USA > Massachusetts > Worcester County > Worcester county; a narrative history, Volume I > Part 7
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"The number of the Indians of that day hardly amounted to 30,000 in all New England west of the St. Croix. Of these, perhaps about 5,000 dwelt in the territory of Maine; New Hampshire may have hardly contained 3,000; and Massachusetts, with Plymouth, never from the first peopled by many Indians, seems to have had less than 8,000. In Connecticut and Rhode Island, never depopulated by wasting sickness, the Mohegans, the Narragansetts and the Pokanokets, and kindred tribes, had multiplied their villages round the sea-shore, the inlets and the larger ponds, which increased their scanty sup- plies by furnishing abundance of fish.
"Yet, of these, exaggerated estimates melt away when subjected to criti- cism. To Connecticut, rumor, in the days of the elder Winthrop, gave three or four thousand warrior Indians; and there may have been half of the larger number. The Narragansetts, like so many other tribes, boasted of their former grandeur, but they could not bring into action a thousand bowmen. Thus, therefore, west of the Piscataqua, there were probably about 50,000 whites and 25,000 Indians; while east of the same stream, there were about 4,000 whites, and perhaps more than that number of red men."
Massasoit and His Sons-Massasoit, chief sachem of the Poconokets, was the friend of the Pilgrims. His friendship took practical form. His people went to the aid of the Colony in time of famine. They were the teachers of the tenderfoot settlers in the primitive methods of agriculture which alone were adapted to the initial opening of the wilderness, and in the woodsman's art, including the hunting and snaring of game. The settlers' seed corn came from Massasoit's people. Their debt to the Indians was a large one, and they realized it and were duly thankful. During the lifetime of Massasoit white men and red men lived as friendly neighbors.
Three months after the landing of the Pilgrims on Plymouth Rock, in 1620, Massasoit presented himself in their settlement and entered upon a
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league with them, which was in effect an offensive and defensive treaty. By its provisions, Massasoit would make no attack upon the Colony, and "if any did unjustly war against him, they should aid him; and if any did war against them, he should aid them." Ten years later he brought with him his two young sons, Alexander and Philip, "desiring that there might be love and amity after his death, between his sons and them, as there had been betwixt himself and them in former times."
One bitter thought rankled with the good Pilgrims. The sachem would never permit them to make an attempt to bring his tribesmen into their reli- gious fold. Their missionary zeal was frustrated again and again as a con- temporary writer put it: "It is very remarkable that this Massasoit, how much soever he affected the English but would in his treaty with his neigh- bors at Plymouth have had them engage never to attempt to drawn away any of the people from their Pagan superstition and devilish idolatry to the Chris- tian religion. This was a bad omen."
Alexander, however, succeeding to the leadership upon the death of his father, probably early in 1661, inherited none of this kindly regard for Eng- lishmen. He renewed the treaty, but must have signed it with his tongue in his cheek. But his chieftainship was a short one. In the late summer of 1661 word reached the English authorities that his actions were unfriendly, and officials were sent to apprehend him and bring him to Boston, to answer charges lodged against him. He was found in a lodge where with some fol- lowers he was resting after hunting, and was placed under arrest. The jour- ney to Boston had hardly begun when he became violently ill, and begged to be permitted to return home. The prayer was granted, but he died of his ailment almost immediately. The rumor spread that he had been killed by the English- men. The charge, of course, was groundless, but the Indians believed it, including his widow, the squaw sachem, Weetamoo, Queen of Pocassett, sister-in-law of Philip, and a power in her own right.
Philip succeeded his brother, and with the office of sachem took over all of Alexander's hatred and distrust of the English. He, too, renewed the offensive and defensive treaty framed by Massasoit, but only when, in 1662, he was ordered to report at Plymouth and do so. The years passed by, and the sachem's plot was born. "In 1671, the Devil who was a murderer from the beginning had so filled the heart of this savage miscreant with envy and malice against the English that he was ready to break into open war against the inhabitants of Plymouth, protesting some petite injuries done to him in planting land."
