USA > Massachusetts > Worcester County > Worcester county; a narrative history, Volume I > Part 26
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In spite of Lieutenant Aubrey's charges of ill treatment, the non-com- missioned officer and privates were given considerable liberty. They were permitted to leave their barrack to trade with the people for the purchase of food not contained in the regular ration and such luxuries as were available and which they could afford.
Major John Mercereau, D. C. G. P., in charge of the prisoners, seems to have been a forgiving and generous foeman, to judge from the number of complaints lodged against him, alleging over-leniency. One letter in particu- lar attracted the attention of the Council, for in it he was accused of per- mitting Colonel Campbell, a British officer, to drink the King's health at a tavern in Worcester. He told a committee assigned to investigate the charge:
"Before dinner, Colonel Campbell asked me if I had any objection to his drinking the King's health as it was his birthday and it was his custom to do so. I replied, 'If it did not give umbrage to the company, you may. It will not alter my principles.' The Colonel replied, 'I know it won't.'
"At dinner the Colonel asked, 'Have you any objection to my drinking George?' I replied, 'You may drink to your George, and I will drink my George.' The Colonel asked : 'Who is your George?' 'George Washington is my George.' On which the company put the laugh on the Colonel and after that Colonel Campbell drank George Washington and the Congress.'"
Summoned later before the Council, the major found that his explanation had not exonerated him. He was rebuked with the warning "that his con- duct was highly imprudent in suffering Colonel Campbell drinking King George's health on his birthday at Worcester, and unbecoming the character he sustains as Commersary of Prisoners, and that he be more cautious in the future."
But the stay of the British at Rutland was short-lived. When the weather turned cold, the expense of maintaining so many men in that latitude and altitude was found prohibitive, and Congress ordered them sent to Charlotte- ville, North Carolina. They were marched in five divisions, three British
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and two Hessian, a day's march between divisions "for the convenience of both inhabitants and the troops."
In this manner two thousand two hundred and sixty-three British and one thousand eight hundred and eighty-two Germans were transferred to the more salubrious winter climate of the Carolinas.
Poverty and Almost Worthless Currency-As the war advanced, the people became poorer and poorer. So many men were absent in the army that farms were not so well cultivated and productive. But the chief trouble was with the fiat currency. Hard money was scarce. Paper money was con- tinuously depreciating. At one time it took $100 in paper to buy the value of $I in silver. The inevitable result was that prices of everything, because they must be measured in paper money, soared to extraordinary figures.
Profiteering was prevalent, and the townspeople suffered under what they considered extortionate prices. A town meeting to consider the situa- tion was held in Worcester August 5, 1779, when resolutions were adopted, couched in indignant language. Among other things it was set forth that "as many of the respectable merchants and fair traders have retired from business, their places have been supplied by an augmented number of locusts and canker worms in human form, who have increased and proceeded along the road to plunder, until they have become odiously formidable and their contagious influence dangerously prevalent. Therefore, resolved, that such persons ought not to be admitted to bear a part in mercantile consultations, but should be considered pestilential mushrooms of trade which come up in the night of public calamity, and ought to perish in the same night."
It was further resolved by the citizens, "that whoever refuses to sell the surplus of the produce of his farm, and retains the same for a higher price, by means of an artificial scarcity, is very criminally accessory to the calami- ties of the country, and ought to be subjected to those penalties and disabili- ties which are due to an enemy."
There followed a county convention, held at Worcester, August 31, 1779, at which thirty-eight towns had representatives, to act on the recommenda- tions of Congress to the people of the United States, and of a convention held at Concord to the people of Massachusetts, the purpose being to stabilize prices on the basis of the deflated buying power of the currency. This county convention voted "as friends to the sacred and important cause of our distressed country, to use our most vigorous efforts for removing as far as in us lies that club of impending ruin which at present hovers over our country by means of the amazing depreciation of our currency, and the exorbitant price of the necessaries of life."
