USA > Massachusetts > Essex County > Salem > The history of Salem, Massachusetts, vol 1, 1924 > Part 25
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Are thefe youre members? if they be all like thefe, I beleeve the Divell was the fetter of their Church.
This was called in queftion when MI Fairecloath leaft thought of it. Capt. Littleworth muft be the man muft preffe it againft him, for blafphemy againft the Church of Salem: and to greate Iofua Temper- well hee goes with a bitter accufation, to have Mafter Innocence made an example for all carnall men to prefume to fpeake the leaft word that might tend to the difhonor of the Church of Salem; yea, the mother Church of all that holy Land.
And hee convented was before their Synagoge, where no defence would ferve his turne; yet was there none to be feene to accufe him, fave the Court alone.
The time of his ficknes, nor the urgent caufe, were not allowed to be urg'd for him; but whatfoever could be thought upon againft him was urged, feeing hee was a carnall man, of them that are without. So that it feemes, by thofe proceedings there, the matter was adjudged before he came: Hee onely brought to heare his fentence in publicke : which was, to have his tongue bored through; his nofe flit; his face branded; his eares cut; his body to be whip'd in every feverall planta- tion of their Iurifdiction; and a fine of forty pounds impof'd, with perpetuall banifhment : and, (to execute this vengeance,) Shackles, (the Deacon of Charles Towne, ) was as ready as Mephoftophiles, when Doctor Fauftus was bent upon mifchiefe.
Hee is the purfer generall of New Canaan, who, (with his whipp, with knotts moft terrible,) takes this man unto the Counting howfe : there capitulates with him why hee fhould be fo hafty for payment, when Gods deare children muft pay as they are able : and hee weepes,
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and fobbes, and his handkercher walkes as a figne of his forrow for Mafter Fairecloaths finne, that hee fhould beare no better affection to the Church and the Saints of New Canaan: and ftrips Innocence the while, and comforts him.
Though hee be made to ftay for payment, hee fhould not thinke it longe; the payment would be fure when it did come, and hee fhould have his due to a doite ; hee fhould not wifh for a token more; And then tould it him downe in fuch manner that hee made Fairecloaths Innocent back like the picture of Rawhead and blowdy bones, and his fhirte like a pudding wifes aperon. In this imployment Shackles takes a greate felicity, and glories in the practife of it. This cruell fentence was ftoped in part by Sir Chriftopher Gardiner, (then prefent at the execution,) by expoftulating with Mafter Temperwell: who was con- tent, (with the whipping and the cutting of parte of his eares, ) to fend Innocence going, with the loffe of all his goods, to pay the fine impofed, and perpetuall banifhment out of their Lands of New Canaan, in terrorem populi.
Loe this is the payment you fhall get, if you be one of them they terme, without.
The reader will not be surprised to learn of the dissatisfaction this produced in England. Edward Howes of London wrote to his relative, John Winthrop, jr., a letter, dated April 3, 1632, and in a postscript said :-
I have heard diverse complaints against the severitie of your Government especially M' Indicutts, and that he shalbe sent for over, about cuttinge off the Lunatick mans eares, and other grievances ; well, I would and doe desire all things might goe well with you all -but certainly you endeavour in all mildnesse to doe Gods worke, he will preserve you from all the enemies of his truth; though there are here a thousand eyes watchinge over you to pick a hole in your coats, yet feare not, there are more with you than against you, for you have God and his promises which if you stick to, be sure all things shall worke together for the best, when you have leasure spare me two or 3 wordes of your minde in what Character you please, that I may solace myselfe with your contentation, or helpe to beare the burthen, if not redrease your grievances, and soe I leave you to God, with my respective saluta- tions to all my friends.1
Capt. John Mason and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who claimed the northern part of the territory of the Massachusetts Bay Com- pany, under grant of Aug. 10, 1622, supported Morton, Gardiner and Ratcliffe in their contentions against the Bay Company. Ratcliffe made an affidavit, which was used by them in their pro- ceedings against the Company before the privy council.
1Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, series 3, volume IX, page 243.