He was hailed before the magistrates at Taunton and charged with con- spiring. The upshot of it was, he signed a remarkable confession and agree- ment, which stands as an example of the kind of document to which the
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sachems occasionally became parties. It is absurd, naturally, to imagine the haughty Philip agreeing in his heart to any such contract as the following : "TAUNTON, APRIL IOTH, 1671.
"WHEREAS my father, my brother and myself, have formally submitted ourselves and our people unto the Kings Majesty of England, and to the Colony of New Plymouth by solemn covenant under our hand; but I having of late through my indiscretion, and the naughtiness of my heart, violated and broken this my covenant with my friends, by taking up arms, with evil intent against them and that groundlessly; I now being deeply sensible of my unfaithfulness and my folly, so desire at this time solemnly to renew my covenant with my ancient friends, and my father's friends above mentioned, and do desire that this may testify to the world against me if ever I shall again fail in my faithfulness towards them (that I have now and at times found so kind to me) or any other of the English colonies ; and as a real pledge of my true intensions for the future to be faithful and friendly, I do freely engage to resign up unto the government of New Plymouth all my English arms, to be kept by them for their security so long as they shall see reason."
So they took from Philip his English arms, for which he had paid his money, and he departed. One can imagine the raging tumult in his proud breast, and his avid thirst for revenge. From his point of view, he had been coerced, insulted, humiliated and robbed.
Philip, as sachem of the Poconokets, was chief of a group of tribes, com- prising the Wampanoags, Pawtuxets, Namaskets and others which were estab- lished in the territory of the Plymouth Colony. The name Poconokets is a comprehensive one, signifying "those of the cleared land country." The Indian liked names descriptive of places. Early in his plotting he had enlisted the aid of Weetamoo of Pocassett, who soon afterward became the wife of Quennapin, a Narragansett sachem, who stood high in the councils of Canonchet. His principal allies were the Nipmucks and the Narragansetts. Canonchet and his counsellors probably were easily won over. The Narra- gansetts had lived in friendship with the Poconokets for years and Roger Williams, founder of the Rhode Island Colony, had deemed it to the advan- tage of the English to foster this union of interests.
More important, still, the Narragansetts had never forgiven the English for their share in the death of their old chief, Miantonomo. Their hereditary enemies, the Mohegans of Connecticut, had taken sides with the English in the Pequod War, and had rendered them great services, particularly in the final battle which destroyed the power of that savage people.
At the insistence of the Colonial Confederation, the Mohegans and Narra- gansetts had pledged themselves not to engage in war between themselves, without first laying their quarrel before the English officials. Uncas, sachem of the Mohegans, was an able man, and as sly and cunning as they make them.
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Drake, in his edition of Hubbard's "Indian Wars" declares "there is no more detestable character in all Indian history." He succeeded in convincing the Confederation that Miantonomo was plotting not only against the Mohegans but against the English as well, and made charges to that effect. So the Narragansett sachem was summoned to Boston to appear before the court and make answer.
Winthrop in his journal says that when Miantonomo was arraigned, none of his accusers appeared, and he was told by the court that it did not know who his accusers were. He then demanded why he had been summoned to Boston, so much to his detriment, and showed that the grounds for so doing rested solely on false reports instigated by Uncas.
"Where is Uncas?" he demanded. "Why is not my accuser here? I am ready to prove his treachery to his face. I am not afraid to see the faces of the English, though I was told that if I came to Boston I would be put to death. I fear nothing, for I have not wronged the English."
The Massachusetts members of the court were satisfied of his innocence, but the Connecticut judges, whose people depended much upon the good will of the Mohegans, insisted upon a conviction. So he was declared guilty, but, however, was permitted to return home.
In the same year war broke out between the Narragansetts and Mohegans and Miantonomo was made a prisoner. Uncas demanded from the Confedera- tion permission to kill his enemy, and the plea was granted, "it being justly feared that there never would be any firm peace, either between the English and Narragansetts or the Narragansetts and the Mohegans, while Miantonomo was left alive." So Uncas chopped off his head.
The Narragansetts were furious at this act of the English. They threat- ened to rise against the whites, but a display of force and the memory of the fate of the Pequods persuaded them to desist. But their resentment smoul- dered hotly. The Indians had long memories, and twenty years later when Philip laid his plan before the sagamores they were not difficult to convince. Canonchet, their chief, son of Miantonomo, must have been only too eager for the opportunity to avenge at last his father's ignominious end.