Then a scale of prices was established above which necessaries should not be sold. To translate some of the items from pounds and shillings into dollars and cents, the maximum permitted were corn $18 a bushel, rye $22.50
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a bushel, wheat $40.50 a bushel, beef $1.30 a pound, butter $2.75 a pound, cider $20 a barrel, hay $7.50 a hundred weight, which is $150 a ton; and sheep's wool on the fleece $6.65 a pound. Farm laborers could charge no more than $12 a day, and women's labor was restricted to $10 a week. Teamster's pay was set at $5 a mile, "one way, for carrying one ton gross weight and loaded."
Among other "necessaries" West Indian flip was priced at $3.25 the mug, and West India toddy at $3.25 the bowl. Flip or toddy of New England rum was cheaper at $3 the mug or bowl. Cider was the cheapest drink at 75 cents the mug. A "good common dinner" was priced at $3.25.
To show how prices advanced in the brief span of three years under the influence of a depreciating currency, here are those fixed in November, 1776: Corn 75 cents a bushel, rye $1.12 a bushel, wheat $1.75 a bushel, beef six cents a pound ; butter 18 cents a pound ; cider $1 a barrel, labor in sum- mer 75 cents a day, flip or toddy made with New England rum 18 cents a mug ; wood, good oak, delivered at the door, $2 a cord; "a good common dinner" 15 cents.
The condition of the currency is aptly illustrated in a letter written by Mrs. Timothy Bigelow to her husband, then serving as colonel of the 15th Regiment of the Massachusetts line of the Continental Army, on February 26, 1780: "On account of the heavy fall of snow there is not a possibility of getting wood from the farm at present; no one who does not live on the great road can bring any with a sled. The common price is fifty dollars, and it had been sold for fifty-six dollars the load . ... The Money you sent me was very acceptable, for I was in debt for Andrew's pair of shoes, forty dollars; and also for mendings in the family, which made the account almost seventy dollars. I paid the servant fifty-eight dollars for what money he had expended on the road (in a journey of about sixty miles). A bushel of malt now sells for thirty dollars, and a pound of hops for six dollars."
Surrender of Cornwallis-The anxious years finally came to an end with the wonderful news of the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown. The word reached Worcester County by express rider early in November, 1780. One can imagine the wild spirit of jubilation. Those who went through the Armistice Day of the World War, November II, 1918, can realize just what those people felt. November 7 was the day of rejoicing. To quote Isaiah Thomas' Massachusetts Spy and Oracle of Liberty: "In consequence of this glorious intelligence, the morning was ushered in by ringing of bells, dis- charging of cannon, displaying of colors, attended with the shouts of a grate- ful populace, and even Aurora advanced and unlocked the ruddy gates of the morning with a sympathetic smile."
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CHAPTER XXII.
County Twice Threatened With Invasion
General Gage twice threatened Worcester County with invasion. When he learned that the congress of Committees of Correspondence had resolved that the regular sessions of the courts at Worcester, September 6, 1774, should not be held, he planned to send troops to protect the judges and by force, if necessary, prevent interference. But a more formidable projected military undertaking was the dispatch of a powerful army in the spring of 1775, to destroy stores in Worcester and in the towns along the way from Boston. At least twice he sent out spies to make surveys of roads, bridges and fords and the strategic possibilities of the route, and to get first-hand knowledge of the military strength of the Patriots and their degree of prep- aration. In both instances the spies kept journals of their experiences. That of two officers who made a quick journey to and from Worcester is interest- ing. That of John Howe, a twenty-two-year-old private British soldier, is a great story.
The County Congress of Committees of Correspondence had been informed of General Gage's intention to compel the sitting of the courts in September. It voted "as it is generally expected that the governor will send one or more regiments of troops to enforce the acts of parliament, on the 6th of September, that Minutemen and militia, if there is intelligence that troops are on the march to Worcester, shall march immediately to repel any hostile force."