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To offset any injurious results these incidents might have, Thomas Wiggin wrote, Nov. 19, 1632, to Sir John Cooke, prin- cipal secretary to the king and one of the privy council, the follow- ing letter :- 2
Right honoble
avinge lately bin in New England in America, and taken notice both of some comodities and advantages to this State wch that contrie will afford, and there havinge visited the plantations of the English and amongst the rest that especially in the Mattachusetts (being the largest best and most prospering in all that land) I have made bold to inform yo'r hono'r of some observations wch I have taken both of the contrie and that Plantation.
As for the contrie it is well stored with goodly Timber and Masts for shippinge, and will afford Cordage, Pitch and Tarr, and as good hempe and fflax as in any pte of the world, growes there naturally fitt for cordage and sayles, whereof this kingdome will soone finde the benefitt, if the plantation proceed awhile without discouragemt. as hitherto it hath done.
For the plantation in the Mattachusetts, the English there being about 2000 people, yonge and old. are generally most industrious and fitt for such a worke, having in three yeares done more in buyldinge and plantinge then others have done in seaven tymes that space, and with at least ten tymes lesse expence.
Besides I have observed the planters there, and by theire loving just and kind dealinge with the Indians, have gotten theire love and respect and drawne them to an outward conformity to the English, soe that the Indians repaire to the English Governor there and his deputies for justice.
And for the Governor himselfe, I have observed him to bee a discreete and sober man, givinge good example to all the planters, wearinge plaine apparell, such as may well beseeme a meane man, drinkinge ordinarily water, and when he is not conversant about matters of justice, putting his hand to any ordinarye labour with his servants, ruling wth much mildness, and in this particular I observed him to be strict in execution of Justice upon such as have scandalized this state, either in civill or ecclesiasticall government, to the greate contentmt of those that are best affected, and to the terror of offendors.
Of all wch. I myselfe havinge bin an eye witnesse am the rather induced to present the same to yo'r hono'r to cleare the reputation of the plantation from certain false rumors and scandales, wch. I perceive since my retorne to England some persons, iff affected to the plantations there, have cast abroad, as namely one Sir Christopher Gardiner, whoe leavinge two wives here in England, went with an other yonge woman into New England, there, being discovered by letters from England, he was seperated from his wench. A second is one Moreton whoe (as I am Informed by his wife's sonne and others) upon a foule suspition of
1Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, series 3, volume VIII, page 322.
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Murther fled hence to New England, and there falling out with some of the Indians, he shott them with a fowling peice, for wch and other misdemeanors, upon the Indians complaint, his howse by order of Court there, was destroyed and he banished the plantation. A third was one Ratcliffe whoe as I am crediblie informed, for most horible blasphemy was condemned there to lose his eares, whoe with the former two, and some other the like discontented and scandalous persons, are lately re- torned hither, seekinge to cover the shame of theire own facts, by cast- inge reproaches upon the plantation, doe addressé themselves to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, whoe by theire false informations is nowe project- inge howe to deprive that plantation of the priviledges graunted by his Ma'tie and to subvert theire government, the effects wherof will be the utter ruine of this hopefull plantation, by hinderinge all such as would goe to them, and drivinge those alredy planted there either to retorne, or disperse into other places wch I leave to your grave judgm't myselfe being none of theire plantation, but a neighbour by, have done this out of that respect I bere to the generall good. I have bin too breife in this relation in regard I feared to be over troblesome to yo'r hono'r. Soe I take leave and rest
Yo'r honors humble servant
THO. WIGGIN.
The XIXth daye of November 1632.
[Addressed :]
To the right hono'ble S'r John Cooke knt. principall Secretary to his Ma'tie and one of his highnes most hono'ble privie councell. These dr.
Pirates infested our shores in the seventeenth and early part of the eighteenth centuries. In 1632, Anthony .Dike of Salem was taken by Henry Bull, the famous buccaneer, but later escaped. The next year, the council sent Lieutenant Mason to the eastward in a bark, with thirty men, to capture Bull and his crew. They did not succeed, but the pirate vessel seemed to absolutely dis- appear. In 1634, Hull relates, "There was one Henry Bull and his companions, in a vessel, derided the churches of Christ in our harbor, and when they came to Marblehead, in derision, acted the gathering of a church; going to sea, were cast away among salvage Indians, by whom they were slain." This accounts for the disappearance of Bull.