But the Narragansetts did not jump immediately into the fray. They harbored Philip's non-combatants, and probably their young braves joined in some of the war parties. But as a nation they stayed out of it, until the English forced their hand. But the Nipmucks were up and doing the minute messengers reached them, telling that war was on.
John Sausaman, educated at Harvard, a Praying Indian employed as a school teacher at John Eliot's Natick village, was the direct cause of bringing matters to a climax. He committed some offense against Eliot, and fled to Philip at Mount Hope. He became the sachem's friend and confidant and was his secretary. He was with Philip in that capacity in 1662, when the sachem
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renewed his father's compact with the Plymouth Colony. But Sausaman's Christian conscience got the better of him, or perhaps he pined for the com- forts of Natick, and he sought the apostle's forgiveness and was taken back into the fold.
In 1671 he had occasion to visit the Plymouth country, probably on a fishing trip, and ran across some of the Poconokets, and finally met Philip himself. Apparently they got to talking over old times, and present condi- tions, and Philip may have aired his grievances to his old friend. Anyhow, Sausaman learned of the Indian conspiracy, and lost no time in communicating the facts to the governor of Plymouth.
This was black treachery, from the Indian viewpoint, and to square mat- ters, a trio of Philip's men waylaid the teacher on the ice of Assawomset Pond in Middleboro, beat him to death, and placed his body under the ice, so that should it be found, it would appear that he had broken through and drowned. But murder will out. The crime was detected, the murderers apprehended, and the trio executed. Whereupon a party of young Poconoket warriors fell upon Swansea and killed several men. The war cloud burst.
The Confederated Colonies struck hard and without delay. The Poconokets were completely demoralized. The plunge into war was too sudden for them. They did not know which way to turn. Many of them rushed to join Philip. Many others were at first inclined to stand by the English. The attack on Swansea was on June 24. Captain Moseley's company started immediately for Mount Hope, hoping to meet Philip and his warriors. They found field after field of growing corn, and the wigwams, but the sachem and his people had disappeared.
After some skirmishing, word came that the fugitives were in the great Pocasset swamp. Moseley followed, and, reinforced, surrounded the place. But Philip and a hundred warriors escaped over the flats at the night's low tide, taking with them many of their women and children. Many others were left behind, to fall into the hands of the whites. Two days later, at Rehoboth, the fleeing Poconokets encountered a strong war party of Mohegans led by Oneko, son of Uncas, and a force of Natick Indians, and were badly defeated, losing, among others, Philip's trusted counselor, Nimrod.
But the remnant of Philip's band succeeded in effecting a retreat. They were without adequate food supply, and were burdened with the women and children. Nevertheless, taking to the old Providence trail, they reached Qua- baug Old Fort in Brookfield on August 5.
According to the narrative of George Memicho, a Christian Indian cap- tured in the Quabaug fighting, and a prisoner in the camp, Philip "brought with him about forty men, but women and children many more, the number I cannot tell. Philip's men were thirty of them armed with guns, the rest with bows and arrows. About ten of them were wounded. He gave to each of the
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sachems about a peck of unstrung wampum. Philip, as I understood, told Quabaug and Nipmuck Indians that when he first came toward the Nipmuck Country and left his own, he had in his company about two hundred and fifty men, besides women and children, including the squaw sachem (Weetamoo) and her company, and now they had left him and some of them were killed." .
The war of 1675-76 is known in history as King Philip's War, and so it was in its inception and plan. But from the day of his flight from Pocasset swamp, Philip was not the commander-in-chief, nor the leading spirit, nor is there evidence that he took part in any assault or battle, although he was pres- ent at the sacking of Lancaster. "He abated nothing of haughtiness, and malice, and artful designs, and intrigue," according to Temple, "but the wise in counsel and the leaders in battle, were the Quabaugs, the Nashaways and the Nipnets."
Another writer aptly puts it: "The fear of the colonists, indeed, made Philip the omnipresent arch-fiend who planned each cunning ambush, ordered each bloody massacre, and directed every incendiary torch; the foremost in every attack, the most daring of his race. But the evidence of history fails to sustain these assumptions."