The British general's intentions were set forth in an official dispatch sent by him to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated Salem, August 27, 1774, extracts of which follow: "Since the unwarrantable impeachment of the chief justice (Oliver), I understand he has never taken his seat on the bench, but he has promised me to attend the Superior Court at Boston, towards the end of the month, and I hope also he will preside in said Court to be held in Worcester, in September, notwithstanding the threats thrown out against him. I have
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engaged to meet him at Boston to prevent violence, which, from the present system, I don't expect to meet with there. I believe I must attend him also at Worcester, where I am to expect it. By the plan lately adopted forcible opposition and violence is to be transferred from the town of Boston to the country.
"In Worcester, they keep no terms; openly threatening resistance by arms ; have been purchasing arms; preparing them; casting balls ; providing powder ; and threaten to attack any troops who dare to oppose them. Mr. Ruggles of the new council is afraid to take his seat as judge of the Inferior Court, which sits in Worcester on the 6th of next month; and, I apprehend, that I shall soon be obliged to march a body of troops into that township, and perhaps into others, as occasion happens, to preserve the peace."
Had Gage then carried out his intention of marching a body of troops to Worcester "the shot that was heard around the world" would have been fired in Worcester County, perhaps even before the British arrived at the county seat. We might now be speaking of the battle of Northboro or the battle of Shrewsbury, or the battle of Worcester Courthouse or Worcester Bridge. What would have happened to British redcoats, fifty miles from their base as the roads were in that day, every mile of the way through bitterly hostile country, is not difficult to picture. But Gage saw light. On September 2 he wrote further to Dartmouth: "I came here (Boston) to attend the Superior Court, and with the intention to send a body of troops to Worcester, to pro- tect the court there; and, if wanted, to send parties to the homes of the coun- cillors (Ruggles at Hardwick, Paine at Worcester, and Murray at Rutland). But finding, from undoubted authority, that the flames of sedition had spread universally throughout the country, beyond conception ; the councillors already driven away; and that no court would proceed to business, I waited the event of the sitting of the Superior Court here, on the 30th ultimo. The judges met, but could get neither grand nor petit jury."
The severity of the winter of 1774-75 prevented all military activity on the part of the British. But with the coming of spring General Gage turned his attention to the crippling of Patriot fighting strength by the destruction of their military stores. His two objectives were Worcester and Concord. There is some reason to believe that his original plan was to direct his first expedi- tion to Worcester. The activities of his spies, and his own words to John Howe, might indicate that such was the case. William Lincoln in his history wrote :
First Spies Reach Worcester-"Preparations were making for the march of the forces in the spring into the counties of Middlesex and Worcester, to inflict vengeance on these styled rebels. Captain Brown of
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the 53d, and Ensign De Berniere of the Ioth Regiment, were ordered by General Gage to make an expedition, examine the roads, note the distances from town to town, sketch the positions of the streams, heights, passes and posts, and collect such topographical information as would be useful for the advance of a detachment. The report of their journey, made by Ensign De Berniere, was found after the evacuation of the metropolis. They left Bos- ton disguised as countrymen, without uniform, and passed through Cam- bridge, Watertown, and by Framingham to Shrewsbury, on the old road." Here is De Berniere's account of their experience :
"We came into a pass about four miles from Worcester, where we were obliged to stop to sketch. We arrived at Worcester at five o'clock in the evening, very much fatigued. The people in the town did not take notice of us as we came in, so that we got safe to Mr. Jones' tavern. On our entrance he seemed a little sour, but it wore off by degrees, and we found him to be our friend, which made us very happy. We dined and supped without any- thing happening out of the common run.
"The next day being Sunday, we could not think of travelling, as it was contrary to the custom of the country, nor did we dare stir out until the evening, because of meeting, as no one is allowed to walk the street during divine service, without being taken up and examined. So that, thinking we could not stand examination so well, we thought it prudent to stay at home, where we wrote and corrected our sketches. The landlord was very attentive to us, and upon our asking what he could give us for breakfast, he told us tea, or anything else we chose. That was an open confession what he was, but for fear he might be imprudent, we did not tell him who we were, though we were certain he knew it.