At a general court, May 9, 1632, it was ordered that two persons of each plantation be appointed to confer with the court about raising a public stock ; and Roger Conant and Peter Palfrey were appointed for Salem.
The court of assistants, June 5, 1632, "taking into consider- ation the great mercy of God vouchsafed to the churches of God in Germany and the Pallattinate, etc., appointed the thirteenth of
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the month to be kept as a day of public thanksgiving throughout the several plantations."
As the number of new settlers increased, the amount of land cleared became greater and greater. The clearing was usually done by fire. The trees were cut off some two or three feet above the ground, and fell one upon another, until a considerable area had been ready for the burning. These great fires were so intense that the boughs and the larger portion of the trunks and part of the stumps were consumed.1 The thick layer of ashes fertilized the soil and made it highly productive without much spading or other preparation.
The danger of such fires spreading and causing great loss to property adjoining was so great that for the preservation of houses, hay, boards, timber, etc., it was ordered at a court, July 26, 1631, that no person should burn any year till the first of March, and if any person were desirous to burn any of his own ground for the planting of corn before that time he should make full satisfaction for any damage it might occasion. The months of March and April constituted the period for burning.
Although the forest stretched out before the settlers, almost without limit, two or three years' experience in clearing the ground for habitations, planting and roads, as well as accidental fires which were caused chiefly by the use of tobacco, evidenced the speed of the devastation of the timber lands. At a court, Nov. 17, 1632, for preservation of good timber for more necessary uses, it was ordered that no man should cut on common lands any wood for paling but such as should be viewed and allowed by an assistant.
Subsequently, the town of Salem took the control of the forest into its own local government. No. 28, 1636, the town ordered that if any person felling any timber or wood trees on common lands within the town should take away the trunk and leave the tops and limbs, he should be fined five shillings for each tree, and that any other man might appropriate such tree to his own use if it were not removed within one month after it was cut.
Jan. 16, 1636-7, the town of Salem ordered that no sawyer, cleaver or any other person should cut down, saw or cleave any boards or timber within "our lymits & transport them to other places" under penalty of five shillings for each hundred. A similar penalty was put upon persons who sold to be transported or transported any sawn boards, clapboards or other timber or wood, unless it was first offered to the thirteen men entrusted with the affairs of the town, who were to have the option of purchasing for
1See Historic Storms of New England, by Sidney Perley, Salem, 1891, page 105.
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fifteen days thereafter. If liberty were given to sell or transport the same, the transporter should pay the town eighteen pence for each hundred for the privilege ; and no master of any vessel was allowed to take or transport such merchandise until he had given notice to the town as to the quantity. Mr. Thomas Scruggs was appointed to have charge of the execution of these orders.
In 1642, the town ordered that no trees should be cut on the public lands without license from a magistrate, unless they were felled for lumber for a man's own dwelling or fence or the build- ing of ships in Salem. In the winter of 1656-7, the town records state that there was still great spoil in cutting timber on the commons ; and thereafter no person was allowed to fell any timber tree without leave of the selectmen.1
The old planters had followed the custom of those in Virginia in cultivating tobacco. The profit was slight and sometimes nothing on sales of tobacco in England. The Bay Company allowed the old planters to continue its cultivation, but discour- aged them as much as they reasonably could, and resolved to discontinue the crop when other means should be found by which they could employ their time more comfortably and profitably. The new planters were forbidden to engage in it, as some of the adventurers, who had invested large sums in the Company, ob- jected to this kind of business. Any of the colonists were allowed, however, to plant a small quantity of tobacco for mere necessity and for physic, for preservation of their health or to "bee taken privately by auntient men."2
Later the use of tobacco was prohibited because of economy and the fact that its use naturally tended to idleness. Oct. 3, 1632, the court ordered that no person should take tobacco ; and, in 1634, proprietors of public houses were prohibited from allowing it.
At this time tobacco was smoked in pipes, and the people spoke of the practice as the drinking of tobacco.