CHAPTER VI.
The War in Worcester County
At the outbreak of King Philip's War, Lancaster had about 350 people, Mendon had thirty-four families, Brookfield twenty, and Worcester ten. Reckoning five to a family, and including the few Marlboro settlers whose habitations were within the present borders of the county, the total white population was in the vicinity of 700. They could not have been located more unfortunately in the event of Indian troubles. Not only were they far beyond the frontier of safe territory, and far removed from immediate suc- cor from the established settlements as well as from one another, but the Nipmuck Country formed the one corridor left open to the southern tribes in their retreat from the enemies which hemmed them in. To the east and northward were the English, to the west the Mohegans.
After the defeat of King Philip's forces in the summer of 1675, and of the Narragansetts at the Great Swamp Fight the following winter, the only avenue over which they could flee was to the northwestward, up the Black- stone and Quinebaug valleys and the highlands adjoining them, which led them into Central Massachusetts. In spite of the heavy losses which they had sustained by death and capture and desertion, hundreds of warriors, ugly and revengeful, with their women and children, were wandering over the country. Besides the attacks on the settlements, there were various engage- ments between them and the English company, which were sent out to capture or destroy them.
The first blood was shed at Mendon. On July 14, a war party of Nip- mucks, led by Matoonas, a Praying Indian and a rascal, attacked men work- ing in the fields and killed five of them. Later the wife and child of Mat- thias Puffer were murdered, and there may have been others. No records remain to tell the story in its completeness. The inhabitants were taken completely by surprise. They had not the slightest suspicion that their red neighbors were unfriendly.
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They communicated their predicament to the authorities at Boston and tried to persuade them to move the Hassanamisco Praying Indians to Men- don, together with their arms and supplies, and organize the place for defense. The request was refused because of a growing distrust of all Indians, Chris- tian as well as Pagan. As applied to the seven new Praying Towns of Wor- cester County this suspicion was well founded. Nor were the Indians of Hassanamisco wholly to be relied upon. Even James Printer, who set the type of the Indian Bible, reverted to type, and escaped execution at the end of the war only because of his promised usefulness to the Colony.
Instead, a garrison was established and soldiers made Mendon a base from which to raid the Indian villages. The Colonial Council ordered "that the people should not remove from the place without leave, and that those who that have done so should immediately return." But neither the presence of the soldiers nor the command of the Council could prevail over the anxious dread of the Indians, and before the end of the year the settlement was com- pletely deserted. The savages promptly burned their buildings.
The Massachusetts authorities, informed of Philip's warlike intentions, on June 13 dispatched an embassy to the Nipmucks and Quaboags to discover their state of mind, and if possible prevent an alliance between them and the Poconoket sachem. They visited the whole line of Indian villages, includ- ing the Praying towns, and found no signs of dissatisfaction or hostility. Each willingly entered into a treaty satisfactory to the English officials, the sachems pledging themselves to give no assistance to Philip, but to hold them- selves subject to the Bay Colony. Here is a sample of what transpired at the several Councils :
"The Ruler of Quaboag being examined by us where his men were; he said that they were at home. Then we asked him whether there were none of them gone to help King Philip to fight against the English at Plymouth. He said No; and neither would he help him, for he has been false to him already, and therefore 'I will not help him; but I will continue unto the Eng- lish of the Massachusetts Colony; neither will I suffer any of my men to go to help him ; and in confirmation of the same I do set my hand.'
"June 25, 1675."
The sachems were lying, of course. They were already in league with Philip. Black James of Chaubungungamaug, chief constable of the seven Worcester County Praying Towns; Konkewasco of Quaboag, and Sagamore John of Pakachoag were among those who ambushed the English troop of horse at Wenimesset a few weeks later, and were leaders in the Brookfield fighting. Only the day before the signing of the Quabaug treaty the attack had been made at Swansea. Yet the villages had planted their corn as usual,
Wor .- 5
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and were living their usual existence. It is likely that swift runners were already on the trail from Mount Hope, carrying the message, which trans- lates aptly into modern slang-"the beans had been spilled." Evidently it required only such a word to call the warriors of the Nipmuck Country to arms. It was unexpected, but they were ready.