"In the evening we went round the town, and on the hills that command it, sketched everything we desired, and returned to the town without being seen. That evening, about eight o'clock, the landlord came in and told us that there were two gentlemen who wanted to speak with us. We asked who they were? On which he said we would be safe in their company. We said we did not doubt that, as we hoped two gentlemen, who travelled merely to see the country and stretch our limbs, as we had lately come from sea, could not meet with anything else but civility, when we behaved ourselves properly. He told us he would come in again in a little time, and perhaps we would change our minds, and left us. An hour after he returned and told us the gentlemen were gone, but had begged him to let us know, as they knew us to be officers of the army, that all their friends of government at Petersham were disarmed by the rebels, and that they threatened the same at Worcester in a very little time.
Wor .- 16
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"He sat and talked politics, and drank a bottle of wine with us, and also told us that none but a few friends to government knew we were in town. We said it was very indifferent to us whether they did or not, though we thought very differently. However, as we imagined we had stayed long enough in that town, we resolved to set off at daybreak the next morning, and get to Framingham. Accordingly, off we set after getting some roast beef and brandy from our landlord, which was very necessary on a long march, and prevented us going into houses, where, perhaps, they might be too inquisi- tive. We took a road we had not come, and that lead us to the pass four miles from Worcester. We went on unobserved by anyone, until we passed Shrews- bury, when we were overtaken by a horseman, who examined us very atten- tively, especially me, whom he looked at from head to foot, as if he wanted to know me again. After he had taken his observation, he rode off pretty hard, and took the Marlboro road, but by good luck we took the Framingham road again, to be more perfect in it, as we thought it would be the one made use of."
The horseman was Timothy Bigelow, sent by the Committee of Corre- spondence to observe the officers, whose military bearing, despite their dis- guise, betrayed them. It developed that after following the Framingham road to its intersection with the highway through Sudbury, they turned back to Marlboro. There they were in great danger of discovery, but friends arranged for their escape.
After the evacuation of Boston, Isaiah Thomas found the reports of the two spies, which included a plan of Worcester village, with the outline of fortifications, including an extensive camp on Chandler Hill.
John Howe Comes to Worcester-Lost to sight these many years, and now brought to light, the journal of John Howe reads like a tale of thrilling fiction written for the delectation of boys. His story has the addi- tional merit of being cold truth. It affords not only a series of close-up views of war-time conditions, but also many sidelights on everyday life in taverns and homes and on the road in the Revolutionary period. Of particular inter- est are the word pictures of General Gage himself and his officers at their headquarters in Boston, and of scenes in Concord and along the road to Boston, on the nineteenth of April, '75, as the boy spy raced as a courier from Pitcairn's harassed Grenadiers in quest of reinforcements.
The night before Paul Revere rode from Boston to Concord spreading the word of the coming of the British soldiery to "every Middlesex village and farm." That morning, John Howe, private soldier and spy, rode from Concord to Boston to carry the word that powerful help must be sent, else the Grenadiers must surrender or die. On the way his heart turned from the
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King whose uniform he had come to wear, to the "Liberty Men," who were fighting for freedom. " We are reproducing his journal in full.
Howe Meets Troublesome Wench-"On the 5th of April, 1775, Gen- eral Gage called on me to go as a spy to Worcester to examine the roads, bridges and fording places, and to see which was the best route to Worcester to take an army to destroy the military stores deposited there. Accordingly Colonel Smith and myself dressed ourselves as countrymen, with gray coats, leather breeches, and blue mixed stockings, with silk flagg handkerchiefs round our necks, with a small bundle tied up in a homespun checked handker- chief in one hand, and a walking-stick in the other.
"Thus equipped we set out like countrymen to find work. We travelled to Cambridge, about two miles, and found the roads good. Nothing extraordi- nary took place until we got to Watertown, about six miles. Here we called for breakfast at the tavern. While at breakfast came in a negro woman to wait on the table. Col. Smith asked her where we two could find employ- ment. She looked Col. Smith in the face and said, 'Smith, you will find employment enough for you and all Gen. Gage's men in a few months.'