Opposition to tobacco as an article of commerce was mani- fested by the general court March 4, 1634-5, in its order that no person should buy or sell any tobacco within the colony after September of that year; and that, in the meantime, no person should buy or sell any tobacco at a higher price than that fixed by the governor and two other persons, whom he should select. It was lawful, however, to buy and sell tobacco by wholesale to be transported out of the colony.
1The record of the meeting of the selectmen, March 25, 1657, shows that Thomas Goldthwaite, Isaac Estie, Richard Sibley, John Williams and Samuel Williams were liable for cutting trees on the commons.
2Second General letter of the Governor and Deputy of the Company in England to the Governor and Council in New England. See page 132.
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All laws against tobacco were repealed Nov. 2, 1637. Sub- sequently, the use of tobacco increased ; and, Sept. 6, 1638, the general court, finding that since the repeal of those laws, the use of tobacco was more abused than before, ordered that no man should take any tobacco in the fields, except on a journey or at meal times, nor in or near any dwelling house, barn, corn or hay rick, if it should endanger the firing of it, nor in any inn or common victualling house, except in a private room, so that neither the master of the house nor any guest should thereby take offence ; nor light his pipe by fire kindled by gunpowder, except in his journey. Fires were frequently occasioned by the use of tobacco, and the general court, May 6, 1646, ordered that no person should take any tobacco in any common ground, or en- closed field or yard or other open place out of doors, except when he was on a journey and then only when five miles or more from any house and provided that he did not set the woods on fire to the damage of any man.
CHAPTER XIII. COMING OF ROGER WILLIAMS.
FTER the decease of Rev. Francis Higginson, Aug. 6, 1630, Mr. Skelton performed all the public services of the church, as he had for several months previously. The plantation was increasing in population, and Mr. Skelton, whose strength had begun to decline under the strain of his labors, was enervated by the death of his wife, March 15, 1631. She was "a godly and helpful woman, who lived desired & died lamented, and well deserves to be honorably remembered."
The winter of 1630-I was one of great want among the planters here, especially in the matter of food, corn being extreme- ly scarce, and February 6th was appointed as a day for fasting and prayer. The ship Lion, William Peirce, master, had sailed from Bristol December Ist and arrived at Nantasket the day before the fast was to be held. The vessel brought a large quantity of wheat meal, peas, oat-meal, beef, pork, cheese, butter, etc. That was so opportune, the prayer for help being answered before it was made, that the fast was not held ; but as a day of thanksgiving the twenty-second of that month was immediately set apart in all of the plantations by order of the governor and council.1
March 29th, the Lion was at Salem, with Sir Richard Salton- stall and his sons and daughters on board, and sailed for England two days later. They arrived in London safely April 29, 1631. The next year this ship was cast away on the coast near Virginia, but Captain Peirce and his men were saved.2
Among the twenty passengers who came on the Lion were Rev. Roger Williams and his wife. He was son of James Williams of London, a merchant tailor, of whom Henry Fitz Waters wrote:
1Charlestown Records. See Winthrop's Journal, Boston, 1825, volume I, pages 46 and 47, notes.
2History of New Plymouth, by William Bradford, page 193.
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"His house was in Cow lane, opposite a public house or tavern called the Harrow, which he owned. This lane starts at Snow hill, near its intersection with Cock lane, famous for its ghost, and sweeps around in a curve to the north, ending, I think, in Smith- field market, near the place where John Rogers and other famous religious martyrs were burned at the stake. It was in the parish of St. Sepulchre's and between the church of that name and Charter house where young Roger got his schooling and was fitted for the University of Cambridge." He was born about the year 1600. He became a student at Charter House June 25, 1621, and obtained a scholarship at that school July 9, 1624.
Reyer Williams.
Mr. Williams refused to join with the congregation at Boston because they declined to make a public declaration of their repentance for having communion with the churches of England while they tarried there. He also declared his opinion that the magistrates had no authority to punish offend- ers for the breach of the sabbath nor any other offence that constituted a breach of the first four commandments.1
Mr. Williams went to Salem and was called by the church there to succeed Rev. Francis Higginson in the office of teacher. At a court of assistants, April 12th, Governor Winthrop was in- formed of this invitation. A letter was immediately sent to John Endecott, stating the facts. The court marvelled that the Salem church would choose Mr. Williams to that office without advising with the council, and expressed its desire to Mr. Endecott that he would forbear to proceed in the matter until the court had con- sidered it.