The Governor and Council were not convinced by the report of the mes- sengers to the tribes. They were suspicious. They must have learned of what was happening in Rhode Island. Therefore they sent for Ephraim Curtis of Sudbury, the same who is known as Worcester's first settler. He had a wide acquaintance among the Indians, and was a skillful scout. They instructed him to proceed into the Nipmuck Country "to make a perfect dis- covery of the motions of the Nipmug or western Indians." Upon his return from an adventurous journey, he presented to the Chief Magistrate what he entitled his "Return and Relation," dated July 16, 1675. It is an accurate picture of the ferment into which the Nipmuck tribes were thrown. Not only was he a good scout, but he wrote a good story, as follows :
"In my journey my chief endeavor was to inquire after the motions of the Indians. The first information which I had was that my house at Quin- sigamond was robbed. The Indians to confirm it showed me some of the goods ; and also some other goods which was none of mine. They told me it was very dangerous for me to go into the woods, for that Mattoonas which they said was the leader of them that robbed my house was in company with fifty of Phillip's accomplices ranging between Chaubungungamaug and Quanteseck and Mendon and Warwick, and they might happen to meet me; and if I missed them, yet it was dangerous to meet or see the other Nipmuk Indians which were gathered together, for they would be ready to shoot me as soon as they saw me.
"With this news those three Natick Indians which were with me as volun- teers, were discouraged, and told me that if I did not provide more company, they were not willing to go with me. Hearing this, I repaired to the constable at Marlboro and to the military officers and they pressed two men with horses and arms to go along with me. And so as we passed Hassanamet we could not find any Indians, neither in tents nor fields. But after we passed Seneck- sik some miles into the woods westward we found an Indian path newly made. There was with me a volunteer Indian that came from the Indians out of the wilderness but two or three days before, and he told me he would find them out. So in our travel we followed this track many miles, and found many tents built wherein I suppose they might keep the rendezvous for a day or two. And so we found three places where they had pitched, but found no Indians.
"And following still in pursuit of the track we came to the lead mines by Springfield old road (Sturbridge), where we saw new footing of Indians.
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And so looking out sharp, in about two miles riding we saw two Indians, which when we saw, I sent the Indian that went with me from Marlboro to speak with them. But so soon as they had discovered us, they ran away from us. But with fast riding and much calling two of our Indians stopped one of them. The other ran away. We asked this Indian where the other Indians were. He being surprised with fear could scarcely speak to us, but only told us that the Indians were but a little way from us. So I sent the Marlboro Indian before to tell them that the Governor of Massachusetts, his messenger, was coming with peaceable words. But when he came to them they would not believe him. He therefore came riding back and met us.
"These Indians have newly begun to settle themselves upon an Island containing about four acres of ground, being compassed round with a broad mirey swamp on the one side, and a muddy river (headwaters of Ware River, the Indian name of which was Wenimesset) with meadow on both sides of it on the other side, and but only one place that a horse could possibly pass, and there with a great deal of difficulty by reason of the mire and dirt. Before we came to the river there met us at least forty Indians at a little dis- tance from the river, some with their guns in their hands ready-cocked and primed. As we came near to the river most of them next to the river pre- sented their guns to us. All my acquaintances would not know me, although I saw near twenty of them together, and asked their welfare, knowing that many of them could speak good English. I spoke to many of them in the Governor's name which I called my Master the Great Sachem of the Massa- chusetts English, requiring them to own the fidelity and engagement to the English, telling them that I came not to fight with them or to hurt them, but as a messenger from the Governor to put them in mind of their engagement to the English. I think some of them did believe me, but the most of them would not.
"There was a very great uproar amongst them. Some of them would have had me and my company presently killed, but many others, as I under- stood afterwards, were against it. I required their sachems to come over the river, but they refused, saying that I must come over to them. My company were something unwilling, for they thought themselves in very great danger, where we were. Then they said: 'What shall we be when we come over the river amongst all the vile rout?' I told them we had better never have seen them than not to speak with their sachems, and if we ran from them in the time of this tumult, they would shoot after us, and kill some of us.
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