"This conversation about wound up our breakfast. Smith appeared to be thunderstruck, and my feelings were of the keenest kind. Directly the land- lord came in and asked how our breakfast suited. Smith replied 'Very well, but you have a saucy wench here.' The landlord asked what she had said. Smith repeated very near what she had said. The landlord then replied that she had been living in Boston and had got acquainted with a great many British officers and soldiers there, and might take you to be some of them. Then we paid our reckoning as soon as possible. The landlord said it was likely that we could find work up the road. We bid him good morning and set off and travelled about one mile, found the road very good. Here we were out of sight of any house and got over the wall to consult what was best to be done.
"I told Smith that for us to go any farther together would be imprudent. Smith said he thought so, and would return to Boston, if I would pursue the route. He then gave me up the journal book and pencil, and ten guineas with several letters to Tories between Boston and Worcester. Smith said that if he came out with a regiment, he would kill that wench. He told me if I would pursue the route and got through he would insure me a commission. So we parted. The last I saw of Smith was running through the barberry bushes to keep out of sight of the road.
"I then set out toward Waltham Plain, and found the roads good. When I got to the head of the Plain, being about four miles from where we break- fasted, I called at a tavern and inquired if they wanted to hire. The land-
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lord asked me where I was from. I told him from the eastward. He asked me what kind of work I could do. I told him farming work, but that I should rather work at gunsmithing, for that was my trade. When I mentioned that, he told me I could get employment at Springfield, for they were in want of hands to work at that business, and said I had better get there as soon as possible for they were in want of guns, for they expected the regulars out of Boston, and they meant to be ready for them. He asked me if I would take some spirit. I told him I would take some New England and molasses, for I well knew that to be a Yankee drink, and the good man wished me prosperity in my business and I set off.
"I found the roads hilly, stony and crooked for about three miles, when I came to a hollow with a narrow causeway over it. Here I left the road and went below to see if there was any place where our artillery could cross. Here I saw a negro man setting traps. The negro asked me what I was looking for. I told him for sweet flag root for the stomach ache. He said it did not grow here, but he had a piece he would give me. He walked out to the road with me.
Giant Tree to Block Artillery-"About ten feet from this narrow road stood the largest tree I ever saw. I asked the black man what kind of wood that tree was. He said buttonwood and further said that the people were going to cut it down to stop the regulars from crossing with their cannon. I asked him how they would know when the regulars were coming, in time enough to cut the tree down. He said they had men all the time at Cambridge and Charlestown looking out. This tree would completely block the road should they do it. I asked this negro how far it was to a tavern. He said one mile to a tavern by Weston meeting-house, another tavern half a mile above. I asked him which was the best, and what their names were. He said the first was kept by Mr. Joel Smith, a good tavern, and a good liberty man, the other was kept by Capt. Isaac Jones, a wicked Tory, where a great many British officers go from Boston to his house.
"Here I left the negro and proceeded on my way one mile; found the road hilly, stony and crooked. Came to Smith's tavern, where two teamsters were tackling their teams. I asked them if they knew of any one who wanted to hire. One of them answered and said he did not know of any body who wanted to hire Englishmen, for they believed I was an Englishman. I asked them what reason they had for thinking so. They said I looked like them rascals they see in Boston. Here I wished myself at Capt. Jones', but to start off then I thought it would not do. So I walked into the house, called for some rum and molasses. One of them followed me in, and told the landlord he guessed I was a British spy. The landlord then questioned me very
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closely, where I was from and where I was going. I told him I was going to Springfield to work at the gunsmithing business as I understood arms were very much wanted, but I should like to work a few days to get money to bear my expenses. The landlord told me he believed Capt. Jones would hire me.
"I asked him where he lived, he said about half a mile above and kept tavern at the sign of the Golden Ball. This seemed to pacify the teamsters. I now went on to Capt. Jones'; here I handed him a letter from Gen. Gage. After perusing it, he took me by the hand, and invited me up stairs. There I made him acquainted with all that had taken place from Boston here, it being fourteen miles. He informed me it would not do for me to stay over night, for his house would be mobbed and I should be taken. Here I got some dinner, then he said he would send his hired man with me to the house of one Wheaton in a remote part of the town where I must remain till he sent for me.
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