Go", THO: GOFF, Dept, GEO: HARWOOD, Trer,
JOHN WINTHROP,
THO : ADAMS, SYM : WHETCOMBE,
WILLM VASSALL, WM PINCHON, JOHN REVELL, FRANCIS WEBB.1
To the Gouno", Capt Endecott,
Nothing more was heard of the matter, which seems to have been dropped by all parties.
The services of the church here were probably held for five years in the houses of the ministers and of Mr. Endecott.
In the agreement made by the Company with the ministers, they were to be provided with dwelling houses, and this agree- ment was performed by Governor Endecott. The house of Mr. Skelton stood just easterly of the market place on Front Street. The house of Mr. Higginson was built where the tunnel is on the south side of Town House Square.
Little more than a score of years afterward, Edward Johnson wrote in his "Wonder-working Providence of Sion's Saviour in New-England" as follows :-
This Church of Chrift, being thus begun, the Lord with the Water- fpouts of his tender Mercy caufed to increafe and fructify. And now let every Eare liften, and every heart admire, and inlarge it felfe to the aftonifhment of the whole man at this wondrous worke of the great Jehovah; That in thrice feven yeares (after the beginning of this Worke) this poore Church of Chrift confifting at their be- ginning, but of feven perfons, increafed to forty three Churches in joynt Communion one with the other, profeffing One God, One Chrift, and one Gofpell, and in thofe Churches about 7750. Soules in one profeffion of the Rules of Chrift, and that which makes the worke more admirable in the Eyes of all beholders, mens habitations are cut out of the Woods and Bufhes, neither can this place be entered by our Englifh
1Massachusetts Bay Colony Records, volume I, page 408.
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Nation, but by paffing through a dreadful and terrible Ocean of nine hundred Leagues in length.
Further know thefe are but the beginnings of Chrifts glorious Reformation, and Reftauration of his Churches to a more glorious fplendor than ever. Hee hath therefore caufed their dazeling bright- neffe of his prefence to be contracted in the burning-Glaffe of thefe his peoples zeale, from whence it begins to be left upon many parts of the World with fuch hot reflection of that burning light, which hath fired many places already, the which fhall never be quenched till it hath burnt up Babilon Root and Branch, and now let the Reader looke one the 102. Pfalme, the Prophet Isaia 66. Chapter, take this fharpe Sword of Christs Word, and all other Scriptures of like nature, and follow on yee valiant of the Lord; And behold the worthies of Chrift, as they are boldly leading forth his Troopes into thefe Wefterne Fields, marke them well Man by Man as they march, terrible as an Army with Ban- ners, croud in all yee that to fee this glorious fight, fee ther's their glorious King Chrift one that white Horfe, whofe hoofes like flint caft not only fparkes, but flames of fire in his pathes.1
1History of New England; Wonder-working Providence of Sion's Saviour in New-England, by Edward Johnson, 1654, chapters X and XI, pages 22 and 23.
CHAPTER IX.
MILITARY DEFENCE.
HE military defence of Naumkeag consisted of armed men and a fort. Preparations for this defence began to be made in the winter of 1628-9, and the weapons and ammunition were brought over in the vessels which arrived the following June.
Agreement was made by the Company with Mr. Samuel Sharp to have oversight of the fort and ordnance, and to advise in all things that might concern the artillery.1 Upon his arrival a place was selected for the building of the fort at what is now the western corner of the junction of Lynde and Sewall streets.2 It was undoubtedly of the simplest construction, and built under the direction of Thomas Graves, the civil engineer. The location selected for the fort indicates that its purpose was the protection of the centre of the settlement rather than a means of keeping out undesirable parties who might try to enter the town by land at the only place, what was formerly Warren Street Court.
With Mr. Sharp came eight cannon for the fort. Two of these were demi-culverins, which weighed three thousand pounds each, three of them were sackers, weighing twenty-five hundred pounds each, one was a whole culverin, which was a long slender gun, carrying a ball weighing from two to fifteen pounds, and two were small iron drakes. The demi-culverins and sackers had been procured by John Humphrey, and Mr. Sharp had had carriages made for them. For this ordnance great shot and eight barrels of powder for great shot was provided.
The men in the settlement were organized and exercised as an orderly military company ; and, March 22, 1630-I, the court of assistants ordered that every person, except magistrates and min-
1Massachusetts Bay Colony Records, March 3, 1628-9.
2Deed of Benjamin Lynde to James Barr, dated May 10, 1753, and recorded in Essex Registry of Deeds, book 98, leaf 88.
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isters, should be furnished with arms that were, in the discretion of the captain or other officers, "good and sufficient." Those who were not possessed of necessary equipment and were able to buy it were to supply themselves, and those who were unable were to be provided for by their respective towns, and later, when able, were to repay the town therefor. On the twelfth of the next month, the court of assistants ordered that every one who fur- nished a musket should, before the eighteenth, and so always thereafter, keep himself supplied with one pound of powder, twenty bullets and two fathom of match, under a penalty of ten shillings for each default ; and every captain was ordered to train his company each Saturday. Aug. 7, 1632, it was ordered that the captains be maintained by their several companies. March 4, 1634-5, the court ordered that the captains be paid from the colonial treasury. The former method was resumed, however, the next September.
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