This interference of the civil magistrates apparently pre- vented the service of Mr. Williams in Salem at that time. About a year later, he was an assistant to Rev. Ralph Smith, pastor of the church in Plymouth.
Governor Bradford wrote that Mr. Williams was "very un- settled in judgment," but he was kindly received in Plymouth and entertained to the best ability of the people. He preached there for some time and was admitted to the church. His teaching was "well approved," wrote Bradford, "for ye benefite wherof I still blese God, and am thankfull to him, even for his sharpest ad- monitions & reproufe, so farr as they agreed with truth."
Early in 1633, Mr. Williams "begane to fall into some strang oppinions," wrote Bradford, "and from opinion to practise." This caused him to have some controversy with the church, and becom- ing discontented, he left there somewhat abruptly. He went to
1Winthrop's Journal, volume I, pages 52 and 53.
"History of New Plymouth, by William Bradford, page 195.
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Salem, where he was sympathetically received. He asked for dismission from the Plymouth to the Salem church, which was reluctantly granted, with some caution to the church in Salem concerning him, and the care they ought to have of him. He probably came to Salem with the intention of remaining in the early spring of 1633. Some of his adherents, also, removed to Salem with him.
According to Winthrop, Mr. Williams preached for Mr. Skelton, but was not then elected to any office in the church.1
In the autumn of 1633, the ministers of the Bay and Saugus met fortnightly at their houses in course; and at a meeting in November Mr. Skelton and Mr. Williams spoke against the adoption of some matter of importance, apparently relating to the independence of the individual church, on the ground that it might, in time, result in a presbytery or superintendency, to the prejudice of the liberty of the churches. They all agreed, finally, that no church or person could have power over another church, and that they did not exercise such jurisdiction in their meetings.2 This question probably arose from Mr. Williams' service in the church in Salem.
Presumably upon request, Mr. Williams sent to Governor Winthrop and the assistants a copy of a "treatise" he had written some time before and sent to the governor and council of Ply- mouth. Among other things in this writing, he disputed the right of the colonists to hold the lands they possessed here, asserting that the grant from the king conferred no title, and that the natives only were the owners. There were three other passages at which the magistrates were "much offended." First, Mr. Williams charged King James with telling "a solemn public lie," because in his patent he blessed God that he was the first Christian prince that had discovered this land ; second, he charged him and others with blasphemy for calling Europe Christendom or the church world; third, he personally applied to King Charles three refer- ences in Revelations. Winthrop failed to mention what these three statements were, but doubtless they were not complimentary to the king.
The governor and assistants met at Boston Dec. 27, 1633, and considered the writing. Some of the most judicious ministers advised them, and condemned the error and presumption of Mr. Williams. It was ordered that he should appear at the next court and receive censure. Governor Endecott was absent from this meeting, and Governor Winthrop wrote to him, informing him of
1Winthrop's Journal, Boston, 1825, pages 116 and 117.
"Winthrop's Journal, Boston, 1825, page 122.
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what had been done, and arguing against the statements of Mr. Williams. He expressed his wish that Mr. Endecott would deal with Mr. Williams and endeavor to secure a retraction. Governor Endecott returned "a very modest and discreet answer." Mr. Williams wrote to the governor, and to Governor Endecott and the rest of the council, in a submissive manner, professing that he intended his writing only for the private satisfaction of the gentle- men of Plymouth and without intending to have it go further, but the governor there required a copy of it, and so it came to be more widely known. Mr. Williams offered the book or any part of it to be burned, if the authorities desired it. At the next court Mr. Williams appeared penitent, and gave satisfaction of his intention and loyalty, and the matter was dropped temporarily.1
The governor and council met again, at Boston, Jan. 24, 1633-4, to consider the letter of Mr. Williams, and with the advice of Messrs. Cotton and Wilson, decided that, as the book was written in very obscure and implicative phrases, which admitted of doubtful interpretation, the matters were not as evil as they seemed at first, and it was agreed that upon his retraction and taking an oath of allegiance to the king, it should be passed over. 2
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